[Marxism] “Really living life” vs the Russian Revolution: Watching Doctor Zhivago fifty years on

2015-02-01 Thread jay rothermel via Marxism
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https://convincingreasons.wordpress.com/2015/02/01/really-living-life-vs-the-russian-revolution-watching-doctor-zhivago-fifty-years-on/

 This appeal to the petty-bourgeoisie to abandon the Russian revolution
is also the key to why the Soviet bureaucracy saw it as a mortal threat.
The Soviet bureaucracy was itself a petty-bourgeois layer, but one with a
particular defining characteristic: it depended for its entire existence on
identifying itself with the October revolution. An appeal to this
petty-bourgeoisie to abandon the revolution was therefore a dagger aimed at
its heart
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[Marxism] Podemos inicia su campa�a electoral con una marcha en Madrid

2015-02-01 Thread Jim via Marxism
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Podemos inicia su campaña electoral con una marcha en Madrid (El País)

La dirección de Podemos ha convertido este sábado la llamada marcha del cambio,
una movilización abierta a todos y convocada en Madrid para escenificar la
ruptura con “la vieja política”, en el arranque de su campaña electoral. Pablo
Iglesias y su núcleo de confianza han intentado afianzar sus principales
mensajes y estrategia ante decenas de miles de personas congregadas en la Puerta
del Sol, después de un recorrido de menos de un kilómetro entre Cibeles y la
plaza que simboliza los entusiasmos del 15-M. Según los cálculos de este diario,
a la una de la tarde había unos 153.000 manifestantes —100.000 para la policía y
300.000 según la estimación de los organizadores—.

más aquí:
http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2015/01/31/actualidad/1422673981_619047.html

--
Jim Moody (j...@redunity.org) on 01/02/2015
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[Marxism] The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad

2015-02-01 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times Sunday Book Review, Feb. 1 2015
‘Gateway to Freedom,’ by Eric Foner
By KEVIN BAKER

GATEWAY TO FREEDOM
The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad
By Eric Foner
Illustrated. 301 pp. W. W. Norton  Company. $26.95.

Eric Foner Revisits Myths of the Underground RailroadJAN. 14, 2015
Jacobs had fled from Edenton, N.C., to get away from the attentions of 
the father of a little girl who “owned” her. These had persisted even 
after she had two children by another white man (and a member of 
Congress), so she “hid in a small crawl space above her free 
grandmother’s kitchen in the town” for seven years, as Eric Foner 
informs us in his illuminating new history, “Gateway to Freedom.” 
Eventually, passage north was secured on a ship with a “friendly 
captain,” and Jacobs settled in New York City. But as an escaped slave, 
she was never really secure anywhere in the United States, especially 
after passage of the Fugitive Slave Act, part of the Compromise of 1850. 
When, after 10 years of freedom, she learned that her owner “was making 
preparations to have me caught,” she fled again, to Boston, where 
abolitionist feeling was higher than in New York, which had long been 
debased by bigotry and the dollar into more pro-Southern sympathies.


It may seem difficult to believe that slave owners and hired slave 
catchers prowled the streets of Manhattan before the Civil War, openly 
carrying whips, pistols and manacles in order to reclaim their 
“property,” but such was the case. They “entered black churches during 
Sabbath services looking for runaways, and broke into blacks’ homes and 
carried them off without legal proceeding,” Foner tells us. Fugitive 
slaves in the city, wrote the Southern-born abolitionist Sarah Grimké, 
were “hunted like a partridge on the mountain.”


Unsurprisingly, the men who would make their living in this way were not 
terribly scrupulous about just which black face they decided to seize 
upon. Once the slave trade from Africa was banned in 1808, and as 
slavery in the North was slowly wound down, “an epidemic of kidnapping 
of free blacks, especially children,” occurred all over the Northeast. 
After the new federal statute of 1850 was passed, Foner writes, “the 
abolitionist William P. Powell departed for England with his wife and 
seven children, although no member of the family had ever been a slave.”


The 1850 law — supported by some of the most illustrious figures in 
congressional history, and hailed as vital for preserving the Union — 
was particularly odious. It rendered null and void the longstanding 
state “personal liberty” laws that had been used to declare runaway 
slaves free in the past, and provided “severe civil and criminal 
penalties for anyone who harbored fugitive slaves or interfered with 
their capture.” Special commissioners were given the final say on all 
fugitives, along with a financial incentive — $10 a head! — to decide in 
favor of the slave catchers. Federal marshals could deputize anyone they 
wished or “call on the assistance of local officials and even 
bystanders” to help in apprehending suspected runaways.


In other words, the new law would corrupt all citizens into aiding and 
abetting America’s great moral crime. But as Foner explains, fugitive 
slave laws were part of the warp and woof of the country from the very 
beginning, dating back to the 17th century in colonial New York. The 
Northwest Ordinance of July 1787 held that slaves “may be lawfully 
reclaimed” from free states and territories, and soon after, a fugitive 
slave clause — Article IV, Section 2 — was woven into the Constitution 
at the insistence of the Southern delegates, leading South Carolina’s 
Charles C. Pinckney to boast, “We have obtained a right to recover our 
slaves in whatever part of America they may take refuge, which is a 
right we had not before.”


Resistance to this sprang up in societies for manumission, and sometimes 
for the “colonization” of freed slaves back to Africa. But as it became 
clear that slavery was not going to die the natural death that had been 
devoutly wished for, “vigilance” and antislavery committees were set up. 
They came to form the Underground Railroad, a loose network of black and 
white individuals intent on actively helping slaves gain freedom (only 
in Canada was it truly secure) and evade recapture.


Foner, who as one of our leading historians has written or edited 24 
books, including the Pulitzer Prize-winning “The Fiery Trial: Abraham 
Lincoln and American Slavery,” does a superb job of focusing the story 
of the Underground Railroad on a human level. He makes vivid the 
incredible risks and hardships so 

[Marxism] Fwd: Yanis Varoufakis Newsnight interview - YouTube

2015-02-01 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?x-yt-cl=85114404x-yt-ts=1422579428v=BiIO4YciewU#t=463
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[Marxism] ‘Guantánamo Diary,’ by Mohamedou Ould Slahi

2015-02-01 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times Sunday Book Review, Feb. 1 2015
‘Guantánamo Diary,’ by Mohamedou Ould Slahi
By MARK DANNER

GUANTÁNAMO DIARY
By Mohamedou Ould Slahi
Edited by Larry Siems
379 pp. Little, Brown  Company. $29.

On or about Sept. 11, 2001, American character changed. What Americans 
had proudly flaunted as “our highest values” were now judged to be 
luxuries that in a new time of peril the country could ill afford. 
Justice, and its cardinal principle of innocent until proven guilty, 
became a risk, its indulgence a weakness. Asked recently about an 
innocent man who had been tortured to death in an American “black site” 
in Afghanistan, former Vice President Dick Cheney did not hesitate. “I’m 
more concerned,” he said, “with bad guys who got out and released than I 
am with a few that, in fact, were innocent.” In this new era in which 
all would be sacrificed to protect the country, torture and even murder 
of the innocent must be counted simply “collateral damage.”


“Guantánamo Diary” is the most profound account yet written of what it 
is like to be that collateral damage. One fall day 13 years ago 
Mohamedou Ould Slahi, a 30-year-old electrical engineer and 
telecommunications specialist, received a visit at his house in 
Noakchott, Mauritania, from two officers summoning him to come answer 
questions at the country’s intelligence ministry. “Take your car,” one 
of the men told him, as Slahi stood in front of his house with his 
mother and his aunt. “We hope you can come back today.” Listening to 
these words, Slahi’s mother fixed her eyes on her son. “It is the taste 
of helplessness,” he writes, “when you see your beloved fading away like 
a dream and you cannot help him. . . . I would watch both my mom and my 
aunt praying in my rearview mirror until we took the first turn and I 
saw my beloved ones disappear.”


That was Nov. 20, 2001. Slahi’s mother has since died. Her son has never 
returned. He had begun, that fall day two months after 9/11, what he 
calls his “endless world tour,” courtesy of the various American 
national security bureaucracies, traveling, after a week of 
interrogation in Mauritania, via “extraordinary rendition” to a black 
site in Jordan, where he was interrogated, sometimes brutally, for eight 
months; thence he is flown, blindfolded, shackled and diapered, to 
Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, for two weeks of interrogation; and 
finally, to Guantánamo, where he suffered months of strictest isolation, 
weeks of sleep deprivation, extremes of temperature and sound, and other 
elaborate tortures set out in a “special plan” approved personally by 
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld — and where he remains to this day. 
He composed these memoirs in his isolation cell in the summer of 2005, 
and a six-year legal battle has finally brought them to us. Written in 
the colloquial if limited English he picked up during his captivity, its 
pages disfigured with thousands of pitch-black “redactions” courtesy of 
the American intelligence agents who play such major parts, the work is 
a kind of dark masterpiece, a sometimes unbearable epic of pain, anguish 
and bitter humor that the Dostoyevsky of “The House of the Dead” would 
have recognized and embraced.


At its root is a maddening ambiguity born of a system governed not by 
any recognizable rules of evidence or due process but by suspicion, 
paranoia and violence. Blindfolded, earmuffed and shackled, Slahi is 
rendered to a secret prison in Jordan (though he is supposed to have no 
idea where on the globe he is) and interviewed on arrival by two dim 
clerks straight out of a Beckett play:


“ ‘What have you done?’

“ ‘I’ve done nothing!’

“Both burst out in laughter. ‘Oh, very convenient! You have done 
nothing, but you are here!’ I thought, What crime should I say in order 
to satisfy them?”


What crime indeed? If guilt is assumed, how to prove innocence? And as 
with Kafka’s Joseph K., the third great literary spirit looming over 
these pages, the signs of Slahi’s guilt are everywhere: He fought in 
Afghanistan in the early 1990s with Al Qaeda (then indirectly supported 
by the United States); his distant cousin and sometime brother-in-law 
became a key bin Laden spiritual adviser; he had studied in Germany, 
like the 9/11 conspirators; had prayed at the same Montreal mosque as 
the “millennium” plotter; had known the 9/11 planner Ramzi bin al-Shibh. 
These signs and others meant he fit the profile, Slahi says, of “a 
high-level, smart-beyond-belief terrorist.” That will be the American 
interrogators’ premise, and nothing the Mauritanians and Jordanians will 
tell them, let alone what Slahi will say in the months of 

[Marxism] Reies Tijerina, 88, Dies; Led Chicano Property Rights Movement

2015-02-01 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times, Feb. 1 2015
Reies Tijerina, 88, Dies; Led Chicano Property Rights Movement
By SAM ROBERTS

In the year of sixty-seven

June fifth was the day,

There was a revolution

Over there by Tierra Amarilla.

The “revolution” was a bungled plot, with Keystone Kops overtones, in 
which rebels seized an isolated courthouse in northern New Mexico on 
June 5, 1967, and it lasted only 90 minutes. But it would be 
immortalized in ballads (as in “Corrido de Rio Arriba”), elevate a 
former itinerant evangelist into a quixotic national prophet and propel 
a radical Chicano property rights movement into America’s consciousness.


The onetime evangelist, Reies Tijerina, who died on Jan. 19 at 88, never 
had the tangible success of Cesar Chavez and his nonviolent campaign to 
improve the lot of migrant workers. He never achieved his goal of 
reclaiming — for Mexicans, Indians and descendants of the original 
Spanish settlers — the millions of acres that changed hands when 
northern Mexico became the American Southwest in the mid-19th century. 
And his legacy was later marred by apocalyptic and anti-Semitic 
undercurrents.


Nonetheless, in the view of Lorena Oropeza, a history professor at the 
University of California, Davis, and author of a coming book about Mr. 
Tijerina, “Probably no person did more to shift our understanding of the 
history of the American West from a celebratory tale of ‘manifest 
destiny’ to the now-prevailing notion of a ‘legacy of conquest’ than did 
Tijerina.”


“One way to think of Tijerina,” she added, “is that he led an 
anticolonial movement within the continental United States. With only a 
few years of elementary education, and then time spent in Bible college, 
he developed a devastating critique of the American empire at the height 
of the Cold War.


“To young people involved in the Chicano movement, moreover, he gave 
them not only a militant alternative to Cesar Chavez, but also an 
understanding of the long history of Spanish-speaking people in the 
American Southwest,” Professor Oropeza said.


Mr. Tijerina, who died in a hospital in El Paso, had diabetes and heart 
problems, said Estela Reyes-Lopez, a family spokeswoman, who confirmed 
the death.


Reies Lopez Tijerina (pronounced tee-heh-REE-na), the son of 
cotton-picking sharecroppers, was born on Sept. 21, 1926, in Fall City, 
Tex. After he served as a Pentecostal pastor, he and more than a dozen 
families who constituted his followers bought 160 acres in Arizona in 
1956 and founded Valley of Peace, a utopian commune. Often skirmishing 
with neighbors, the group did not live up to its name.


Mr. Tijerina, inspired by what he said was a heavenly vision, later 
uprooted his followers and led them to New Mexico, where by the early 
1960s they had formed the Alianza Federal de los Pueblos Libres, or 
alliance of free city-states. Members of what he called his republic 
staged symbolic land seizures and citizen’s arrests and held mock trials 
of forest rangers. (Much of the land they claimed was in national 
forests.) There were arrests, prosecutions and prison terms.


The raid on the Rio Arriba County Courthouse in Tierra Amarilla, the 
county seat, was their most dramatic action. Mr. Tijerina and about 20 
armed followers sought to liberate 11 Alianza members who they believed 
were being held there. The 11 had been charged with threatening to seize 
the 600,000-acre Tierra Amarilla land grant and to make a citizen’s 
arrest of the district attorney. But neither the prisoners nor the 
prosecutors were at the courthouse.


In the raid, a state police officer and a jailer were wounded. (The 
jailer was later beaten to death just before he was to testify that he 
had been shot by Mr. Tijerina; that crime was never solved.)


Pursued by tanks and helicopters in a National Guard manhunt, the rebels 
fled for the hills with two hostages. The getaway car got stuck in mud, 
and the kidnapped men were eventually recovered and most of the suspects 
captured.


Mr. Tijerina successfully defended himself at one trial but was tried a 
second time and convicted of charges stemming from the raid. He served 
six months in a state penitentiary. He also spent more than two years in 
federal prisons on charges arising from other protests. Nicknamed King 
Tiger, Mr. Tijerina was likened to other Chicano activists like Corky 
Gonzales of Colorado and José Angel Gutiérrez of Texas. But his views 
were more idiosyncratic.


He prophesied an apocalyptic future linked to American policy in the 
Middle East.


He also “turned many previous supporters away as he moved toward a 
singularly novel, but unmistakable, anti-Semitism,” Rudy 

[Marxism] 'Stalinist' = ?

2015-02-01 Thread Michael Fahey via Marxism
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I think that the use of this term muddies rather than advances an analysis. 

 

'Stalinist' clearly has a negative meaning, but it lacks any specificity. 

 

Stalin, and the CPs in or oriented to the Soviet bloc, had many bad
characteristics; current CPs whose roots can be traced to the Soviet era
also have bad characteristics.  But which of these bad characteristics is
being referenced? 

 

Thanks for the list. Best - Mike

 

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[Marxism] Manichean Anti-Manicheaism

2015-02-01 Thread James Creegan via Marxism
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I submit that Louis's essay, “Against Manichaeism” is itself an example of the 
Manichaeism of go-with-the- flow. On the one side is arrayed the great global 
army of all those in combat against (in Theodore Roosevelt’s phrase) the 
“malefactors of great wealth”, and on the other small clots of sectarian 
purists, i.e. genuine sectarians and all those who, unlike Proyect, refuse to 
trade in their critical faculties for a seat in  the left-reformist cheering 
section.

Take Syriza. Louis assures us that its victory will “swell the army” of all 
those fighting injustice around the world, and justifies its coalition with 
ANEL on the grounds that it is a minor compromise in the service of their 
larger goal of “beating back” austerity . Now granted that the party’s 
electoral victory is acting as a major fillip to Podemos and other 
anti-austerity forces throughout Europe and beyond. But has Proyect ever 
stopped genuflecting before Tsipras-Veroufakis long enough to consider the 
prospect that Syriza may just fail?  What effect would that have on 
anti-austerity forces?
Let us take stock. I don’t claim to know how things will turn out, but if I 
were a pro-austerity Eurocrat or banker, I might calculate as follows: “We have 
within our power an enormous capacity to make the Greek economy scream even 
louder than it already is, and to underwrite anti-Syriza forces. Greece is a 
small country whose default, even exit from the Eurozone, is something we can 
withstand.  It therefore makes more sense to tighten the screws and make an 
example of Syriza now than pursue some genuine compromise that will only 
embolden Podemos and others. We can certainly offer Tsipras a few sops in 
return for his agreement to act as the human face of austerity. But, beyond 
that, what’s to be gained by compromise?”
How could Syriza respond? Its base has indicated that it is fed up with 
austerity, but not fed up enough to leave the Eurozone, and Alexis Tsipras has 
put himself forward as the political conjurer who can fulfill this 
self-contradictory dual desideratum. But can he? What would be his options in 
the face of EU intransigence? Proyect never seems to ask himself these 
questions, let alone answer them. There may perhaps be a Russian card to play 
here, in light of the growing Russian-NATO falling out, and Tsipras seems not 
entirely unaware of this option. But it would also be difficult to imagine an 
effective counterthrust without strong measures against Greek and foreign 
capital, which would in  turn require mass support and mobilization. But it 
seems to me that such a mobilization would demand, inter alia, a strong 
alliance between the Greek working class and the immigrant population—two major 
groups on the receiving end of austerity. Is such a potential alliance made 
more or less likely by the coalition with ANEL? Will the hundreds of thousands 
of immigrants now in detention centers, or under threat in their neighborhoods 
from fascist thugs, be inclined to regard this nod in the direction of 
anti-immigrant demagogues as a minor tactical expedient? Will this lash up 
enhance or retard the possibilities of a unified fight against Golden Dawn, 
which is likely to supply Greek capitalism with needed shock troops should the 
confrontation with the Eurocrats move from parliament to the streets? 
One pole of Proyect’s Manichean political universe obviously consists of 
non-dogmatic, with-it, up-to-date progressive-ecumenicists like himself, who 
seize every opportunity to burnish their anti-sectarian credentials with 
effusive praise for the left-reformist flavor of the month. At the opposite 
pole are the Socialist Equality Party, the Spartacists, etc., who reflexively 
denounce any left-tending popular movement for non-conformity to their 
preordained ‘revolutionary’ script. Joined by the latter at this pole—and 
virtually indistinguishable from them according to Louis—are all those in the 
least inclined to evaluate the slogans and promises of left-reformists in the 
light of past experience and present possibilities rather than simply 
enthusing. A Manichean universe, if ever there was!
Jim Creegan
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[Marxism] ACTIVIST NEWSLETTER

2015-02-01 Thread Jack A. Smith via Marxism
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February 1, 2015, Issue 213

ACTIVIST NEWSLETTER

Contact us or Subscribe to Newsletter at jac...@earthlink.net.

 

Articles at http://activistnewsletter.blogspot.com/

 1.   Photo of The Month

2.   Have Obama and the Democratic Party Become Liberals?

3.   The 1% Own Half of Global Wealth

4.   Obama Mourns Death of Saudi Tyrant King

5.   Castro: End Embargo, Return Guantánamo

6.   AFL-CIO Steps Up Effort to Boost Low Wages

7.   PSL: Greece: The Shift Left, Class Struggle And Communist Tactics

8.   Islamic State: Weakened, But Not Defeated

9.   Myths About Keystone Pipeline

10. Enslaved by Technology

11. Albany Rally Defends Public Education

12. Cold Winter Misery in Devastated Gaza

13. Help Wanted: Fast Food Worker $15 an Hour

14. Obama Seeks to Protect Alaska Wilderness

15. Your License Plate Tells All to Uncle Sam

16. China Aids Venezuela and Ecuador

17. Is This Country Crazy? 


http://activistnewsletter.blogspot.com/

 
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[Marxism] Bloody Sunday - 43rd anniversary

2015-02-01 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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The British Army's Bloody Sunday massacre in Derry on January 30, 1972
raised the stakes dramatically in the north of Ireland.  Since you could
now get shot dead for peaceful mass protest, it made more sense to many
young people from the nationalist working class to join the IRA and engage
in armed struggle with the state responsible for the killings.

The stakes were also raised in the south of Ireland, as mass mobilisations
there against the killings and the whole British presence in the north led
to the burning of the British embassy in Dublin.  Over the next few years,
however, the Dublin government managed to get the initiative back.  They
were very much in control again by the time of the 1981 hunger strikes; now
mass protests in Dublin would be batoned off the streets.

A few years ago I wrote a piece trying to get to grips with what had
happened, with how the southern state responded in 1972 and how they got
back the initiative.  Folks might be interested:
https://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com/2012/02/07/the-burning-of-the-british-embassy-40-years-on/

Phil
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[Marxism] LA summits of govt's, popular movements discuss unity, liberation

2015-02-01 Thread Stuart Munckton via Marxism
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Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro told a meeting of the Community of
Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) in Costa Rica on January 28
that Latin America is living in a “new historic era” marked by unity and
great opportunity.

https://www.greenleft.org.au/node/58165



-- 
“Disobedience, in the eyes of anyone who has read history, is humanity’s
original virtue. It is through disobedience that progress has been made,
through disobedience and through rebellion.” — Oscar Wilde, Soul of Man
Under Socialism

“The free market is perfectly natural... do you think I am some kind of
dummy?” — Jarvis Cocker
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Re: [Marxism] Manichean Anti-Manicheaism

2015-02-01 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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On 2/1/15 3:48 PM, James Creegan via Marxism wrote:

I have cataracts in both eyes and a macular pucker in the left. Your 
bullshit is trouble enough to read by virtue of its ultraleft 
setarianism this is just beyond my patience to wade through. I am afraid 
that I will lose my sight entirely after 100 words. You fucking have to 
learn how to skip a line between paragraphs to start with. You posted a 
thread from the Weakly Worker here the other day that was even worse 
than this in terms of readability. It truly reflects on your utter 
indifference to get people on your side--the art of politics, in other 
words--by neglecting the most important question: how to communicate.




Take Syriza. Louis assures us that its victory will “swell the army”
of all those fighting injustice around the world, and justifies its
coalition with ANEL on the grounds that it is a minor compromise in
the service of their larger goal of “beating back” austerity . Now
granted that the party’s electoral victory is acting as a major
fillip to Podemos and other anti-austerity forces throughout Europe
and beyond. But has Proyect ever stopped genuflecting before
Tsipras-Veroufakis long enough to consider the prospect that Syriza
may just fail?  What effect would that have on anti-austerity
forces? Let us take stock. I don’t claim to know how things will turn
out, but if I were a pro-austerity Eurocrat or banker, I might
calculate as follows: “We have within our power an enormous capacity
to make the Greek economy scream even louder than it already is, and
to underwrite anti-Syriza forces. Greece is a small country whose
default, even exit from the Eurozone, is something we can withstand.
It therefore makes more sense to tighten the screws and make an
example of Syriza now than pursue some genuine compromise that will
only embolden Podemos and others. We can certainly offer Tsipras a
few sops in return for his agreement to act as the human face of
austerity. But, beyond that, what’s to be gained by compromise?” How
could Syriza respond? Its base has indicated that it is fed up with
austerity, but not fed up enough to leave the Eurozone, and Alexis
Tsipras has put himself forward as the political conjurer who can
fulfill this self-contradictory dual desideratum. But can he? What
would be his options in the face of EU intransigence? Proyect never
seems to ask himself these questions, let alone answer them. There
may perhaps be a Russian card to play here, in light of the growing
Russian-NATO falling out, and Tsipras seems not entirely unaware of
this option. But it would also be difficult to imagine an effective
counterthrust without strong measures against Greek and foreign
capital, which would in  turn require mass support and mobilization.
But it seems to me that such a mobilization would demand, inter alia,
a strong alliance between the Greek working class and the immigrant
population—two major groups on the receiving end of austerity. Is
such a potential alliance made more or less likely by the coalition
with ANEL? Will the hundreds of thousands of immigrants now in
detention centers, or under threat in their neighborhoods from
fascist thugs, be inclined to regard this nod in the direction of
anti-immigrant demagogues as a minor tactical expedient? Will this
lash up enhance or retard the possibilities of a unified fight
against Golden Dawn, which is likely to supply Greek capitalism with
needed shock troops should the confrontation with the Eurocrats move
from parliament to the streets? One pole of Proyect’s Manichean
political universe obviously consists of non-dogmatic, with-it,
up-to-date progressive-ecumenicists like himself, who seize every
opportunity to burnish their anti-sectarian credentials with effusive
praise for the left-reformist flavor of the month. At the opposite
pole are the Socialist Equality Party, the Spartacists, etc., who
reflexively denounce any left-tending popular movement for
non-conformity to their preordained ‘revolutionary’ script. Joined by
the latter at this pole—and virtually indistinguishable from them
according to Louis—are all those in the least inclined to evaluate
the slogans and promises of left-reformists in the light of past
experience and present possibilities rather than simply enthusing. A
Manichean universe, if ever there was! Jim Creegan
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Re: [Marxism] 'Stalinist' = ?

2015-02-01 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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On 2/1/15 2:59 PM, Michael Fahey via Marxism wrote:


I think that the use of this term muddies rather than advances an analysis.



'Stalinist' clearly has a negative meaning, but it lacks any specificity.



Stalin, and the CPs in or oriented to the Soviet bloc, had many bad
characteristics; current CPs whose roots can be traced to the Soviet era
also have bad characteristics.  But which of these bad characteristics is
being referenced?



It all depends. The KKE is straight-out Stalinist and practically brags 
about it.


I tend to use the term crypto-Stalinist to apply to a whole slew of 
individuals and organizations that function more or less like the CP's 
used to but on behalf of the Russian state that not only defends 
capitalism but aggressively so. The best example of crypto-Stalinism is 
the journalist Andre Vltchek. This will give you a flavor of his analysis:


http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/11/14/do-western-leftists-hate-socialist-countries/

Eritrea, Iran, and North Korea, are standing defiantly against Western 
embargos and intimidation. Their people work hard in order to maintain 
their freedom to move forward their own way, without taking diktats from 
the same nations that used to plunder and humiliate them.


And Russia, the mighty Russia that was once on its knees, during that 
monstrous government of the pro-Western puppet Boris Yeltsin, is now 
back in its saddle, standing on the side of many progressive nations, 
all over the world. It has forgiven a tremendous, multi-billion dollar 
debt to Cuba, it is forging powerful alliances with Venezuela, Brazil, 
and other left-wing nations, and above all, it is finally creating a 
grand alliance with China.


The world has never been so close to a real breakthrough – to true freedom.



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[Marxism] Saudi tyrant dies, hypocrisy abounds

2015-02-01 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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https://rdln.wordpress.com/2015/02/02/saudi-tyrant-dies-hypocrisy-abounds/

Phil
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[Marxism] State let oil companies taint drinkable water in Central Valley

2015-02-01 Thread Charles Faulkner via Marxism
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http://www.sfgate.com/business/article/State-let-oil-companies-taint-drinkable-water-in-6054242.php
 



Oil companies in drought-ravaged California have, for years, pumped wastewater 
from their operations into aquifers that had been clean enough for people to 
drink. 

They did it with explicit permission from state regulators, who were supposed 
to protect the increasingly strained groundwater supplies from contamination. 

Instead, the state allowed companies to drill more than 170 waste-disposal 
wells into aquifers suitable for drinking or irrigation, according to data 
reviewed by The Chronicle. Hundreds more inject a blend of briny water, 
hydrocarbons and trace chemicals into lower-quality aquifers that could be used 
with more intense treatment. 

Most of the waste-injection wells lie in California’s parched Central Valley, 
whose desperate residents are pumping so much groundwater to cope with the 
historic drought that the land has started to sink. 

“It is an unfolding catastrophe, and it’s essential that all oil and gas 
wastewater injection into underground drinking water stop immediately,” said 
Kassie Siegel , director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for 
Biological Diversity environmental group. 

The problem developed over decades, starting with a bureaucratic snafu between 
state and federal regulators. It was made worse by shoddy record keeping and, 
critics say, plain negligence. The issue erupted into public view last summer 
when state officials abruptly shut down 11 waste-injection wells in Kern 
County, fearing they could taint groundwater supplies already feeding homes and 
farms. 

No contamination 

So far, tests of nearby drinking-water wells show no contamination, state 
officials say. But the federal Environmental Protection Agency, which helped 
uncover the practice, is threatening to seize control of regulating the 
waste-injection wells, a job it has left to California officials for over 30 
years. The state faces a Feb. 6 deadline to tell the EPA how it plans to fix 
the problem and prevent it from happening again. 



“If there are wells having a direct impact on drinking water, we need to shut 
them down now,” said Jared Blumenfeld , regional adminstrator for the EPA. 
“Safe drinking water is only going to become more in demand.” 

California produces more oil than any state other than Texas and North Dakota, 
and its oil fields are awash in salty water. A typical Central Valley oil well 
pulls up nine or 10 barrels of water for every barrel of petroleum that reaches 
the surface. 

In addition, companies often flood oil reservoirs with steam to coax out the 
valley’s thick, viscous crude, which is far heavier than petroleum found in 
most other states. They pump high-pressure water and chemicals underground to 
crack rocks in the controversial practice of hydraulic fracturing. They use 
acid and water to clear up debris that would otherwise clog their oil-producing 
wells. 

All of that leftover water, laced with bits of oil and other chemicals, has to 
go somewhere. Pumping the liquid — known in the industry as produced water — 
back underground is considered one of the most environmentally responsible ways 
to get rid of it. 



“If we’re not able to put the water back, there’s no other viable thing to do 
with it,” said Rock Zierman , chief executive officer of the California 
Independent Petroleum Association , which represents smaller oil companies in 
the state. “If you were to shut down hundreds of injection wells, obviously 
that’s a lot of jobs, a lot of tax revenue.” 

Farmers fear that the groundwater they increasingly need to nurture their 
orchards and crops may one day show signs of pollution, even if it hasn’t 
surfaced yet. 

“When I’m concerned for my farm, I’m looking at future generations and reaching 
a point where they can’t use the groundwater because of things we’re doing 
today,” said Tom Frantz , 65, a farmer and retired teacher who grows almonds 
near the town of Shafter (Kern County). 

The wastewater injection problem stretches back to 1983. 

EPA officials that year signed an agreement giving California’s oil field 
regulators — the state’s Divison of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources — 
responsibility for enforcing the federal Safe Drinking Water Act. The agreement 
listed, by name, aquifers considered exempt, where oil companies could legally 
inject leftover water with a simple permit from the division. If state 
regulators wanted to add any aquifers to the list, they would need EPA’s 
aproval. 



But there were two signed copies of the agreement, said Steven Bohlen , the 
division’s new supervisor. Eleven 

[Marxism] Obama’s new Cuba policy: McDonald's in Old Havana?

2015-02-01 Thread Marce Cameron via Marxism
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“I want to see Cuba before everything changes,” is how many reacted to
Barack Obama’s surprise December 17 announcement that he would restore
diplomatic relations with Cuba — severed by the US in 1961 — and urge
Congress to lift the US blockade. Seeing Cuba for oneself can only be
encouraged, but those who fear that it will soon be transformed by American
tourists, US corporations and commercialism need not rush to book flights.

http://cubasocialistrenewal.blogspot.com.au/2015/02/obamas-new-cuba-policy-mcdonalds-in-old.html
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[Marxism] France, US profess sympathy for Syriza position

2015-02-01 Thread Marv Gandall via Marxism
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Despite the predictable hardline posturing by Germany, the ECB, and the EU, 
this weekend’s sympathetic comments by French finance minister Sapin and US 
President Obama can’t help but reinforce the Syriza leadership’s conviction 
that it can exploit strategic divisions at the top concerning austerity and the 
debt crisis.  

I noted several weeks ago that “the likeliest outcome is an eventual compromise 
which limits, but does not entirely impair, Syriza’s ability to provide jobs, 
income support, and debt relief to Greece’s beleaguered population. Such an 
outcome would be in keeping with the growing conviction of the European elites 
that its brutal austerity regime is undermining economic growth and political 
stability throughout Europe and that some accommodation to mass distress and 
discontent is necessary.” 


France Supports Greece in EU Debt Battle
By MARCUS WALKER,  INTI LANDAURO and ANDREW ACKERMAN
Wall Street Journal
Feb. 1, 2015 
(Behind a paywall)

PARIS—France expressed sympathy for the new Greek government’s hope of 
renegotiating the tough terms of its bailout, amid growing international calls 
for Germany to rethink its austerity-heavy approach to the debt crises in 
Greece and Europe. 

French Finance Minister Michael Sapin said on Sunday that Greece needs a “new 
contract” with Europe, backing the demand of the Athens government, led by the 
left-wing Syriza party, to end the previous framework of Greece’s bailout 
program, which has become politically toxic in the heavily indebted nation. 

His comments—and similar remarks by President Barack Obama —are the latest 
example of a pushback in Europe and beyond against Berlin’s handling of the 
eurozone debt crisis. Germany, Europe’s biggest economy, has pressed since 2010 
for tight fiscal and monetary policies as the best way to force other countries 
to adopt supply-side overhauls to make them more frugal and competitive. 

But the eurozone’s chronic lack of growth, and a mounting voter backlash 
against political establishments that have given priority to fiscal 
retrenchment, are challenging Berlin’s hegemony over economic strategy in the 
19-country currency bloc. 

The eurozone, second only to the U.S. in gross domestic product, remains the 
laggard of world economic recovery and is still struggling with the legacies of 
the global financial crisis. 

President Obama, in comments aired Sunday on CNN, echoed Mr. Sapin in urging 
compromise and said Greece needs “a growth strategy” to deal with a slump in 
which economic output has shrunk by some 25%.

Mr. Obama acknowledged that eurozone members must have fiscal prudence and 
structural overhauls, but he said that “what we’ve learned in the U.S. 
experience…is that the best way to reduce deficits and to restore fiscal 
soundness is to grow.” The president added: “You cannot keep on squeezing 
countries that are in the midst of depression.”

German policy makers have gotten used to criticism from Washington, but Mr. 
Obama’s comments caused a stir in Europe because they came in the context of 
Syriza’s election win on Jan. 25, and amid fears about whether Greece and 
Germany will be able to reach a deal in time to avoid a Greek exit from the 
euro.

And while Germany’s financial clout still gives it an effective veto over many 
eurozone economic policies, the wind appears to be turning against Berlin. In 
moves that have worried German policy makers, France and Italy are pressing to 
slow down fiscal belt-tightening to help economic recovery, while the European 
Central Bank has announced large-scale asset purchases, known as quantitative 
easing, in an effort to lift growth and inflation despite strong reservations 
in Berlin. 

It is Greece’s election result, however, that poses the most dramatic challenge 
to eurozone economic orthodoxy. The small nation’s rejection of mainstream 
parties that cooperated with German-sponsored austerity has led to a game of 
chicken between the new Syriza-led government under Prime Minister Alexis 
Tsipras and northern European creditor governments led by Berlin. 

Athens is demanding a new financing arrangement outside the bailout procedures 
built up at Germany’s behest since 2010. Greece wants a relaxation of 
austerity, an end to intrusive inspections by a creditors’ committee, and a 
reduction of the country’s debt burden.

German officials, including Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble, are so far 
insisting that Greece abide by previous bailout agreements, and that no new 
framework can be offered. 

German Chancellor Angela Merkel has made it clear throughout Europe’s long debt 
crisis that Germany will agree to finance debtor 

[Marxism] Greek Finance Minister Calls to go 'Cold Turkey' on Debt

2015-02-01 Thread Ken Hiebert via Marxism
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http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Greek-Finance-Minister-Calls-to-go-Cold-Turkey-on-Debt-20150201-0013.html
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