South Asia Citizens Wire | 14 September, 2005
[1] Pakistan: - In the name of blasphemy (Editorial, Dawn) - Public vandalism of blasphemy cases (Editorial, Daily Times) [2] Sri-Lanka: Achieving Legitimacy with Accountability 'Peace-building and Reconstruction Monitor' [3] India: Hope amidst fear and hate (Harsh Mander) [4] India: 'Women didn't receive rights without struggle' (Bina Agarwal) [5] India: Far Right at Work ! - Saffron brigade targets college freshers' parties - Madhya Pradesh lifts ban on trishuls [tridents], VHP welcomes the move - Now, VHP targets diamond merchants [6] India: Upcoming events (i) 2nd National Convention on The Right To Food & Work (Calcutta, 18th - 20th November, 2005) (ii) National Consultation on Urban Development Planning and Space For The Poor (Bombay, October 15,16 2005) [7] Publication Announcements: - Insaf Bulletin [41] September, 2005 - Peace Now Journal of India's Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace 60th anniversary of Hiroshima and Nagasaki Special Issue, 2005 ______ [1] Dawn 13 September 2005 - Editorial IN THE NAME OF BLASPHEMY A POLICE post in Sargodha was torched on Saturday by an angry mob of over 3,000 people who believed that the police officer in-charge desecrated the Holy Quran. The mob, whipped into a frenzy by announcements made on a few local mosques loudspeakers, took the matter into their own hands. In another development, 500 Christian families are reported to have fled Amer Sidhu to safety after a Christian man was charged with blasphemy. Despite some efforts to urge calm, no one was able to control the Sargodha crowd's anger. The police, usually silent spectators on such occasions, shifted the alleged blasphemer to a prison, unable to offer him protection at the police lock-up. This is the sad state of affairs in the country where no one, including those meant to uphold the law, are safe from mob frenzy whipped on some pretext or the other. Far too many innocent lives have been lost as a consequence of baseless allegations and nothing is being done to stop the menace. Earlier this year, a man was lynched by a mob in Nowshera and months later a temple ransacked in the same place; both times crowd frenzy led to horrific results. In the Sargodha case, the policeman conducting a raid was charged with pushing a woman holding the Quran which fell on the ground with her; hence the desecration charge. The matter needs to be investigated to determine the veracity of the allegation. If religious leaders incited mobs into taking the law into their own hands - which they did when they set the police post on fire - they should be charged for inciting mob violence. Baseless charges of blasphemy are often made to settle personal scores or to persecute minorities and should be dealt with firmly to discourage such abuses. o o o Daily Times 13 September 2005 EDITORIAL: Public vandalism of blasphemy cases According to reports, nearly 50 Christian families have fled Waheed Park in Amar Sadhu, Lahore, fearing a backlash from the local Muslim community after a Christian was arrested and charged with blasphemy. Younis Masih was supposed to have made derogatory remarks about Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) at a qawwali arranged by another Christian. To the credit of the Christian community, it punished the man and demanded an apology from him. When he resisted, he was given a thrashing. On the insistence of the local Muslim community a case was registered against him at the local police station. Some 200 Muslim protestors carrying sticks surrounded the police station till they were shown copies of the FIR. Blasphemy is a non-bailable offence. The next day, the Christian families began to leave the Waheed Park area. The Muslims gave them repeated assurances of safety but they wouldn't believe them, especially after some Muslims attacked and damaged Younis Masih's house and since the leaders who talked peace to the Christians also added that "if the police try to hush up the investigation, we will not keep quiet". The police sent the accused to Kot Lakhpat jail on Sunday because "he would not have been safe in the lock-up at the police station". Now comes the ugly part: Younis's wife appeared at the police station in tattered clothes saying a group of Muslims looking for her husband had given her a beating. This tells us why the Christians, even after having done their duty under the law, did not trust the state (police) and felt unsafe. The same day a violent mob in Sargodha set a police post on fire after a sub-inspector allegedly hit a two-month-old baby and desecrated the Quran. The SI allegedly "tortured" the two-month-old baby during the investigation of a case, then promptly threw to the floor a copy of the Quran the accused had brought out. The district police officer stated that the ASI had neither tortured the baby nor desecrated the Quran, but no one was prepared to listen. Sixty-four people, angered by the "desecration", burnt the police post to the ground. Blasphemy and desecration have made people's lives miserable in Punjab. It seems as if the nation has no other occupation but burning and destroying property after hearing rumours of desecration and blasphemy. Some "miscreants" threw a copy of the Quran in the toilet of an Ahle Hadith mosque near the Tablighi Jamaat headquarters in Raiwind near Lahore. The clerics raised a hue and cry, but what did they get? A mob blocked the traffic hub of the area, beating up innocent travellers. The protest spilled into the next day and this time the mob stopped the trains, smashed their windows and wounded the passengers. They also stoned the cars passing on the Raiwind Road. According to one report, "The mob was greatly strengthened when the local MMA leadership gave a call and got its followers to join it." Vandalism has become a reflex action to news of desecration and blasphemy. (Desecration of the Quran can be "interpreted" as blasphemy because the Quran contains the Prophet's (PBUH) name.) If you want to settle scores with someone, all you have to do is plant a torn page of the Quran in front of his house. From the poor quack of Gujranwala to our famous social worker, the late Akhtar Hameed Khan in Karachi a decade ago, the law has been consistently abused. In the Sargodha case stated above, the family being investigated used it most effectively to scare the police away. Now the investigation is not focused on the crime committed by a citizen but the blasphemy committed by the police! If India's RAW wants to stage terrorism in Pakistan all it has to do is desecrate the Quran in dozens of places to get the entire country vandalised by its own citizens, like Imran Khan got a number of youths in Afghanistan killed by telling them that the Quran had been desecrated at the Guantanamo Bay prison. There was a time when the state covered its face with blood with such heinous laws. Politicians seeking popularity through piety toughened up the Penal Code so that an accused couldn't get out of blasphemy without being killed. No one has been hanged for blasphemy but hundreds have lost seven to eight years of their lives on death row till the Supreme Court heard their cases and let them go. Today, as the state gets scared of what all this will lead to, the society has taken on the job of fingering the blasphemer and the desecrator. Semi-literate clerics are invited on-screen for a small amount of fee to issue mini-fatwas on every little thing under the sun. These "rulings" are narrow-minded in the extreme and show Islam as an intolerant and violent religion. These "on-line" fatwa factories (one actually run by a federal state minister) are money-spinners for the TV channels, but they are brainwashing the nation into a colossal vandalising mob. * ______ [2] Sri-Lanka: Achieving Legitimacy with Accountability 'Peace-building and Reconstruction Monitor' This is the third in a series of monitors on the politics of peace and reconstruction by a group of Sri Lanka Democracy Forum (SLDF) activists. In this monitor we review the sixteenth volume of Conciliation Resources's Accord Series "Choosing to Engage; Armed Groups and Peace Processes." These documents are meant for discussion and to further develop the analysis of SLDF and SLDF's partners, and do not necessarily reflect the position of SLDF. In Solidarity, SLDF [ available at: www.sacw.net/peace/PeaceMonitor3.doc ] ______ [3] The Times of India September 13, 2005 HOPE AMIDST FEAR AND HATE Harsh Mander There are many villages in Gujarat today that have proudly been cleansed fully of their erstwhile Muslim residents. Gaily painted boards greet you at the entrance of these villages, in ominous greeting: 'Welcome to this Hindu village in the Hindu Rashtra of Gujarat'. These are villages where Muslim residents are too terrified to return home even today. In one such village, Moghri, in the outskirts of Kheda, around 90 Muslim families lived for generations before 2002. In the tempest of hate in 2002, they were driven out destitute and in terror, never to return. Most families owned agricultural land; some were tailors, farm workers, shopkeepers, artisans or small businessmen and traders. The homes were torched of those families who owned these properties. For tenants of Hindu house-owners, the houses were systematically spared, but their properties were looted and burnt. n the months that followed, some attempted sporadically and fearfully to return to their ravaged homes and lands, but village elders and youth told them that they were unwelcome and that their security could not be assured. They warned them that the first condition if anyone still wanted to return to the village of their birth was that they would have to refuse to give evidence in any police investigation or court trial into the mass crimes of 2002. Only one timid resident agreed to these humiliating terms. He filed no case, refused to name his tormentors to policemen and magistrates. Eighteen months after the massacre, the village elders of Moghri village agreed to permit his homecoming. He hired a truck and returned with his family to what remained of his home. Two days later, he fled in terror, after a mob of village youth gathered outside his home, threatening to set his home on fire once again. He pleaded that he had given no evidence against them, but they demanded that he should pressurise the entire village into withdrawing their cases. He has bought a home in a settlement with 98% Muslims. He then joined his village brethren to file a complaint before a magistrate against those who threatened him. The villagers have filed a total of eight complaints in the magistrate's courts against the mass crimes of 2002, and four more for the threats that followed. But predictably the police have done little to investigate the crimes. In exile from their village, many live in small tenements in Muslim ghettoes built by Islamic relief organisations. But they are too frightened to cultivate their fields, and the economic boycott robs them of opportunities for wage work. In this sombre, hopeless climate, the stunning victory of the residents of another village, Ghodasar, in the same district, is all the more inspiring. Un- noticed by the media, the humble villagers, mostly farm workers, secured from a police apparatus and lower judiciary the first conviction of life imprisonment against 12 of their attackers. This came within just 20 months of the crime. Investigations by the police began a month and a half after the tragedy in which 14 people were killed, when the victims were still in makeshift relief camps. A delegation of village elders visited them to say that if they wish to return to their village, they must refuse to give evidence to the police. A meeting of the village residents resolved that they would not trade truth and justice even for the security of returning to their homes. Based on their police statements, arrests started of leading local Hindutva activists, named in their complaints and statements. As the matter reached the district court at Nadiad, alarm spread to the ranks of the attackers. A high level delegation, comprising senior Sangh and VHP leaders and lawyers visited them again to negotiate. This time, not only the threats were held out, but inducements of money were added. But they resolutely refused to bow to the threats and bribes. Not one of 48 witnesses turned hostile or altered their statements in court. The Muslim residents of Ghodasar village then returned to their village. Today, they live in their homes rebuilt by a relief organisation, none threaten them and many have found work once again as farm workers. The pain lingers, but there is no fear in their hearts. The writer is a former IAS officer. _____ [4] Indian Express September 13, 2005 'Women didn't receive rights without struggle' Bina Agarwal,author of A field of her own has been working on inheritance, women's property and land rights since the 1980s. She chaired a 1998 committee initiated by the Rural Employment Ministry to make devolution rules in land tenure laws gender equal. Recently she spearheaded an initiative on a landmark legislation passed in Parliament this session called the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act 2005. She spoke to SONU JAIN on the ramifications of the amendments and the behind-the-scenes activity in the run up to the Act. * Can you explain the major achievements of the 2005 Act? There are at least two major achievements and some smaller ones. First, by deleting Section 4(2) of the 1956 Hindu Succession Act (HSA), the 2005 amendment has removed gender inequalities in the inheritance of agricultural land, and made Hindu women's land rights legally equal to men's across states. Before this, the inheritance of agricultural land was subject to state-level tenurial laws which were highly gender unequal in 6 states - Delhi, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, and Uttar Pradesh. These inequalities adversely affected millions of women. We tend to forget how many women are farmers, critically dependent on agriculture for survival. Second, making daughters, especially married daughters, coparceners in joint family property is of huge importance both economically and symbolically. Economically, it provides women security by giving them birth rights in joint family property that cannot be willed away by fathers. Symbolically, it signals that daughters and sons are equally important members of the parental family. It undercuts the notion that after marriage the daughter belongs only to her husband's family. It creates a permanent link with her parental family. This will enhance women's self-confidence and social worth. * How did the 2004 Hindu Succession Amendment Bill originate? The initial Bill introduced in the Rajya Sabha on 20 Dec 2004 was based on the 174th Law Commission Report. Prior to that report, the Law Commission had sent questionnaires to many individuals and organizations. I also filled one. The questionnaire's responses were progressive, but the Report was quite conservative. For instance, 88% of the respondents wanted abolition of gender discriminatory clauses on agricultural land. The Report's recommendations bypassed this altogether. Again on Mitakshara joint family property, 73% supported abolishing the system, but the Report recommended only that unmarried daughters be made coparceners. Although the 2004 Bill reflected the current government's commitment to enhancing gender equality, it did not go beyond the Law Commission's recommendations, and fell far short of equality. * What was the problem with the initial draft of the 2004 Bill? While the move for reform was laudable, the amendments proposed left many gender inequalities intact. I argued for the removal of inequalities in agricultural land inheritance, abolishing the Mitakshara joint property system altogether, and partially restricting the right to will away property. But the second best option, if joint family property was retained, was to include married daughters also as coparceners. * What was your involvement in the final shape with its far-reaching consequences? I talked with two NGOs - the Human Rights Law Network and the Housing and Land Rights Network - and we jointly launched a campaign, starting with a nationwide consultation with women's groups, grassroots groups and people involved in land reform, women's rights and human rights. We organised a one day meeting in Delhi in January 2005 at which a draft memorandum I had prepared was discussed, slightly revised and finally endorsed, personally or by email, by 50 organizations and 122 individuals. We submitted the memorandum to the Prime Minister, to Sonia Gandhi, the Law Minister, and the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Law and Justice. We sent copies to every Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha member. In February the Standing Committee invited us to depose before them. The deposition lasted over 2 hours. The chairman, Mr Natchiappan, was very open to my arguments for a comprehensive amendment and especially on agricultural land. I provided followup notes and wrote more letters to Mrs Gandhi. Some lawyers and MPs were also very supportive. The Standing Committee's Report (which drew on many of the arguments in our Memorandum and deposition, as well as on the material and deposition of some national women's organizations, especially AIDWA) is largely the basis for the revised bill passed in Parliament this August. * Would you call this build-up a grassroots movement? A. There is growing grassroots demand for women's land and property rights in India today. Although the process of comprehensively amending the 1956 HSA was initiated largely by individuals and groups in Delhi, the endorsement and support of grassroots groups from across the country was absolutely critical for the impact of our demands. This is not unusual historically. Even for the 1956 HSA, women's groups and individuals lobbied widely. Women did not receive these rights without struggle. * What major amendments preceded this one? Before this, five states amended the HSA. First Kerala abolished joint family property altogether, making the inheritance of all property, including land, equal for sons and daughters. Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Maharashtra followed, but they retained the Mitakshara coparcenary system, making only unmarried daughters coparceners. They left out married daughters and agricultural land. The current amendment, passed as a Central government Act, will also benefit women in these four states. * Are there still some inequalities left? By including daughters as coparceners, the widow's property share will decline. This anomaly would disappear if we abolished the Mitakshara coparcenary altogether. Then all property would go equally to class I heirs, of which the widow is one. Also, given male bias, an implicit inequality arises from the unrestricted right to will. A man can will away everything a woman might get. I feel the right to will should be restricted on at least one-third property so that women are assured some inheritance. In Spain, France and several countries, testamentary freedom is partially restricted. * The main opposition argument is that land fragmentation will increase? What do you think? The fragmentation argument is misleading and can't be applied selectively to women. Even when sons inherit fragmentation can occur. In practice, when sons get a share, most families continue to cultivate jointly. The same can hold for daughters. The unit of ownership need not be the unit of cultivation. And just as sons who migrate to cities retain their land rights, so daughters marrying into another village can maintain their claim and get a share of the harvest from the family, or lease out the land. This would give women some economic security, however small. * What does land mean for women? Owning land has critical implications, not just for women's economic situation, but their political and social empowerment. For instance, in my recent research with a colleague on Kerala, we found that owning a house or land dramatically reduced the risk of marital violence. The incidence of physical violence was as high as 49% among propertyless women, but 18% among landowning women and 7% among those owning both house and land. * Do you foresee opposition to the Amended Act? There will no doubt be opposition in implementation. In fact, the land fragmentation and joint family stability arguments go back to the 1940s when the Hindu Code was being debated. Changing social attitudes takes time. Legal awareness will require a campaign too. But legal reform is also important in and of itself since it reflects our vision of the kind of society we want. ______ [5] HINDUTVA AT WORK ! Sify.com 12 September , 2005 SAFFRON BRIGADE TARGETS COLLEGE FRESHERS' PARTIES By S Sanjay in Bhopal The saffron brigade in the city have found a new target -- freshers' parties -- which they think are against the 'Bharatiya parampara' (Indian Tradition). The new academic session has just begun and the students of various educational institutions are organising freshers' parties, but Bajrang dal and VHP activists disrupt most of these gatherings. These parties are generally organised in hotels and restaurants. In the last few weeks, at least ten freshers' parties of different colleges were called off midway because of violent protests by Bajrang Dal activists. The police were summoned in every case but they preferred to counsel the students to abandon the party. Students say that the objective of the party is to facilitate introduction between the seniors and freshers and to help contain ragging. But the saffron outfits contend that these parties are against the Indian tradition, as girls and boys freely mingle with each other and dance together. "The cops can easily chase away these hoodlums but they are just afraid of taking action against the Bajrang Dal and the VHP activists for fear of retribution from the ruling party," the National Students Union of India alleges. The students, of course, are unhappy. "When my parents do not have any objection to me wearing jeans and in dancing at a party, who are these people to object," asks Sunil Pateria, an engineering student. o o o webindia123.com September 04, 2005 MADHYA PRADESH LIFTS BAN ON TRISHULS, VHP WELCOMES THE MOVE Bhopal/Jabalpur Madhya Pradesh on Sunday lifted a ban on tridents, a move that has heartily been welcomed by the Hindu groups. Scores of activists of various Hindu affiliated organisations took to the streets in Bhopal, celebrating Chief Minister Babu Lal Gaur's announcement of overturning a legislation on the ban, which was imposed by the earlier Congress government three years back. The then chief minister Digvijay Singh had banned the distribution, possession and carrying of tridents in all regions except at religious places. Even there, tridents longer than four inches were not allowed. "Be it religious or non-religious. Tridents have never been used for violence. Even Sikhs use daggers as part of their religion. All these legislations are not required, so we overturned it," said Gaur. Gaur's act came ahead of Vishwa Hindu Parishad's (VHP) trident distribution programme in the evening at Jabalpur by VHP General Secretary Praveen Togadia. "I would like to tell the Congress governments in the states to lift the ban on tridents. Trident distribution and worship would go on everywhere," said Togadia in Jabalpur. Hindu groups have often denounced the ban saying carrying tridents was their fundamental right and meant only for their awakening and morale boosting. Several Hindi heartland states had banned religious articles like tridents, swords and weapons at public meetings to prevent religious tensions. (ANI) o o o o Ahmedabad Newsline - Indian Express August 15, 2005 NOW, VHP TARGETS DIAMOND MERCHANTS TAKES THEM ON 'VAN YATRA' TO SHOW WORK DONE BY EKAL SCHOOLS IN TRIBAL AREAS Soumik Dey Ahmedabad, August 14: To initiate 'Hindu sanskar' and popularise the concept of 'Akhand Bharat' in the tribal areas of Dediapada, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad is now seeking help from diamond merchants. On Sunday, the VHP organised a 'van yatra' here, where it tried to impress upon the prospective donors the work being done by the informal schools of Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation in the area. In a desperate move to ward off missionary activities in the tribal belt of Narmada district, the VHP runs here about 90 such informal schools, where single teachers provide primary education to students for about three months. ''Stress is given on issues like developing 'Hindu sanskars' and taking these values home for their parents,'' said state president of Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation of India, Vijay Pranami. VHP international general secretary Dr Pravin Togadia was also there. ''The initiative of Ekal Vidyalaya is instrumental in creation of capable Hindus in a capable India. Ever since the programme was launched here, missionary activities have reduced. Tribals must adapt to the mainstream while town-bred citizens should learn about the simplicities of life. We are attempting to get more people interested in the initiative and adopt more such villages,'' Togadia said during his visit to Gopalia village in Dediapada taluka. Several delegates from Suart Diamond Merchants Welfare Association visited the village and observed various activities run by the VHP. Industrialists and businessmen from Ankleshwar and Bharuch also accompanied Togadia. VHP activist Swami Onkarnath Giriji called out for support from visiting businessmen and industrialists. ''Give me some money and we will sweep away all ongoing missionary activities of Christians from the area. Hindu dharma is witnessing 'grahan' from the 'Rahu' and 'Ketu' of Christians and Muslims and the traders must not let this happen,'' he said. An office-bearer of Surat Diamond Merchants Welfare Association observed: ''The activities here are quite up to the mark. But this village has already got schools providing primary education under Sarva Siksha Abhiyan. These tribal students will be ultimately admitted to some mainstream schools here. But we appreciate the kind of grounding these schools provide,'' he said. Asked about donations to the VHP projects here, he replied: ''The general body of the association will take a decision on this.'' A BJP leader here said that the 'van yatras' are undertaken post-monsoon to show the lush greenery around to prospective donors. ''The time between August and Navratri is the best season to be here. Visitors from the cities feel good to be here,'' he said. ______ [6] UPCOMING EVENTS (i) IInd NATIONAL CONVENTION On THE RIGHT TO FOOD & WORK 18th - 20th NOVEMBER, 2005, KOLKATA, WEST BENGAL We are happy to inform you that the IInd National Convention on the Right to Food and Work will be held in or near Kolkata from 18th to 20th November 2005 (Friday to Sunday). Details about the venue will be communicated to you as soon as the West Bengal group informs us. Please confirm your participation as well as that of your organization as soon as possible, at one of the two addresses given below. These decisions were taken at a preparatory meeting held in Delhi on 29 August, in continuation of earlier discussions held in Ranchi and further consultations with concerned organisations. The preparatory meeting was attended by Anup Srivastava (HRLN), Anuradha Talwar (PBKMU), Harsh Mander (Special Commissioner of the Supreme Court), Jean Drèze, Kavita Srivastava (PUCL), Navjyoti (RTFC), Reetika Khera, Rekha, Rosamma Thomas, Saurabh Sharma (NCPRI), Shailendre Singh (NAFRE), Subhash Bhatnagar (NCC-USW), Vandana Prasad (JSA). Telephonic confirmation for the date and venue of the convention were also taken from Annie Raja (NFIW), Paul Divakar (NCDHR), Sandeep Pandey (NAPM) and Vinod Raina (BGVS). We were very glad to have the participation of Anuradha Talwar from the West Bengal network on the right to food, as she shared the preparations that had already taken off there. As you are aware, the IInd convention will be a follow-up of the earlier convention held in Bhopal on 11-13 June 2004 and the "Employment Guarantee & Right to Work" convention held in Ranchi on 17-19 June 2005. It was suggested at Ranchi that important issues like Public Distribution System (rural & urban); children's nutrition, protecting existing land ownership and employment be addressed in the next convention. These issues were discussed on 29th August and other issues were added. (i) THEMES AND ISSUES: Themes and issues finally proposed by the steering group for the forthcoming National Convention are as follows: § Public Distribution System; § Children's nutrition; § Implementation of the Employment Guarantee Act, 2004; § Protection of existing land rights and employment; § The connection between the right to information, the right to foodand the right to work; § Systems of redressal; § Legal case updates; § Role of Supreme Court Commissioners and Advisors; § Gender aspects of the right to food. It was also suggested that daylong parallel workshops be organized for these sub-themes so that in-depth discussions and strategies for future action are evolved. Programme Committee: A programme committee is in the process of being formed in consultation with the steering group's organizations. The programme committee is expected to take charge of: (i) Providing a vision for each sub theme; (ii) Preparing a programme schedule and ; (iii) Allocating coordination responsibility and (iv) Identifying groups and experts working on the above stated issues. Any suggestions you may have on the programme can be sent to the secretariat (email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]) until the programme committee is formed. [...] Contacts : Secretariat - Right to Food Campaign : Address: C/o Navjyoti, 257, D.D.A. flats (RPS), Mansarovar Park, Shahdara, Delhi - 110032, Ph: 011- 23510042, Mob: 09350530150, Email: <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>[EMAIL PROTECTED], <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]>[EMAIL PROTECTED] Local contact of West Bengal: Anuradha Talwar: Pashchim Banga Khet Mazdoor Union, Address: 324, Basunagar, P.O. Madhyanagaram, Kolkata, ------ (ii) NATIONAL CONSULTATION ON URBAN DEVELOPMENT PLANNING AND SPACE FOR THE POOR October 15,16 2005 Mumbai Dear Friends, The recent massive demolitions in Mumbai and the struggles all over have brought the issues of displacement & destitutionalisation in the name of urban development and renewal, again to the forefront. This process is not limited to Mumbai alone but has been fast spreading to all other metros, medium cities and towns. The denial of space for the poor and the massive violations of human rights have led to deprivation not only of shelter but also of services and livelihood, which has necessitated an in-depth sharing of ideologies and perspectives, strategy & experience, as well as an alliance building across the country. It is in this context that a NATIONAL CONSULTATION ON 'URBAN DEVELOPMENTAL PLANNING AND SPACE FOR THE POOR' is being organised in Mumbai on the 15th & 16th October 2005. A massive rally of slum dwellers, unorganised workers and urban poor is being planned on October 17th, 2005. The consultation seeks to examine, with a pro-people perspective, experiences of various cities in India with regard to Policies, Laws and Development Plans that have direct implications for Housing, Livelihood and basic services for the urban poor. The meeting is also to evolve strategies for future plan and action. We cordially invite you to participate in this national consultation bringing your valuable knowledgebase and experience to enrich the same. Please block your dates and do spare your valuable time for the consultation. A detailed program schedule will be send latter. A theme paper and selected documents would be furnished to you at the programme. Do plan to bring your publications, booklets, reports, posters, audio-visuals etc detailing your struggle, for exhibition and sale. Please do confirm your participation at the earliest. Second Class sleeper travel can be arranged to those who are in dire need. Do also let us know if you would like anyone else working against urban eviction and disparity, for the rights of urban poor; to be invited to this Consultation. Awaiting your response and active participation. Yours sincerely, Medha Patkar Raju Bhise Dr. Parasuraman Deepika D'souza Dr. Uday Mehta Organised By: National Alliance of Peoples Movements and allies(NAPM) (Youth for Unity and Voluntary Action, Shahar Vikas Manch- Maharashtra, Lokayan- Delhi, Pennurmai Iyakam - Madurai, Street Vendors Association - Jharkhand, Nirbhay Bano Andolan, Hawkers Sangram Committee- West Bengal) Co-organised By: Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Human Rights Law Network, Committee for the Rights of Housing (CRH). NATIONAL CONSULTATION MEET ON URBAN DEVELOPMENTAL PLANNING AND SPACE OF THE POOR Venue: YUVA Centre,Plot 23, Sector 7, Kharghar, Navi Mumbai - 400618 Phone : 022-27560990 / 99 Fax : 27560970 Date: October 15, 16 2005; Rally on 17th Participants are requested to arrive on October 14th evening itself. Please let us know your travel schedule. (When and which train you are coming) _____ [7] PUBLICATION ANNOUNCEMENTS Insaf Bulletin [41] September, 2005 International South Asia Forum Postal address: Box 272, Westmount Stn., QC, Canada H3Z 2T2 http://www.insaf.net o o o Peace Now Journal of India's Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace 60th anniversary of Hiroshima and Nagasaki Special Issue, 2005 http://www.cndpindia.org/peace-now!/PN-hiroshima-spl05.pdf _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/ SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/ Sister initiatives : South Asia Counter Information Project : snipurl.com/sacip South Asians Against Nukes: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org Communalism Watch: communalism.blogspot.com/ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. _______________________________________________ Sacw mailing list [email protected] http://insaf.net/mailman/listinfo/sacw_insaf.net
