South Asia Citizens Wire | 13 April, 2006 | Dispatch No. 2235 [1] WSF in Pakistan (Tariq Ali) + World Social Forum leaves organisers in upbeat mood (News report) [2] An Open Letter to Nepali democrats (Dilip Simeon and Madhu Sarin) + Beginning of the end? (Editorial, The Hindu) [3] India: Forgotten People (Joe Athialy) [4] India: Salt, Dams, Nuke Sites: India's Struggle (J. Sri Raman) [5] India: Bhopal victims step up agitation [6] India - Goa: Sign the Petition Demanding Inquiry Committee Into Sanvordem Violence [7] India - Gujarat: Adivasis: A Cultural Cooption (Ram Puniyani) [8] Upcoming Events: (i) Seminar on Shwe Gas Pipeline Project - Implications on India and Burma (New Delhi, 17-18 April) (ii) "Self Determination Day" (Srinagar, 20 April)
___ [1] ZNet - April 01, 2006 WSF IN PAKISTAN by Tariq Ali While we were opening the World Social Forum in Karachi last weekend with virtuoso performances of sufi music and speeches, the country's rulers were marking the centenary of the Muslim League [the party that created Pakistan and has ever since been passed on from one bunch of rogues to another till now it is in the hands of political pimps who treat it like a bordello] by gifting the organisation to General Pervaiz Musharaf, the country's uniformed ruler. The secular opposition leaders, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, who used to compete with each other to see who could amass more funds while in power, are both in exile. To return home would mean to face arrest for corruption. Neither is in the mood for martyrdom or relinquishing control of their organizations. Meanwhile, the religious parties are happily implementing neo-liberal policies in the North-West Frontier province that is under their control. Incapable of catering to the real needs of the poor they concentrate their fire on women and the godless liberals who defend them. The military is so secure in its rule and the official politicians so useless that 'civil society' is booming. Private TV channels, like NGOs, have mushroomed and most views are permissible (I was interviewed for an hour by one of these on the "fate of the world communist movement") except a frontal assault on religion or the military and its networks that govern the country. If civil society posed any real threat to the elite, the plaudits it receives would rapidly turn to menace. It was, thus, no surprise that the WSF, too, had been permitted and facilitated by the local administration in Karachi. It is now part of the globalized landscape and helps backward rulers feel modern. The event itself was no different from the others. Present are several thousand people, mainly from Pakistan, but with a sprinkling of delegates from India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, South Korea and a few other countries. Absent was any representation from China's burgeoning peasant and workers movements or its critical intelligentsia. Iran, too, was unrepresented as was Malaysia. The Israeli enforcers who run the Jordanian administration harassed a Palestinian delegation. Only a handful of delegates managed to get through the checkpoints and reach Karachi. The huge earthquake in Pakistan last year had disrupted many plans and the organizers were not able to travel and persuade people elsewhere in the continent to come. Otherwise, insisted the organisers, the voices of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo and Fallujah would have been heard. The fact that it happened at all in Pakistan was positive. People here are not used to hearing different voices and views. The Forum enabled many from repressed social layers and minority religions to assemble make their voices heard: persecuted Christians from the Punjab, Hindus from Sind, women from everywhere told heart-rending stories of discrimination and oppression. Present too was a sizeable class-struggle element: peasants fighting against the privatization of military farms in Okara, the fisher-folk from Sind whose livelihoods are under threat and who complained about the great Indus river being diverted to deprive the common people of water they had enjoyed since the beginning of human civilization thousands of years ago, workers from Baluchistan complaining about military brutalities in the region. Teachers who explained how the educational system in the country had virtually ceased to exist. The common people who spoke were articulate, analytical and angry, in polar contrast to the stale rhetoric of Pakistan's political class. Much of what was said was broadcast on radio and television with the main private networks---Geo, Hum and Indus--- vying with each other to ensure blanket coverage. And so the WSF like a big feel-good travelling road show came to Pakistan and went. What will it leave behind? Very little, apart from goodwill and the feeling that it has happened here. For the fact remains the elite dominates that politics in the country. Little else matters. Small radical groups are doing their best, but there is no state-wide organisation or movement that speaks for the dispossessed. The social situation is grim, despite the massaged statistics circulated by the World Bank's Pakistani Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz. The NGOs are no substitute for genuine social and political movements. They may be NGOs in Pakistan but in the global scale they are WGOs (Western Governmental Organizations), their cash-flow conditioned by restricted agendas. It is not that some of them are not doing good work, but the overall effect of this has been to atomize the tiny layer of left and liberal intellectuals. Most of these men and women (those who are not in NGOs are embedded in the private media networks) struggle for their individual NGOs to keep the money coming; petty rivalries assumed exaggerated proportions; politics in the sense of grass-roots organisation is virtually non-existent. The Latin American model as emerging in the victories of Chavez and Morales is a far cry from Mumbai or Karachi. Tariq Ali is author of the recently released Street Fighting Years (new edition) and, with David Barsamian, Speaking of Empires & Resistance. o o o tmcnet.com [March 30, 2006] WORLD SOCIAL FORUM LEAVES ORGANISERS IN UPBEAT MOOD (Gulf News Via Thomson Dialog NewsEdge) Karachi: The six-day World Social Forum ended in Karachi yesterday. Thousands of activists attended the concluding ceremony and a musical concert in which performers sang and danced almost all night to the delight of the cheering crowd. The forum, with peace, democracy and women and workers' rights on its agenda was a huge success, said organisers. "The World Social Forum [WSF] was a success beyond our expectations," said Karamat Ali, one of the main organisers and a senior labour leader. "We were expecting a modest participation, but more than 20,000 delegates participated in the WSF, including 3,000 foreigners," he said. "Though the forum did not pass any resolutions, the organisations and individuals raised several key issues." Farmers, industrial workers, fishermen, human rights and political activists and youngsters from all over the world attended the forum which included more than 400 events. It gave Pakistani leftist groups a platform to air their views. "One of the major achievements of the forum was that for the first time leaders from both sides of Kashmir met and discussed the issue at length," Ali said. Anti-US sentiment dominated the forum where every day participants condemned the American occupation of Iraq. Labour rights, environmental degeneration, and globalisation attracted the most heated debates led mostly by the Indian delegation, which was the biggest with about 700 people. But the biggest winner was Karachi, which is seen as a dangerous place for foreigners because of a string of terrorist attacks and its history of political and religious violence. "My impressions about Karachi have changed," said Marjan Lucas, a delegate from Holland. "It is a very vibrant city with friendly people. The reality is different from whatever is being portrayed in the media." Organisers said despite its anti-establishment agenda, the government went all out to facilitate the event, which would go a long way in building Karachi's image. ____ [2] www.sacw.net - April 5, 2006 > Citizens Action & Ideas for Peace in South Asia http://www.sacw.net/peace/Dilip_Madhu_Apr2006.html AN OPEN LETTER TO NEPALI DEMOCRATS Dear comrades, We are Indians, and supporters of the Nepali people's struggle for democracy. Rather than a bearer of a national identity, we speak as world citizens who believe in the shared values and solidarity of all democratic movements. What we have to say is urgent, because it is painful to observe the agony of the Nepali people, especially the most vulnerable, such as children and the poor. These humble millions are caught in a political storm, whose contenders all claim to speak in the name of 'the people' with little concern about the consequences of their actions on the peoples' lives and livelihood. We are living through an important moment, when a step back from deeply-held positions can bring about far- reaching changes for the better. It is a sign of hope that this seems to be occurring at the present time. Friends, it is clear that the traditional Nepali ruling elites have seized absolute power and continue to maintain this shamelessly, in the face of national and international condemnation. It is also clear that the absolutists will not understand or act upon globally accepted ideals of human liberty, democracy, equality before law and constitutional limits to state power. Despite their slogans hailing the unity of the monarch and the praja, the ruling elite has no concern for the welfare of its own citizens, millions of whom are obliged to work in degrading conditions in India and other countries. International Opinion Except for the US, the dominant powers of the Western alliance and countries such as India, have expressed their scepticism about the intentions of the Nepali monarch or his potential for unifying the polity. Even other autocracies, such as China who had previously supported the monarchy are distancing themselves from its short sighted and politically bankrupt acts. The latest statements of the US ambassador express concern that a Maoist revolution would be a greater danger to the people than an uncaring monarchy, although the evidence indicates that the Royal Nepal Army has killed more innocent civilians than the Maobaadis in the last 10 years. The American administration is motivated by self-interest rather than principle. They are even now in occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq in defiance of international law, and have shown no love for democracy in South Asia where, over the decades they have supported dictators and religious fanatics of all colours. They support democratic movements when and where this suits them, and contemptuously disregard democratic values when it doesn't. Hence, while welcoming the warm words of certain Western leaders and representatives, we should be sceptical of their intentions and the stability of their commitments. In India, a wide range of Indian political opinion supports the cause of democracy in Nepal although there is support for the monarchy among some sections of the army, bureaucracy, the old princely families and the RSS-VHP. However, this letter is not addressed to the Nepali rulers, nor is it an analysis of political opinion with regard to Nepal. It is primarily an appeal to all Nepali democrats, including Maobaadis (who say they have a new commitment to democracy), to recognise the current moment for its great potential. The ruling clique is isolated as never before, nationally and internationally. And the mainstream Nepali democrats have come to an understanding with the Maobaadis, who for their part have stated their support for an elected Constituent Assembly, and the concept of multi-party democracy. The issues are becoming simplified, and the enemies of democracy are becoming isolated. The Opposition The problem remains of overcoming mutual distrust among all the mainstream democrats, of pre-empting the autocratic ambitions of the Nepali Army, and of stopping the bloodshed. As regards the parliamentary opposition, strong political will is needed to maintain a self-critical approach to old ways of thinking and acting, to overcome old animosities, and to maintain a dialogue not only among themselves, but with millions of ordinary Nepalis who want a democratic republic. A new vision is necessary, along with institutional and political preparation for a constitutional order, and fresh initiatives towards these aims - such as ensuring democracy within their own parties, devising a plan of action for the Constituent Assembly, ensuring neutrality, protecting citizens lives, etc. As for the Army generals, one can only hope that some of them have the sense to see that democracy is good for Nepal. There must be many army jawans/soldiers and some officers, who would sympathise with democratic ideals. We must welcome them and address them politically rather than push them away. But above all, democrats must develop the confidence in their own strength, vision and ability to engage with the Maobaadis to ensure that they uphold the alliance. There must be a continuing dialogue with them to encourage them to give up violence. Many Nepalis, while not being Maoists themselves, sympathise with them, participate in their activities, and have ambivalent positions on the question of "people's war". This situation has been brought about by anger and helplessness in the face of a selfish, autocratic and cruel governing authority, with no vehicle to express grievance or seek social justice through peaceful methods. We can understand the origins and force of this anger but we must remember that (apart from the moral issues), if anger is not restrained and harnessed, it becomes a spiral of violent revenge and creates a political system that is the mirror image of one that is overthrown. The pent up emotions and energies of the Nepali people can find a more creative and optimistic expression in non-violent social movements and activities which will serve as the foundation of a democratic state structure. The creation of democratic party structures, mass social and political movements, and democratic civil institutions at district and community levels, are the only foundations for a stable and viable democracy. We may understand Prachanda's anger at the callousness of the absolutist monarchy but we can also understand the fear and scepticism evoked amongst democratic forces in Nepal when he says that he expects a people's court to execute the king. Nepal has abolished the death penalty and has an active and well functioning judiciary. Prachanda's statement will undermine rather than help consolidate the process of democratic unity. The Urge for Peaceful Change We appeal to all of you to think about the strong urge for peace among your fellow Nepalis. People want an end to tyranny, but not at the cost of so much bloodshed and cruelty. To kill a single person, no matter how bad he is, without due process of law, violates democratic principles. We cannot fight for democracy by using anti-democratic procedures, or preaching autocratic values. We cannot complain that the state indulges in extra-judicial killings and then do the same thing ourselves. How can we encourage young revolutionaries to kill not only the soldiers (who are mostly poor people like themselves), but also a taxi-driver who violates a 'bandh', a telephone booth operator who was forced to allow the Army to use his telephone, or ordinary bus passengers, as in Chitwan last year? Is it enough to say, sorry, these are 'accidents' and then expect the victims' near and dear ones to wipe their tears and support the revolution? In late January, at Kathmandu airport, we saw a young working-class Nepali woman see off her husband - maybe he was joining a job in a foreign country. She was weeping silently, and we thought how much more would be her sorrow if he were to be killed in some encounter, some cross-fire, some bandh? Friends, brutality operates in a cycle. The Army and police have been brutal, and the revolutionaries have also been brutal. How does it make any difference to the victims of cruelty that the State has killed 8000 people and the revolutionaries only 4000? Is the pain of their relatives lessened because they died while comrades fought for a good cause? So much accumulated tragedy and pain and tears! Do the Nepali people deserve so much suffering on top of all the tragic consequences of autocratic rule? Organised killing develops autocratic modes of thought and totalitarian politics. It destroys the human conscience, encourages lawlessness and disrespect for human life. The people who survive such a bloody revolution will be emotionally and psychologically damaged people. Precedents will have been set that will endanger the future of democracy. An Appeal to the Comrades Many of the Maobaadis are inspired by pure ideals and sincere beliefs. But unfortunately the politics of violence is a slippery road that can change human character, and transform lofty goals into current nightmares. Democrats need to start a dialogue to bring about lasting democracy in Nepal. If they are far-sighted, the Maobaadis can make a historic contribution to this dialogue. With due respect we must tell Comrade Prachanda and all the comrades: your anger is justified, but your violence is not. Instead of venting your anger in ways that often harm your own citizenry, subjecting them to yet more cruelty, it would be more fruitful to build democratic structures and practices (both within and outside the political parties) which will become the foundations for a future democratic Nepal. Friends, we strongly believe that peace and security and freedom from fear is as much of a popular aspiration as a democratic constitution or improved working conditions. The sooner the comrades realise this, the better it will be for the socialist cause. Violence and cruelty is the language of the exploiters and oppressors - if socialists also use this language, what hope remains for humanity? All kinds of non-violent protests and constructive programmes can be organised. Popular committees could be started in localities to start democratisation even before constitutional change. After all, democracy means not just rule with the consent of the governed, but the participation of the people in governance. We appeal to you to consider this: A PUBLIC DECLARATION BY THE MAOBAADIS THAT THEY WILL STICK TO THEIR DEMANDS BUT WILL GIVE UP VIOLENCE, CAN ELECTRIFY THE SITUATION. This March 8, let us remember the ordinary Russian soldiers of the Tsar's army who refused to shoot women demonstrators on International Women's Day in St Petersburg in 1917. This single incident marked the overthrow of Tsarism and the advent of the Russian Revolution. Comrades! The greatest victory would be for you to prevail over the soldiers and policemen via their conscience rather than through fear. Let us experiment with the revolutionary potential of non-violence. Let us imagine a politics of love, rather than of hate. Once people stop fearing for their lives, and if the comrades demonstrate their sincerity, then fence-sitters (and maybe even elements of the armed forces) will join the ranks of democracy. The constant tension, fear, and enmity will subside and the ordinary people will be encouraged to participate in the historic task of constructing Nepali democracy. With love, best wishes and fraternal regards to all of you Dilip Simeon Madhu Sarin New Delhi March 1, 2006 o o o The Hindu Apr 12, 2006 Editorial BEGINNING OF THE END? The tsunami of protest in Nepal against the brutally unconstitutional rule of King Gyanendra is virtually a rerun of the People's Movement of 1990 - with an important difference. Sixteen years ago, the street protests were directed against the absolute monarchy of his elder brother, King Birendra; they helped usher in a multi-party democracy with a constitutional monarchy. Then, as now, the King used repressive tactics to protect his position, surrendering to the demands of the people only when it became clear that the protestors would not be intimidated into backing off from the palace doors. But King Birendra was a much wiser man than his business-minded brother. He was astute enough to cut his losses by forging a deal with the political parties that ensured the monarchy would continue in a diluted, constitutional form. It helped his case that those spearheading the protests also thought it unwise to do away with the monarchy. That has changed. After five years of King Gyanendra, more and more people in Nepal are questioning the wisdom of holding on even to a constitutional monarchy. The seven-party alliance for the restoration of democracy has acquired a distinct republican hue, to the extent of forging a loose political understanding with the Maoist insurgency whose avowed aim is to abolish the monarchy. The proliferating protests in Nepal despite a vicious Palace crackdown reveal that even those who initially bought the King's promise that he would restore democracy have completely lost faith. King Gyanendra's shenanigans are shown up in stark contrast by the actions of other monarchs in the region. In Thailand, the people revere King Bhumibol Adulyatej; and he protects this status by a studied policy of non-interference in the day-to-day politics of his country. Leaving that to the politicians and steering clear of divisive ambitions, he has carved out for himself a role of such moral authority that in the recent political crisis, all it took was a word from him to make the discredited Thaksin Shinawatra resign as Prime Minister. In Bhutan, a sagacious King Jigme Singye Wangchuk is voluntarily preparing to change from an absolute monarch to a constitutional one. When Gyanendra ascended the Nepal throne on June 4, 2001 after an infamous massacre of the royals (with an unpopular Paras next in the line of succession), he needed badly to establish his credentials. He could have fashioned a role that was constructive for the country's fledgling democracy but has shown himself incapable of anything like that. Notwithstanding an international chorus for "constitutional forces" - meaning the democratic political parties and the monarch - to come together to resolve Nepal's political crisis, it is unlikely that this King will be acceptable to his people even in a constitutionally marginalised role. After all, what is the guarantee that his crude political ambitions will not rise to the top again? ____ [3] The Times of India 11 April, 2006 FORGOTTEN PEOPLE by Joe Athialy India's two best known struggles are waging a battle for justice under the trees of Jantar Mantar in the capital Ð the Narmada dam oustees and Bhopal gas victims. Both have a 20-year history, albeit emerging from different contexts. Having borne the brunt of state brutality and yet remaining non-violent, they have been documented and recognised by the international community. The Bhopal gas tragedy killed more than 7,000 people and injured many within two or three days. In the last 21 years, at least another 15,000 have died and more than 1,00,000 suffer from chronic illnesses caused by exposure to gas. Nobody has been held responsible for the leak till date. The plant site has not been cleaned. As a result, toxic wastes continue to pollute the environment and contaminate water that surrounding communities rely on. In Narmada, the planners considered a geographical area without taking into account the people and environment for making a cascade of dams, starting with Sardar Sarovar at the west end of the river. A considerably good rehabilitation package was prepared and integrated into the law, but never implemented by the states in letter and spirit. In spite of non-violent protests, the dam continued to go up. Emotions in favour of the dam were flared up, sometimes to absurd levels, by the states. It put the lives and livelihoods of over 44,000 families (or nearly 2.25 lakh people) at peril in western parts of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat, according to official figures. As the World Bank review committee noted, another three lakh people still await the magic wand for being recognised as project-affected. The role of the judiciary in these two issues has been disappointing. It dragged proceedings for years, its pronouncements on human rights actually yielding little on the ground. Its refusal to hold people responsible for violations of law encouraged more violations, and cemented the state's conviction that they were not accountable to anyone. Calling Narmada Bachao Andolan Publicity Interest Litigation or Private Inquisitiveness Litigation was totally uncalled for. Bhopal or Narmada, by not being able to translate into significant vote banks, failed to find a meaningful mention in common minimum programmes of parties or political formations. Till a decade back, the Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party lent unstinting support to the dam in their election manifestos in Gujarat. In the case of both the struggles, the Centre and state governments kept passing the buck, frustrating the people. Politicians, once out of power, wholeheartedly supported the struggles. When elected to power, they busied themselves with other things and avoided taking action. In the absence of an active media, these struggles would not have reached out to a large multitude. In the initial days of the struggle, when sting operations were confined to Bollywood movies and TRP ratings did not decide the news, the media had more space and time to report and analyse these issues. It helped generate a debate in civil society about development, human rights and state's responsibilities. But now media would rather devote space and time to details of 'wardrobe malfunction', and heap scorn on these struggles as the very height of all impediments. Hence, the over one lakh families rendered homeless due to demolitions in Mumbai and Delhi, or the hundreds of farmer suicides in many states, do not come under 'breaking news'. Two groups of protestors sitting at a distance of a few metres from each other at Jantar Mantar do not invite much media attention. Nor can they pose any political threat to the government, though they are only a couple of kilometres away from Parliament. Their presence in Delhi with demands for a just rehabilitation speaks volumes for India's human rights record. Unless that record is set straight, talk of 10 per cent growth or the Sensex crossing 11K does not make India developed or, for that matter, even civilised. (The writer is with Amnesty International. Views expressed are personal.) ____ [4] truthout.org 06 April 2006 SALT, DAMS, NUKE SITES: INDIA'S STRUGGLE by J. Sri Raman Today, India is witnessing a re-enactment of an episode of the country's freedom struggle and its most significant and inspiring saga. On this day, 76 years ago, Mahatma Gandhi launched his Salt Satyagraha, to assert the common Indian's right to manufacture his own salt, a right that the British colonial rulers sought to deny. Gandhi's memory and message have now created and catalyzed a movement to protest and resist a post-Independence ban on production and sale of common salt. Today, a 52-year-old woman, social activist Medha Patkar, continues her Gandhian fast in New Delhi's prestigious hospital, the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), amidst administrations of saline water. She is protesting against displacement of thousands of people by a dam project in Gujarat, no less prestigious to the powers-that-be, and to reiterate her endlessly repeated demands for their dignified rehabilitation. Today, it is 18 days since an earthquake of undisclosed intensity shook, if only for a few seconds, an area in India's deep south that harbors a nuclear complex, to which major additions are being made shortly. Feeble voices have been raised over what this means for the people of the region, devastated by the tsunami not long ago, but questions from those concerned have been dismissed with a contempt that they did not deserve. The three apparently disjointed events together serve to illustrate a development strategy that directly threatens the people of India and the cause of peace within the country and in the sub-continent as a whole. The Mahatma's Salt Satyagraha was a conscious and a marvelously creative attempt to put the poor people at the center of the Independence movement. It is a sad irony that, after nearly six decades of independence, the poor salt farmers and salt consumers of India have to fight to protect their right from corporate masters in place of the colonial ones. The ban on non-iodized salt will spell ruin for salt farmers on the shores of Gandhi's Gujarat and elsewhere as well as at least a five-fold increase in the price of salt for the common man. The government and its experts, of course, have not cared to answer any of the questions from critics of the ban. Such as: why this hurry to ban common salt consumed through millennia with no disastrous health consequences when tobacco products suffer no trade restriction, when there is no plan even to consider pleas for controlling sale of pesticides found to be harmful, if only in cases of heavy use? Does lack of iodine alone cause the health disorders that non-iodized salt is blamed for? Is not over-iodized food, too, known to pose health hazards? The government and its experts have cared even less, over two decades, to answer questions over the project to build a network of dams over River Narmada flowing through three states of India - Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat. The main question here has been about the displacement by the dam project of nearly 200,000 people in all. Mostly aboriginals, tribal people, as the mainstream, middle-class India calls them, they had no one to speak up for them until Medha Patkar made their cause hers. Medha's Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save Narmada Movement), or the NBA, has seen many ups and downs in its struggle. But it has scored two major victories. The first was when it succeeded in forcing the World Bank, the original funder of the project, to withdraw. The second victory was the verdict of India's Supreme Court that asked the project authorities to rehabilitate the oustees, as required under approved guidelines, before proceeding with the project by increasing the dam's height. The current NBA protest follows an alleged violation of the court order. The question of dams and development - specially the optimum size of dams from the viewpoint of environmental and economic viability - can be debated endlessly. And it has been. Beyond all debate, however, is the imperative need to ensure the rehabilitation of the displaced, who, in this farm-dependent community, are also the dispossessed. As Arundhaty Roy, vilified even more for defending the displaced than for denouncing India's nuclear bombs, has pointed out, all the data about all the dams built since 1947 (including their dimensions, budgets and envisaged irrigation benefits) are available except in one respect. There is no record - none - of the number of those displaced by the dams, of where these people disappeared to. The famished and feverish Medha made the same point when she whispered to the media, before being whisked away to the hospital: "Perhaps they would not have bothered at all about these people waiting to be drowned (by the heightened dam), if I had not come and sat here (on a fast). It is a sad thought." It was even less surprising when the concerned authorities refused to answer any question about an earthquake that shook an area including Koodankulam, site of a nuclear complex, on March 19. The event was described only as a "mild tremor" in English-language newspapers that cared to cover it at all. Dailies of the local Tamil language described the cracks in houses caused by the quake, but this section of the media has very little influence in India's corridors of power, yet to recover from a colonial hangover. The tsunami devastated the same region, but the disaster was dismissed then as too unusual to warrant a concern about nuclear safety. The tremor of March should have compelled the authorities to wonder if the area could now be considered quake-prone. They, however, could not even be persuaded to disclose the intensity of the tremor. Just as they did not care to allay fears caused by the tsunami havoc in the area of the better-known Kalpakkam nuclear complex, now officially acknowledged as one of "strategic" importance. The People's Movement Against Nuclear Energy, active in the area, has voiced added concern over the plans to build two more nuclear power reactors in Koodankulam. It is being ignored, however, as an odd group out of sync with the times, when India looks forward to a luminous nuclear future as a direct result of the deal with the USA under the George Bush administration. What does a possible nuclear calamity matter, when the deal puts no cap on the nuclear-weapon program either, and keeps alive all those alluring prospects of a deadly arms race in the sub-continent? The three events together illustrate a development strategy that has no place or thought for the defenseless people it threatens. The re-enactment of the Mahatma's salt march, the countrywide response to Medha's fast, and the questions that belie claims of a national consensus over the nuclear issue illustrate something else: determination of the people not to stay silent spectators of the unfolding strategy. A freelance journalist and a peace activist of India, J. Sri Raman is the author of Flashpoint (Common Courage Press, USA). He is a regular contributor to t r u t h o u t. ____ [5] The Hindu April 11, 2006 BHOPAL VICTIMS STEP UP AGITATION Dance of Death: Bhopal gas victims holding a demonstration on Parliament Street in New Delhi on Monday. Photo: S. Subramanium NEW DELHI: Over 400 survivors of the Bhopal gas disaster and their sympathisers who on Monday organised a huge "die in" here, covering themselves in white shrouds and lying on the road while symbolic figures of death danced through the "corpses". The gas victims and their sympathisers, who have been demonstrating here for the last fifteen days, announced that six persons (three survivors and three sympathisers) would go on an indefinite hunger strike from Tuesday. Demonstrators said that though the Ministry of Chemicals had been sympathetic to their demands, it was up to the Prime Minister to clear any decision related to the Bhopal victims. They said the Union Cabinet's approval for the implementation of the Supreme Court orders of 2004 for disbursement of pro-rata additional compensation on a one-to-one basis to the victims did not address their present demands. "This money was long due and a result of an agreement between the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the Central Government that any shortfall in converting the money payable from dollars to rupees would be taken care by the Central Government. It has nothing to with our present demands," said Nityanand Jayaram, environmental activist and writer. In a statement issued on Monday, four organisations, Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Stationery Karmachari Sangh, Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Purush Sangharsh Morcha, Bhopal Group for Information and Action, and Bhopal ki Awaaz cited a 2001 study published by the Madhya Pradesh government's Centre for Rehabilitation Studies that has attributed at least 350 deaths annually to gas-related ailments. ____ [6] PLEASE SIGN PETITION DEMANDING INQUIRY COMMITTEE INTO SANVORDEM VIOLENCE Despite repeated demands, there has been no action by the government to set up an inquiry committee into the violence at Sanvordem and bring the perpetrators to book. The government will respond only when there is a concerted demand from citizens to do so. There is an online petition on the subject at: http://www.PetitionOnline.com/goasan06/petition.html Please go to the URL and sign the petition. Circulate this widely and request people to sign. For additional background on the communal violence in Goa in the month of March 2004, you can download the fact-finding report released by a committee headed by Nandita Haksar, Supreme Court advocate and noted human rights lawyer, from the following URLs: PDF version (with annexures): http://mum1ww1-a.sancharnet.in:83/vgad/brpeace.pdf Plain-text version (without annexures) http://mum1ww1-a.sancharnet.in:83/vgad/brokenpeacerep It is also available at: http://www.goa-india.org/haksar#attachments ____ [7] Issues in Secular Politics April 2006 ADIVASIS: A CULTURAL COOPTION THE FALLOUT OF SHABRI KUMBH IN GUJARAT by Ram Puniyani >From 1987 Sangh (RSS) has activated its offshoot Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA) into higher gear of activity. Adivasis, the most neglected part of society are being wooed through newly devised cultural mechanisms. To begin with Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram used the word Vanvasi, instead of the correct nomenclature, Adivasi. The claim put forward by Hindutva is that these are parts of Hindu society who went to jungles to escape the conversion by Muslim kings. Due to their long stay in jungles they became untouchables and drifted away from the fold of Hindu society. This assertion kills many birds in one stone. On one side it tries to project that despite Aryans coming here from outside, Arctic zone, are not foreigners like the Muslims and Christians. Then aggressiveness of Muslim Kings is restated and the inner cruelty of Brahminical Hinduism is hidden as Adivasi 'problem' is projected to be coming from outside. A shifting of the 'blame' of inner ills to outside forces! Another aim achieved through this formulation is to bring Adivasis to Hindu fold and claim that its not a conversion but mere Ghar Vapasi, returning home, of these wretched of the earth. At the same time for the political project of intimidating the Christian missionaries working in the villages a ground is prepared to attack them as foreigners. The forays of Sangh in Adivasi areas intensified from mid eighties when it was realized that by directly attacking dalits, the way they were attacked in 1980 and 1986 in Gujarat through caste violence, will be counterproductive at electoral level. The strategy evolved was to 'use' them as foot soldiers against Muslim minorities. At the same time electoral arithmetic brought to their attention this substantial chunk of population of Adivasis trying to come up through modern education and thereby disturbing the status quo, prevalent in the far off villages. Its here that the Christian missionaries were perceived as a big threat to the project of Sangh, which wants to maintain status quo vis a vis Adivasis dalits and women. Through the network of schools spread in the far off areas these Missionaries, whatever be their own motives, were instrumental in getting a section of Adivasis empowered and in the process the upper caste affluent base of Sangh was getting jittery. The posting of RSS volunteers into the forest work was very systematic. Apart from attacking the Christian missionaries as foreigners the Ghar vapasi was brought in at a big scale in all the Adiviasi areas scattered from Gujarat to MP to Orissa. Around this time many a swamis, descended in these areas, Lakkhanand in Phulbani area, Aseemanand in Dangs, Asaram disciples in Jhabau and many other such efforts were unleashed. In Adivasi areas they resorted to intimidation, you are Hindus, Hindu rituals are like this and so these have to part of your life. Dilip Singh Judeo, of the 'God is money' fame, of Chattisgarhg, had the record number of Adiviasis converted in to Hinduism by newly devised baptizing techniques. At the same time Hanuman was popularized as the God in this area and lately Shabri, the destitute women who had the privilege of offering wild berries to Lord Ram is being projected as the Goddess of Adivasis. The cultural symbolism cannot be missed in the selection of these deities. Hanuman was the unquestioning devotee of Lord Ram, with muscular power as the main virtue. He is capable of flying while carrying a huge mountain. But all the more he is carrying the mountain because he cannot identify the herb needed for treatment of Laxman, Lord's younger brother. This is what is the signal to Adivisis, unquestioning loyalty to Lord Ram, no need to have education. So what are the Christian missionaries doing here? Why should they be trying to educate you? They are foreigners. So Pastor Stains is picked up for the treatment which they want to meted out to the white robed priests and nuns. Shabri, the embodiment of poverty is being glorified on purpose. Your great ancestress had the privilege to offer wild berries to the Lord. She is your role model, poor, powerless and with blind reverence and devotion for the upper caste. The recently held festival in Subir, Dangs district of Gujarat, celebrated Shabri and lakhs of Advasis were brought from neighboring Adivasi areas for the festival. The local people were scared that Sangh's festival may create the trouble and they may try to forcibly do the conversions to Hinduism. It was declared that Christians and Muslim are foreigners and are a threat to Hindu religion. This Kumbh is meant to protect the Hindus from the foreigners. In the beginning it was announced that conversions are the aim of Kumbh and than silence was kept on this point once various groups questioned their motives. This was boldly stated in the CD produced by Shabri Kumbh organizers. By the time the court ruling came to ban this CD was given, lakhs of its copies were already circulated and had the desired effect of threatening the Christianity community. The Shabri samiti distributed saffron flags to the villagers and spread the word that those who do not put the flag will be regarded as anti Hindu, those who do not visit the Kumbh will also be regarded as anti Hindu. In this intimidating atmosphere the intervention of Human rights groups resulted in the Central government sending its observers. Also the Adivasi leaders realized the game being played by Sangh and mercifully a large section of native adivasis kept away from the festival. But Sangh has succeeded in spreading the seeds of hate and intimidation far and wide. During Kumbh the inflammatory speeches were delivered by different leaders of Sangh. It remains to be seen as to what will be the long term impact of this festival. One thing is sure that the whole Adivasi area at some level has been shaken by this festival in which the major organizers were the city based traders, contractors and other supporters of Sangh. The native Adivasi festivals and gods are being undermined in various ways. Adivasis never used to have the temple or place of prayer within the four walls, most of their Gods were in the open. The festivals, dancing and feasting also were held in the open. With the new influence things are changing. The rift between the 'Hindu' and 'Christian' Adivasis is widening which surely will have adverse impact on the life in the area. In pursuance of the same tactics, now summer festival and Anjani mahotsav (festival) are being planned. Anjani, mother of Hanuman was never the object of veneration. Now she will be occupying a place amongst the deities. During the festival of Shabri (Feb 11-13) in Ghubadiya, a place near Subir, the graveyard was dug up, the crosses on the graves were burnt. Not much notice of this has been taken in the local media and administrative circles. The increasing influence of Sangh and the religiosity is taking deeper turns. One understands that from the villages young girls in the age groups of 14-15 are being picked up to be trained as Sadhvis who can give recitation of Ramayana and other Hindu scriptures. The whole emphasis is on the cultural manipulation and the basic issues of Adivasis like land, education and health are being cleverly sidetracked through this culturo-religious manipulation. One can see the social engineering in practice. The positive experience is that it seems that intervention of Human rights groups can partly change the direction of events in a healthy direction. Just before the Kumbh, human rights teams had investigated and put out a reort, which was taken note of by the authorities and local leaders. This put the Gujarat Government and Hindutva forces on the defensive. THeexpected turn out did not materialize and even the Ghar Vapasi was muted. The scare amongst the minorities was a bit less and the event passed off relatively peacefully as Hindutva forces had to be restrained. Question is, are the human rights groups willing, do they want to bring the real Adivasi issues on the social focus? Can we ask for social auditing of the activities of the religio-cultural groups working in these areas? Can we halt the process of spreading hate against the minorities in these areas? ____ [8] UPCOMING EVENTS: (i) The Other Media A- 1 / 125, Safdarjung Enclave New Delhi 110029 E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] and Shwe Gas Pipeline Campaign Committee (India) 7th April 2006 Subject: Invitation to Two - Days Seminar on Shwe Gas Pipeline Project - Implications on India and Burma Dear Sir/ Madam Burma has been confronted with brutal military regimes and its people have been at the receiving end of the most barbaric repression and systemic violence by successive military regimes. The distress of people of Burma have been compounded by the indifference of the international Community with most states choosing geo-political expediency over human rights and aligning with the ruling military junta. The growing bonhomie between the military junta and the neighbouring governments and giant multinational corporations has proved to be a major stumbling block in the quest for democracy in Burma. Shwe Gas Pipeline Project conceived in August 2000. India got involved in the project when in January 2002, Indian PSUs ONGC Videsh and GAIL, Ltd agreed to purchase 20% and 10% respectively of the stake. Indian involvement and interest in the Shwe Gas project is a reflection of its growing clamour for energy. However, there is a need to reconcile the imperatives of energy with our commitment to questions of human rights, democracy, participatory decision-making and environmental health. The project for pipeline from Burma to India is likely to have tremendous socio-political ramifications in the region of Arakan State in Myanmar and the states of Mizoram and Tripura. As experience with two previous international Burmese gas pipeline projects -- the Yadana and the Yetagun -- suggest, the Shwe Project is likely to result in increased militarization, forced relocation of villagers, forced labour, torture, rape and extra judicial killings and other forms of human rights violation. Delhi based The Other Media and Shwe Gas Pipeline Campaign Committee (India) are jointly organizing a Two - Days Seminar on "Shwe Gas Pipleline Project - Implications on India and Burma" at Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi on 17th & 18th April 2006 (Mon & Tue) from 9:00 a.m. onwards with the aim of analyzing the history of previous energy projects in Burma, their impact on the military junta and the democratic space in the country. The Seminar would examine the impact of energy projects on communities and juxtapose these stark realities against the imperative of international politics of energy and aim to create a coalition of activists and socio-political actors and a durable platform that would set the ball rolling for a sustained advocacy and campaign programme against the continued Indian involvement in the Shwe Gas Pipeline Project. We are happy to invite you to the seminar. We solicit your participation in view of your vast expertise and experience and hope to benefit from your valued suggestions and comments. Look forward to hearing from you soon. Sincerely, Ravi Hemadri Executive Director The Other Media o o o (ii) J&K Coalition of Civil Society Office: The Bund Amira Kadal, Srinagar - 190001 Jammu and Kashmir "Self Determination Day" The Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society is observing April 20th as "Self Determination Day" this year. On April 20th 2004 we lost our colleague Aasia Jeelani in a landmine blast. We observe this day each year to remember the martyrs and victims who died in the course of the struggle to realize our people's inalienable right to self-determination. It is also an occasion when we reiterate our commitment to carry on the struggle for its realization. In 2005, the JKCCS observed April 20th as "Kashmir Solidarity Day", in which people associated with various movements and civil society groups from across India and J&K participated. Being, first such observance we wanted people to reaffirm their commitment to the struggle to realize the right of self-determination and to invite support from outside J&K to our cause. Thirty-nine people from India participated then. Amongst the participants were poet and writer Varavara Rao from Hyderabad (AP), Prof. Babbiya from Bangalore (Karnataka), Nawkiran Singh (Punjab) etc. Local representation was marked by the presence of Trade union leaders, Teacher's union, Members of Bar Association and several social organizations from different regions of J&K, as well as prominent personalities such as Ved Bhasin, were noteworthy. This year, however, the focus is on the prospects of Indo-Pak 'peace process' from the perspective of realizing our right of self-determination. Therefore, the theme of the seminar this year will be: "Can the Current Peace Process Help Realize the Right of Self-Determination"? Our intention is that all of us who uphold this right of our people, or those from outside J&K, who support this demand, discuss this subject. We expect you/your organization to participate in the daylong seminar. Parvez Imroz President J&K Coalition of Civil Society _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/ SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. _______________________________________________ Sacw mailing list [email protected] http://insaf.net/mailman/listinfo/sacw_insaf.net
