Washington Post
The Middle East's Growing Pluralism
By Jim Hoagland
May 22, 2005

Official visits are frequently divorced from reality or even designed to
obscure it. But two meetings that Iraqi Prime Minister Ibrahim Jafari held
last week candidly reflected the groundbreaking policies his fledgling
government intends to pursue.

Under Saddam Hussein, Iraq's regional diplomacy consisted of invading some
neighbors, subverting others and threatening them all. Jafari's coalition
cabinet demonstrated last week that it sees the world -- and particularly
the Arab world -- differently.

Jafari first welcomed Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi to Baghdad on
a visit that the Bush administration wisely did nothing to obstruct or
protest. This restraint suggested a new, more sophisticated attitude coming
out of Washington toward the Persian Gulf. So did Deputy Secretary of State
Robert Zoellick's second trip to Iraq in little more than a month, according
to Iraqis he met last week.

Jafari then traveled to Turkey on his first trip outside Iraq since taking
office in April. The priority given to Iraq's two important Islamic but
non-Arab neighbors will not go unnoticed in a region where Arab nationalism
has been a dominant and frequently malignant force.

The Shiite and Kurdish politicians who head Iraq's coalition cabinet have
survived kingly protests, jihadist suicide bombers and American skepticism
to come to power. They must use their brief moment of command to trace a
path for a new Iraq that will show the entire Middle East the value and
viability of political and cultural pluralism.

Multiculturalism is a main target of the Sunni jihadists and Baathist
assassins who have concentrated their attacks and propaganda against the
country's Kurdish minority, its Arab Shiite population and any Iraqis who
work with U.S. forces. The insurgents draw their support from Iraqi Sunnis
who seem intent on recapturing the absolute power they enjoyed under the
deposed dictator.

After a stumbling start the government -- headed by President Jalal
Talabani, a Kurd, and Jafari, a Shiite -- seems to be making headway in
getting organized and gaining external acceptance.

Jordan's King Abdullah has ceased issuing blood-curdling warnings to his
Sunni co-religionists about the dangers that a Shiite takeover in Iraq would
pose. He welcomed Talabani in Amman recently. And two Arab leaders visiting
Washington last week dropped hints that pluralism is gaining acceptance,
however grudging, in some key Arab nations in the wake of regime change in
Iraq.

"There is a realization that Arab nationalism should be redefined," Kuwait's
foreign minister, Mohammed Sabah, told me. He pointed out that Iraq has
Kurds as its president, deputy prime minister and foreign minister; Sudan is
shortly to name a non-Arab vice president, and minority groups advance
toward greater influence in other Arab countries.

"We should look again at the concept of the Arab League, to get away from
any racist interpretation that Arab nationalism emphasized in the past,"
said the forward-thinking Sabah, whose country was invaded by Iraq in 1990.
"The Iraqis are showing that a more multicultural approach does not divorce
the country from the Arab world."

Ahmed Nazif, Egypt's coolly competent prime minister, addressed the same
signs of change with characteristic pith: "The Arab League is melting at the
edges. It is a time of change, in many dimensions."

One of the engineers of this change sees these developments this way:

"Arabs are a majority in this area, but it is not an exclusively Arab area.
Other communities cannot be subjugated and their identity eradicated by the
force of arms, as Saddam tried to do. We can show that Arabs will accept
pluralism as a fact of life, politically and culturally.

"The great majority of Iraq's population lives nearer to the borders of
non-Arab Iran, and non-Arab Turkey, than to Arab countries. These are
realities that our politics and culture must reflect."

The words were spoken by telephone from Baghdad by Ahmed Chalabi, a Shiite
who is one of three deputy prime ministers whom Jafari has named.

It happens that over three decades I have heard Chalabi express this view,
and I have seen him work to implement it. Bitterly opposed at one time by
Jordan's Abdullah and the king's allies in the CIA, Chalabi has survived
smear campaigns and controversy to emerge as a balance wheel in a coalition
government that Washington originally hoped would not come to power.

On their recent trips to Iraq, Zoellick and Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice emphasized the need to include more Sunnis in the power structure. But
their presence also sent to the region a strong message of new U.S. support
and understanding for the pluralistic coalition in Baghdad and the positive
change it can inspire.

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