Washington Post
Playing Both Sides in Jordan
By Jim Hoagland
March 27, 2005

Pop quiz: Which Arab ruler is to George W. Bush as Yasser Arafat was to Bill
Clinton?

Congratulations if you said King Abdullah of Jordan. And a tip of the hat to
all those Iraqis who came up with the answer so fast. You know your
neighborhood, and your neighbor.

Abdullah emulates Arafat in possessing special, drop-in-anytime visiting
rights to the White House and in merchandising that access to puff up his
influence at home and with other Arab leaders. The Jordanian monarch seizes
every opportunity to see and be seen with the U.S. president and his senior
aides. Rather than attend an Arab summit to support his unconvincing,
warmed-over version of a "peace plan" with Israel, Abdullah was again
stateside last week, basking in the glow of meetings with Bush and Secretary
of State Condoleezza Rice.

And, as Arafat did, Abdullah works against U.S. interests in Iraq and
elsewhere while pretending otherwise. The youthful Jordanian autocrat pulls
the wool over the eyes of a Republican president as the deceased Palestinian
revolutionary did with Bush's Democratic predecessor.

If there is a difference in the comparative equation, it is likely that
Clinton distrusted Arafat more. In Abdullah's case, Bush again displays a
disturbing tendency to overinvest in the swagger and guile of people who run
or who are close to spy agencies. (See Tenet, George, and Putin, Vladimir,
for details.)

I stipulate the obvious: Bush is obliged by realpolitik to work with
Abdullah and with Jordan. One of only two Arab states that have peace
treaties with Israel, Jordan has long been an important link in the Middle
East peace process as well as a platform for U.S. covert and military
activities.

But a few senior U.S. officials, less impressed with Abdullah's Special
Operations background and his deep connections to the CIA, fear that the
president's lavish embrace is overdone. They point to the nasty public row
between Iraq and Jordan over a suicide bombing and to the apparently
protected presence in Jordan of key operatives in the Iraqi insurgency.
These are troubling signs being ignored by Bush.

Iraqis have not forgotten that Jordan supported Saddam Hussein in the
Persian Gulf War in 1990 and afterward. Iraqi resources were drained by the
massive breaking of sanctions and other corrupt dealings that enriched the
Jordanian establishment at the expense of the Iraqi people.

Abdullah's meddling in Iraqi affairs since the overthrow of the Baathists
has rekindled those resentments. The king has exacerbated tensions with his
aggressive championing of his co-religionists, Iraq's Sunni minority, who
provided the base of past Baathist power and of the present insurgency.

Abdullah publicly warned against the coming to power of Iraq's Shiite
majority as he sought to get Bush to postpone the Jan. 30 elections. He has
portrayed Iraq on the edge of a religious war. He has channeled support to
CIA favorites among Iraqi factions.

So when Iraqis heard on March 14 that the Jordanian family of Raed Banna had
thrown a huge party to celebrate their relative's "martyrdom" -- which
consisted of killing himself and 125 Iraqis in the Shiite town of Hilla --
they said "enough."

Angry crowds sacked the Jordanian Embassy in Baghdad and forced it to close.
"Iraqis are feeling very bitter over what happened," Foreign Minister
Hoshyar Zebari said. Shiite leader Abdul Aziz Hakim called on Jordan to
acknowledge "the meanness and lowliness of people who celebrate the killing
of honorable Iraqis" and "to stop the incitement, recruitment and
mobilization of Jordanian terrorists to Iraq."

Hakim should not hold his breath. Former Baathist lieutenants who are now
key operatives in the Iraqi insurgency still move themselves and money
around Jordan without interference. In an incident that Bush should probe,
U.S. officials a few months ago identified two such Iraqis and asked that
they be questioned.

But the king waved the Americans off, saying that the two were minor figures
who did not have blood on their hands. "We came to know that wasn't true, as
he no doubt knew back then," one U.S. official told me.

Abdullah has publicly suggested that Syria should consider Bush's demand for
a withdrawal from Lebanon while privately sharing with other Arab leaders
his fears that such a move would be destabilizing. And he has been more
supportive of the president's push for democracy in the Arab world in
Washington meetings than he has been at home.

This does not win Abdullah the world-class laurels for duplicity and
deception garnered by Arafat. But then the king is still young.

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