some history! RE: economic history question

2002-04-11 Thread Grey Thomas

A friend told me about her grandfather, on a striking picket line at Ford
Motor Co. in freezing winter, during the Depression.  The poor workers,
peacefully striking on government streets, were sprayed with water by the
Detroit fire department, who was there with the police.  The water rapidly
cooled towards freezing.

This kind of gov't cruelty to protect the rich and their property rights
is, to a large extent, the impetus to the creation of such
socialistic/leftist orgs as the ACLU, etc.
I'm sure most of FDR's New Deal was based on an attempt to solve The
Problem of the Poor People.  And very subject to the various existing
political influences.

If there was a capitalistic system with very few or no poor people, it's
answer to the question of the poor would be extremely interesting.  Until
there are better answers, in practical examples, of systems that are more
capitalist with fewer poor, the socialist example (threat?) remains
seductive to many, many people.

I'm keeping my eye out for answers, including this Armchair list.

Tom Grey


PS I found this Abstract on the net:
-
Katherine Baicker, Claudia Goldin, Lawrence F. Katz

NBER Working Paper No.w5889*
Issued in January 1997 

 Abstract -

Unemployment compensation in the United States was signed into law in August
1935 as part of the omnibus Social Security Act. Drafted in a period of
uncertainty and economic distress, the portions that dealt with unemployment
insurance were crafted to achieve a multiplicity of goals, among them
passage of the act and a guarantee of its constitutionality. Along with the
federal-state structure went experience-rating and characteristics added by
the states, such as the limitation on duration of benefits. The U.S.
unemployment compensation system is distinctive among countries by virtue of
its federal-state structure, experience-rating, and limitation on benefits.
We contend that these features were products of the times, reflecting
expediency more than efficiency, and thus that UI would have been different
had it been passed in another decade. But how different is the UI system in
the United States because of these features, and how have they affected the
U.S. labor market? We present evidence showing that more seasonality in
manufacturing employment in 1909-29 is related to higher UI benefits from
1947 to 1969, if a state's manufacturing employment share is below the
national mean. Lobbying activities of seasonal industries appear important
in the evolution of the parameters. We also present suggestive evidence on
the relationship between declining seasonality and experience-rating.

*Published: Moment: The Great Depression and the American Economy in the
TwentiethCentury. Edited by Michael D. Bordo, Claudia Goldin, and Eugene N.
White,Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1998, pp. 227-263.

You may purchase this paper on-line in .pdf format from SSRN.com ($5) for
electronic delivery.
Information for subscribers and others expecting no-cost downloads
If you normally receive free downloads but are having trouble with the new
system, please contact us and use this link to download the paper.

--



Re: some history! RE: economic history question

2002-04-11 Thread Fred Foldvary

 If there was a capitalistic system with very few or no poor people, it's
 answer to the question of the poor would be extremely interesting. 
 Tom Grey

Taiwan has develped rapidly while maintaining a distribution of income more
equal than that of Sweden.

It was able to do this with land reform combined with taxing much of the land
rent. 

A market economy can have both more efficiency and more equity relative to
today's economies by shifting taxation off of wages and capital and onto
rent.
Excessive regulations would also need to be removed.
That would go a long way to reducing poverty, without a welfare state.

Fred Foldvary

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Re: some history

2000-09-19 Thread Chirag Kasbekar

  I remember hearing a talk a very long time ago by someone
  who had tried to estimate the costs and benefits to
Britain
  of the empire, and concluded that on net it cost more than
  it was worth.
  David Friedman

I had also sent my second question to the "Ask the Professor" service at 
EH.net. THe professor on duty turned out to be Robert Whaples of Wake Forest 
University, who actually teaches the Industrial Revolution. He sent me the 
following:

___

Probably the best work on this subject is
Mammon and the Pursuit of Empire: The Political Economy of British
Imperialism, 1860-1912 by Lance E. Davis, Robert A. Huttenback, Susan
Gray Davis.
Their evidence shows that Britain generally transfered resource _to_ its
self-governing colonies.  Very few economic historians would accept the
notion that British capitalism depended much on its imperial activities,
which were probably a net drain on the economy.
This book is packed full of information and discusses India at length.

R. Whaples
Wake Forest University


He also clarified later that "self-governing" colonies was not an oxymoron 
and was actually part of the classification used in the book. Places like 
India, which had partially a local government.

-- Chirag

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Re: some history

2000-09-19 Thread Andrew Nigrinis

What about the benefits of free trade (efficiency, economies of scale
etc...).  If the nations outside the empire have protectionist policies and
there are gains from international free trade, could not the gains of free
trade justify the expense of the empire?  What is the value of an economic
union (even if this is accomplished by force)?  Does the previously
mentioned cost benefit analysis include this?

Andrew Nigrinis


- Original Message -
From: "Chirag Kasbekar" [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Tuesday, September 19, 2000 7:16 PM
Subject: Re: some history


   I remember hearing a talk a very long time ago by someone
   who had tried to estimate the costs and benefits to
 Britain
   of the empire, and concluded that on net it cost more than
   it was worth.
   David Friedman

 I had also sent my second question to the "Ask the Professor" service at
 EH.net. THe professor on duty turned out to be Robert Whaples of Wake
Forest
 University, who actually teaches the Industrial Revolution. He sent me the
 following:

 ___

 Probably the best work on this subject is
 Mammon and the Pursuit of Empire: The Political Economy of British
 Imperialism, 1860-1912 by Lance E. Davis, Robert A. Huttenback, Susan
 Gray Davis.
 Their evidence shows that Britain generally transfered resource _to_ its
 self-governing colonies.  Very few economic historians would accept the
 notion that British capitalism depended much on its imperial activities,
 which were probably a net drain on the economy.
 This book is packed full of information and discusses India at length.

 R. Whaples
 Wake Forest University
 

 He also clarified later that "self-governing" colonies was not an oxymoron
 and was actually part of the classification used in the book. Places like
 India, which had partially a local government.

 -- Chirag

 _
 Get Your Private, Free E-mail from MSN Hotmail at http://www.hotmail.com.

 Share information about yourself, create your own public profile at
 http://profiles.msn.com.





Re: some history

2000-09-18 Thread david friedman

At 9:50 AM -0400 9/18/00, Edward Dodson wrote:
Ed Dodson responding...
Chirag Kasbekar wrote:

...

In Britain, factory owners imported labor from Ireland to prevent labor from
effectively organizing and to keep wages down to subsistence levels.

What dates are you thinking of? As best I recall from Ashton, real 
wages were rising from about 1840 on. Checking the _Atlas of World 
Population History_, the population of England and Wales rose from 
about 1400 on, with the increase becoming much steeper starting about 
1750-1800, which seems inconsistent with "subsistence wages." Roughly 
the same thing is true of the graph for the British Isles as a whole, 
so it isn't just a matter of moving people from Ireland to England.

...

   Also, a question: How vital was the economic exploitation of its colonies
  (esp. India) to the growth and development of British capitalism? Some
  people seem to believe it was extremely vital. Some that the British economy
  was already well-developed by the time the exploitation took effect.

Ed Dodson here:
The question is, "vital to whom?" The costs of maintaining an imperial empire
are clearly far greater than any aggregate financial gains that accrue to the
general citizenry. The financial benefits are attached to monopoly licenses
granted by government to certain individuals or entities.

I don't know about "clearly." There's no a priori reason why robbery 
can't be profitable.

I remember hearing a talk a very long time ago by someone who had 
tried to estimate the costs and benefits to Britain (meaning, I 
think, everyone in Britain) of the empire, and concluded that on net 
it cost more than it was worth. But I'm afraid I don't remember who 
gave the talk, let alone whether the work was published and where.
-- 
David Friedman
Professor of Law
Santa Clara University
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://www.daviddfriedman.com/



Re: some history

2000-09-18 Thread Edward Dodson


Ed Dodson responding...
I wrote:.
>In Britain, factory owners imported labor from Ireland to prevent labor
from
>effectively organizing and to keep wages down to subsistence levels.
David Friedman asks:
What dates are you thinking of? As best I recall
from Ashton, real
wages were rising from about 1840 on. Checking the _Atlas of World
Population History_, the population of England and Wales rose from
about 1400 on, with the increase becoming much steeper starting about
1750-1800, which seems inconsistent with "subsistence wages." Roughly
the same thing is true of the graph for the British Isles as a whole,
so it isn't just a matter of moving people from Ireland to England.
Ed here:
An interesting historical study of the early 19th century is contained
in the *The Reason Why* written by Cecil-Woodham Smith around 1950-52.
This story details how England's military adventures in the Crimea were
financed (to a considerable extent) by rackrents charged Irish tenant farmers.
Few could pay the rents and were expelled from their plots of land. Many
perished, many others migrated, in large numbers to the factories of England.
Their arrival drove down wages in the factories to subsistence level. Rising
unemployment and worsening conditions sent large numbers of English, Scot
and Welsh (as well as Irish) to the Americas, to Australia, to South Africa
and to New Zealand. Smith's book also presents what might be described
as a worst-case direct correlation between impoverishment and population
growth. High infant mortality, the lack of opportunity for education or
employment, short life expectancy -- all contribute to poor families being
large even after the benefit of a large family disappeared with the enclosures
and transition from subsistence to commercial (sheep and cattle) agriculture.
England inadvertently ran its colonial empire a bit more prudently than
did the French, Spanish or Portuguese. England exported people to, in effect,
recreate smaller versions of English communities. In North America, the
period up to the late 1750s was called by historian Charles Andrews, the
era of "salutary neglect," ending because of the huge debt incurred during
the Seven Years War (i.e., the French and Indian War). The landed aristocracy
and financiers of England were not about to tax themselves to pay off this
debt and so decided their lesser counterparts in the Americas ought to
bare the burden. You know what happened after that.
Mr. Kasbekar asked:
> > Also, a question: How vital was the economic exploitation
of its colonies
>> (esp. India) to the growth and development of British capitalism?
Some
>> people seem to believe it was extremely vital. Some that the
British economy
>> was already well-developed by the time the exploitation took
effect.
>
>I responded:
>The question is, "vital to whom?" The costs of maintaining an imperial
empire
>are clearly far greater than any aggregate financial gains that accrue
to the
>general citizenry. The financial benefits are attached to monopoly
licenses
>granted by government to certain individuals or entities.

David Friedman responds:

I don't know about "clearly." There's no a priori reason why robbery
can't be profitable.
I remember hearing a talk a very long time ago by someone who had
tried to estimate the costs and benefits to Britain (meaning, I
think, everyone in Britain) of the empire, and concluded that on net
it cost more than it was worth. But I'm afraid I don't remember who
gave the talk, let alone whether the work was published and where.

Ed Dodson here:
There are a number of excellent sources for the details, from Adam Smith
in *The Wealth of Nations* to Ferdinand Lott's description of the fall
of the Roman empire, to Will and Ariel Durant's detailed studies. If we
put the various empire-building countries on a scale of 0-10, with 10 being
the worst in terms of laws that transferred the costs of empire to those
who benefitted least, perhaps England would appear somewhere in the 4-5
range, while Spain and Portugal would appear at 9-10. The Spanish people,
during Spain's empire-building era, suffered from very heavy taxation (remember
that neigher Spain's aristocracy nor the Church were taxed to pay for the
adventures of its monarchy). And, the treasure brought from the New World
had to be exchanged, in part, for food and other basic goods the heavily-taxed
Spanish could not produce for themselves.




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