Re: US voting reform idea

2005-05-01 Thread Frank Schmidt
 Frank Schmidt wrote:
  *attempting to process*
  I guess that means that he shows professional courtesy in not trying
  to piss people off. I don't think that will change the way he votes.
  Then there's pork barrel spending; he'll vote for things good for 
  his
  district, and you might benefit from that. And contact with the 
  voters
  might alert him that in his solidly Republican district a majority
  against him may form, and might change the way he votes to keep his
  solid majority.
 
  Is that what you mean?
 
 I think it is more along the lines of ..regardless of what party 
 an elected official belongs to, I benefit by having that officials 
 representation. Representation by an opposition party is on the whole 
 going to be better than no representation at all.
 
 Frex: I know of people who have had problems with the VA, talked to 
 their Rep and was able to get some resolution. Reps do not ask who you 
 voted for by and large, just if you are in their district. This is the 
 kind of thing almost any Rep would do for a constituent.

Are you happy with the current system of single-member districts? Do you
think multi-member districts would be worse, although you would probably get
a Representative you actually voted for?

 The other issue is representation. My state is unfairly
 represented when compared to Wyoming or Alaska. And that
 unfairness spreads even to representation by electors in
 presidential elections. Who is elected is irrelevent.

To that sentence I cannot subscribe.

 What is relevent is that my vote is worth less in every
 way measurable than a voter in Wyoming. That is unfair
 and should be redressed.

 OK, I just found census data. If the Wyoming problem is
 adressed in the way I think, Texas will then have 43
 Representatives, and equal or better representation than
 Wyoming. But then Alaska, North Dakota and Vermont will
 have 2 Representatives, one for between 300.000 and
 325.000 people, and therefore much better representation
 than Texas.

 I have a greater interest in fairness than winning in
 any case.

 xponent
 No Taxation Yadda Yadda Maru
 rob

 So what do you think now?
 
 Well California is being shorted 12 Representatives. You
 think they are going to throw a fit if some other states
 get only a little bit better represented? Right now they
 are shorted a lot. 
 
 xponent
 Status Quotient Maru
 rob 

I looked at apportionment data again. California deserves
435*(CA population)/(USA population) = 52.44 seats.
California gets 53. I don't see where they are shorted.

Now if the states would be proportionally represented in
the electoral college, California would get 65. But since
every state gets its number of Representatives plus number
of Senators, they only get 55. So you might say they are
ten seats short there, but not 12.

-- 
Frank Schmidt
Onward, radical moderates!
www.egscomics.com

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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-28 Thread Frank Schmidt
 Frank Schmidt wrote:
  Even better!
  A post I wrote last October:
 
  The problem with the electoral college is not in the electoral
  college, but in the way populations are represented in Congress. I
  would think that this lack of representation on an everyday basis
  would be of much greater concern.
 
  Just to make sure my message is clear: *The Problem Is A Lack Of 
  Fair Representation*
 
  Using Wyoming as a benchmark, where you have 1 congressperson per
  (roughly) 500,000 people, 2 Senators (as always) and 3 Electoral
  votes.
 
  Compare to California where you have 1 Congressperson per 639,088
  people, 2 Senators, and 55 Electoral votes.
  That doesn't sound all that bad offhand, but if California had
  representation equal to Wyomings you would get 67 Congresspersons 
  and 69 Electoral votes. That is a net gain of 12 Congresspersons
  and 14 Electoral votes.
 
  This lack of representation effects at least 48 states that I can
  identify. Of those states, 25 are short one representative, and 10
  are shorted by 2. Only Iowa and DC are represented in the same
  proportion as Wyoming and the rest are shorted between 3 and 14
  representatives.
 
  Law limits Congress to 435 Representatives, but if representation
  were proportional there would be 549, an increase of 114
  representatives. I do not see why this number should be unwieldy or
  why it would cause difficulty.
 
  xponent
  Census Data Maru
  rob
 
  The difficulty is, when you have done the above and look at the new
  data, you'll find another state which is better represented than any
  other. I think the current system is so designed that it minimizes
  the difference between the actual number of Representatives (in
  Wyoming 1) and the deserved number (in Wyoming about 0.8), so your
  proposed change would probably make the situation much less
  desireable by your standards.
 
  I find the difference between the voters for district winners and 
  the voters for other candidates more of a problem. The first group
  has 435 Representatives, the other has none. The real problem is
  that the most voters will either always be in the first group, or
  always be in the second group; relatively few change between the
  groups. Many in the losing group have already given up voting
  because of that.
 
 I think you miss the point by some margin here. Regardless of what 
 party a Representative belongs to, that Rep is still responsible to 
 everyone in his district in the sense that the Rep is the person one 
 goes to with a grievence or a plan. I would have no problem asking Tom 
 Delay (Ugh.my congressmanand one I would never under any 
 circumstances vote for) for help with some matter, because that is 
 part of his job. I don't have to like my Rep in order to apply for his 
 services.

*attempting to process*
I guess that means that he shows professional courtesy in not trying
to piss people off. I don't think that will change the way he votes.
Then there's pork barrel spending; he'll vote for things good for his
district, and you might benefit from that. And contact with the voters
might alert him that in his solidly Republican district a majority
against him may form, and might change the way he votes to keep his
solid majority.

Is that what you mean?

 The other issue is representation. My state is unfairly represented 
 when compared to Wyoming or Alaska. And that unfairness spreads even 
 to representation by electors in presidential elections. Who is 
 elected is irrelevent. What is relevent is that my vote is worth less 
 in every way measurable than a voter in Wyoming. That is unfair and 
 should be redressed.

OK, I just found census data. If the Wyoming problem is adressed in
the way I think, Texas will then have 43 Representatives, and equal
or better representation than Wyoming. But then Alaska, North Dakota
and Vermont will have 2 Representatives, one for between 300.000 and
325.000 people, and therefore much better representation than Texas.

 I have a greater interest in fairness than winning in any case.
 
 xponent
 No Taxation Yadda Yadda Maru
 rob 

So what do you think now?

-- 
Frank Schmidt
Onward, radical moderates
www.egscomics.com

+++ Sparen beginnt mit GMX DSL: http://www.gmx.net/de/go/dsl
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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-28 Thread Robert Seeberger
Frank Schmidt wrote:
 *attempting to process*
 I guess that means that he shows professional courtesy in not trying
 to piss people off. I don't think that will change the way he votes.
 Then there's pork barrel spending; he'll vote for things good for 
 his
 district, and you might benefit from that. And contact with the 
 voters
 might alert him that in his solidly Republican district a majority
 against him may form, and might change the way he votes to keep his
 solid majority.

 Is that what you mean?

I think it is more along the lines of ..regardless of what party 
an elected official belongs to, I benefit by having that officials 
representation. Representation by an opposition party is on the whole 
going to be better than no representation at all.

Frex: I know of people who have had problems with the VA, talked to 
their Rep and was able to get some resolution. Reps do not ask who you 
voted for by and large, just if you are in their district. This is the 
kind of thing almost any Rep would do for a constituent.



 The other issue is representation. My state is unfairly represented
 when compared to Wyoming or Alaska. And that unfairness spreads 
 even
 to representation by electors in presidential elections. Who is
 elected is irrelevent. What is relevent is that my vote is worth 
 less
 in every way measurable than a voter in Wyoming. That is unfair and
 should be redressed.

 OK, I just found census data. If the Wyoming problem is adressed in
 the way I think, Texas will then have 43 Representatives, and equal
 or better representation than Wyoming. But then Alaska, North Dakota
 and Vermont will have 2 Representatives, one for between 300.000 and
 325.000 people, and therefore much better representation than Texas.

 I have a greater interest in fairness than winning in any case.

 xponent
 No Taxation Yadda Yadda Maru
 rob

 So what do you think now?

Well California is being shorted 12 Representatives. You think they 
are going to throw a fit if some other states get only a little bit 
better represented? Right now they are shorted a lot.


xponent
Status Quotient Maru
rob 


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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-27 Thread Robert Seeberger
Ronn!Blankenship wrote:
 At 09:09 PM Tuesday 4/26/2005, Robert Seeberger wrote:

 This would be addressed by returning to the system where every
 representative had an equal number of constituents. We would gain a
 crapload of reps, but then democracy isn't free is it?G


 IIRC, the figure of 8000+ members of the House I mentioned a few 
 days
 ago was based on each representative having the same number of
 constituents, and that number being what it was before the total
 number of representatives (or something like that: I'm sure of the
 first, anyway.  Of course, I don't happen to recall a reference . . 
 .
 )

If we used 1780 numbers you would get those kind of numbers. I'm 
thinking more along the lines of using the smallest populated district 
as the benchmark, and then you only gain a couple hundred Reps 
initially.
 The number of constituents per Rep can change, but any Rep should 
represent the same number of people as any other Rep.


xponent
Done Right Maru
rob 


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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-27 Thread Robert Seeberger
Ronn!Blankenship wrote:
 At 09:09 PM Tuesday 4/26/2005, Robert Seeberger wrote:

 This would be addressed by returning to the system where every
 representative had an equal number of constituents. We would gain a
 crapload of reps, but then democracy isn't free is it?G


 IIRC, the figure of 8000+ members of the House I mentioned a few 
 days
 ago was based on each representative having the same number of
 constituents, and that number being what it was before the total
 number of representatives (or something like that: I'm sure of the
 first, anyway.  Of course, I don't happen to recall a reference . . 
 .

Even better!
A post I wrote last October:

The problem with the electoral college is not in the electoral
college, but in the way populations are represented in Congress. I
would think that this lack of representation on an everyday basis
would be of much greater concern.

Just to make sure my message is clear: *The Problem Is A Lack Of Fair
Representation*

Using Wyoming as a benchmark, where you have 1 congressperson per
(roughly) 500,000 people, 2 Senators (as always) and 3 Electoral
votes.

Compare to California where you have 1 Congressperson per 639,088
people, 2 Senators, and 55 Electoral votes.
That doesn't sound all that bad offhand, but if California had
representation equal to Wyomings you would get 67 Congresspersons and
69 Electoral votes. That is a net gain of 12 Congresspersons and 14
Electoral votes.

This lack of representation effects at least 48 states that I can
identify. Of those states, 25 are short one representative, and 10 are
shorted by 2. Only Iowa and DC are represented in the same proportion
as Wyoming and the rest are shorted between 3 and 14 representatives.

Law limits Congress to 435 Representatives, but if representation were
proportional there would be 549, an increase of 114 representatives.
I do not see why this number should be unwieldy or why it would cause
difficulty.

xponent
Census Data Maru
rob 


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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-27 Thread Frank Schmidt

 Even better!
 A post I wrote last October:
 
 The problem with the electoral college is not in the electoral
 college, but in the way populations are represented in Congress. I
 would think that this lack of representation on an everyday basis
 would be of much greater concern.
 
 Just to make sure my message is clear: *The Problem Is A Lack Of Fair
 Representation*
 
 Using Wyoming as a benchmark, where you have 1 congressperson per
 (roughly) 500,000 people, 2 Senators (as always) and 3 Electoral
 votes.
 
 Compare to California where you have 1 Congressperson per 639,088
 people, 2 Senators, and 55 Electoral votes.
 That doesn't sound all that bad offhand, but if California had
 representation equal to Wyomings you would get 67 Congresspersons and
 69 Electoral votes. That is a net gain of 12 Congresspersons and 14
 Electoral votes.
 
 This lack of representation effects at least 48 states that I can
 identify. Of those states, 25 are short one representative, and 10 are
 shorted by 2. Only Iowa and DC are represented in the same proportion
 as Wyoming and the rest are shorted between 3 and 14 representatives.
 
 Law limits Congress to 435 Representatives, but if representation were
 proportional there would be 549, an increase of 114 representatives.
 I do not see why this number should be unwieldy or why it would cause
 difficulty.
 
 xponent
 Census Data Maru
 rob 

The difficulty is, when you have done the above and look at the new data,
you'll find another state which is better represented than any other. I
think the current system is so designed that it minimizes the difference
between the actual number of Representatives (in Wyoming 1) and the deserved
number (in Wyoming about 0.8), so your proposed change would probably make
the situation much less desireable by your standards.

I find the difference between the voters for district winners and the voters
for other candidates more of a problem. The first group has 435
Representatives, the other has none. The real problem is that the most
voters will either always be in the first group, or always be in the second
group; relatively few change between the groups. Many in the losing group
have already given up voting because of that.

-- 
Frank Schmidt
Onward, radical moderates
www.egscomics.com

+++ Sparen beginnt mit GMX DSL: http://www.gmx.net/de/go/dsl
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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-27 Thread Robert Seeberger
Frank Schmidt wrote:
 Even better!
 A post I wrote last October:

 The problem with the electoral college is not in the electoral
 college, but in the way populations are represented in Congress. I
 would think that this lack of representation on an everyday basis
 would be of much greater concern.

 Just to make sure my message is clear: *The Problem Is A Lack Of 
 Fair
 Representation*

 Using Wyoming as a benchmark, where you have 1 congressperson per
 (roughly) 500,000 people, 2 Senators (as always) and 3 Electoral
 votes.

 Compare to California where you have 1 Congressperson per 639,088
 people, 2 Senators, and 55 Electoral votes.
 That doesn't sound all that bad offhand, but if California had
 representation equal to Wyomings you would get 67 Congresspersons 
 and
 69 Electoral votes. That is a net gain of 12 Congresspersons and 14
 Electoral votes.

 This lack of representation effects at least 48 states that I can
 identify. Of those states, 25 are short one representative, and 10
 are shorted by 2. Only Iowa and DC are represented in the same
 proportion as Wyoming and the rest are shorted between 3 and 14
 representatives.

 Law limits Congress to 435 Representatives, but if representation
 were proportional there would be 549, an increase of 114
 representatives. I do not see why this number should be unwieldy or
 why it would cause difficulty.

 xponent
 Census Data Maru
 rob

 The difficulty is, when you have done the above and look at the new
 data, you'll find another state which is better represented than any
 other. I think the current system is so designed that it minimizes
 the difference between the actual number of Representatives (in
 Wyoming 1) and the deserved number (in Wyoming about 0.8), so your
 proposed change would probably make the situation much less
 desireable by your standards.

 I find the difference between the voters for district winners and 
 the
 voters for other candidates more of a problem. The first group has 
 435
 Representatives, the other has none. The real problem is that the 
 most
 voters will either always be in the first group, or always be in the
 second group; relatively few change between the groups. Many in the
 losing group have already given up voting because of that.

I think you miss the point by some margin here. Regardless of what 
party a Representative belongs to, that Rep is still responsible to 
everyone in his district in the sense that the Rep is the person one 
goes to with a grievence or a plan. I would have no problem asking Tom 
Delay (Ugh.my congressmanand one I would never under any 
circumstances vote for) for help with some matter, because that is 
part of his job. I don't have to like my Rep in order to apply for his 
services.

The other issue is representation. My state is unfairly represented 
when compared to Wyoming or Alaska. And that unfairness spreads even 
to representation by electors in presidential elections. Who is 
elected is irrelevent. What is relevent is that my vote is worth less 
in every way measurable than a voter in Wyoming. That is unfair and 
should be redressed.

Will it change things in a manner which I favor? Well.Bush might 
still have been elected under my proposal, but that would be OK 
because it would have been a fairer election. There is no blaming or 
finger pointing involved here actually. It took many years before our 
system got so skewed and I don't think many people realize just how 
much it could effect the wishes of the people as filtered through the 
college of electors. I have not tried to calculate (I realize this 
would be hard to make accurate in any case since I cannot predict 
electoral district boundries in states that have more electors) how 
this would have changed the most recent election. I don't think I 
would be happy (nor would the opposition) to find that a fair 
representation would have changed the results, so I have not even 
given it thought.

I have a greater interest in fairness than winning in any case.

xponent
No Taxation Yadda Yadda Maru
rob 


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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-26 Thread Frank Schmidt
Count Maru wrote:
 Erik Reuter wrote:
  The electors themselves are mostly irrelevant
  (although they could conceivably suprise someday)
  but the Electoral College itself does have some
  interesting properties as compared to a straight
  majority vote:
 
  From the Archive: Math Against Tyranny
  By Will Hively
  September 30, 2004
 
 I have a quibble with the article. It doesn't address
 the way low population states are spotted (overall) a
 few extra electors as compared with high population
 states. This intentionally skews the overall number
 of electors and the allotment of electors for dense
 population areas.

This 'skewing' was decided by the Founding Fathers. It
was a compromise between a vote of the people and a
vote of the states. In my proposal I have the president
directly elected by the people, but I also have some
compensation for the (small) states (House+Primaries).

I have some other problems with the article. Natapoff
seemes to want to reach a conclusion that the Electoral
College was good for the US, and he arrived there. He
poses a situation where 51% vote for one side and 49%
for the other, and but many of the 51% are concentrated
in one state, while the 49%, winning two states, would
win the election. He asserts the 51% are the bad side,
and does not take into account that it might be the
other way around.

He also states that a high voting power is a safeguard
against tyranny (voting power being the amount one
voter's decision can influence the overall result).
Then he uses some math to explore the voting power in
his ideal system, in which people in all states vote
similar, but fails to adress the real situation where
most states lean heavily to one side or the other.

If someone lives in such a state, his voting power is
near zero: either if the vote is close nationwide,
then his own state clearly falls to one party, and
while his state matters in the nation, his vote does
not matter in his state. If the other party becomes
stronger, his state might become close, and his votes
matters there, but his state doesn't matter in the
nation where the other party won by a landslide.

If someone lives in a swing state, however, the voting
power is very high when the nationwide vote is close,
because then his vote matters in the state and the
state matters in the nation. If the nationwide vote is
leaning to one side, his voting power is near zero.

So in a nationwide vote leaning to one side, people in
all states have a voting power of near zero. In a close
vote, people in swing states have a high voting power
while the others still have a power near zero. In
contrast, if the election was direct, all people would
have an equal voting power. If it was close, it would
be much lower than in a swing state in the current
model, but the sum of the voting powers of all people
would be similar to the sum in the current model; just
the inequality of voting power would go away.

-- 
Frank Schmidt
Onward, radical moderates!
www.egscomics.com

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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-26 Thread Robert Seeberger
Frank Schmidt wrote:
 Count Maru wrote:
 Erik Reuter wrote:
 The electors themselves are mostly irrelevant
 (although they could conceivably suprise someday)
 but the Electoral College itself does have some
 interesting properties as compared to a straight
 majority vote:

 From the Archive: Math Against Tyranny
 By Will Hively
 September 30, 2004

 I have a quibble with the article. It doesn't address
 the way low population states are spotted (overall) a
 few extra electors as compared with high population
 states. This intentionally skews the overall number
 of electors and the allotment of electors for dense
 population areas.

 This 'skewing' was decided by the Founding Fathers. It
 was a compromise between a vote of the people and a
 vote of the states. In my proposal I have the president
 directly elected by the people, but I also have some
 compensation for the (small) states (House+Primaries).

Urk...you mistake what I was talking about.
Several decades ago congress set a limit to the number of 
representatives sent to congress. The effect this has today is that in 
my state a representative has 500,000 to 600,00 constituents while in 
the least populous states a representative has a scotch over 400,000 
constituents.
This gives an inordinate amount of power to those in less populous 
states and I resent that people in the hinterlands get better 
representation everyday that I do.

This would be addressed by returning to the system where every 
representative had an equal number of constituents. We would gain a 
crapload of reps, but then democracy isn't free is it?G


 I have some other problems with the article. Natapoff
 seemes to want to reach a conclusion that the Electoral
 College was good for the US, and he arrived there. He
 poses a situation where 51% vote for one side and 49%
 for the other, and but many of the 51% are concentrated
 in one state, while the 49%, winning two states, would
 win the election. He asserts the 51% are the bad side,
 and does not take into account that it might be the
 other way around.


Pretty much the same way the war is justified in a sense.


xponent
I Supported The War For Humanitarian Reasons And Remember Feeling 
Alone Maru
rob



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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-26 Thread Ronn!Blankenship
At 09:09 PM Tuesday 4/26/2005, Robert Seeberger wrote:
This would be addressed by returning to the system where every
representative had an equal number of constituents. We would gain a
crapload of reps, but then democracy isn't free is it?G

IIRC, the figure of 8000+ members of the House I mentioned a few days ago 
was based on each representative having the same number of constituents, 
and that number being what it was before the total number of 
representatives (or something like that: I'm sure of the first, anyway.  Of 
course, I don't happen to recall a reference . . . )

-- Ronn!  :)
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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-25 Thread Frank Schmidt
 There has been a great deal of work on voting
 science over the past ~200 years. Unfortunately,
 the conclusions are it depends. Is the system
 you describe better than the current system? It
 depends on what is considered important.
 
 Here is a summary of vote aggregation methods and
 some ways to measure their efficiency and fairness:
 
   http://lorrie.cranor.org/pubs/diss/node4.html
snip
I have read something like that before; I've still
bookmarked it so I might find a new perspective there
when I read it later.

However, the fact that no system is perfect doesn't
mean no system is better than the current one. In my
proposal, I decided to keep most as it is, but remove
the spoiler problem, electors and gerrymandering, and
allow the representation of district minorities in
the House.

As for electors, back when they were introduced they
were important people in their states, which the
people knew, which would then vote for a president,
which the people didn't know. In the present, the
people know who runs for president, but not the
electors. There still are electors, but they don't
have anything to decide anymore these days.

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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-25 Thread Erik Reuter
* Frank Schmidt ([EMAIL PROTECTED]) wrote:

 However, the fact that no system is perfect doesn't mean no system is
 better than the current one.

Who claimed otherwise? The problem is with deciding criteria. You didn't
explain what criteria you were using to decide what is better, and
why.

 As for electors, back when they were introduced they were important
 people in their states, which the people knew, which would then vote
 for a president, which the people didn't know. In the present, the
 people know who runs for president, but not the electors. There still
 are electors, but they don't have anything to decide anymore these
 days.

The electors themselves are mostly irrelevant (although they could
conceivably suprise someday) but the Electoral College itself does have
some interesting properties as compared to a straight majority vote:




From the Archive: Math Against Tyranny
By Will Hively
September 30, 2004


This article about the electoral college originally appeared in the
November 1996 issue of Discover. Some of our readers thought it would be
a good idea to feature it again this election year. We agree.
--The editors 

When you cast your vote this month, you're not directly electing the
president.you're electing members of the electoral college.  They elect
the president.  An archaic, unnecessary system?  Mathematics shows, says
one concerned American, that by giving your vote to another, you're
ensuring the future of our democracy.

***

 Math Against Tyranny  Discover, Nov. 1996

One morning at two o'clock, Alan Natapoff recalls, I realized that I
was the only person willing to see this problem through to the end. The
morning in question was back in the late 1970s. Then as now, Natapoff,
a physicist, was spending his days doing research at mit's Man-Vehicle
Laboratory, investigating how the human brain responds to acceleration,
weightless floating, and other vexations of contemporary transport. But
the problem he was working on so late involved larger and grander
issues. He was contemplating the survival of our nation as we know it.

Not long before Natapoff's epiphany, Congress had teetered on the
verge of wrecking the electoral college, an institution that has no
equal anywhere in the world. This group of ordinary citizens, elected
by all who vote, elects, in turn, the nation's president and vice
president. Though the college still stood, Natapoff worried that
sometime soon, well-meaning reformers might try again to destroy it. The
only way to prevent such a tragedy, he thought, would be to get people
to understand the real but hidden value of our peculiar, roundabout
voting procedure. He'd have to dig down to basic principles. He'd have
to give them a mathematical explanation of why we need the electoral
college.

Natapoff's self-chosen labor has taken him more than two decades. But
now that the journal Public Choice is about to publish his
groundbreaking article, he can finally relax a bit; he might even take
a vacation. In addition to this nontechnical article, which skimps on
the math, he's worked out a formal theorem that demonstrates, he claims,
why our complex electoral system is provably better than a simple,
direct election. Furthermore, he adds, without this quirky glitch in the
system, our democracy might well have fallen apart long ago into warring
factions.

This month many of us are playing our allotted role in the drama that's
haunted Natapoff for so long. Ostensibly, by voting on November 5, we
are choosing the next president of the United States. Nine weeks after
the apparent winner celebrates victory, however, Congress will count
not our votes but those of 538 electors, distributed proportionally
among the states. Each state gets as many electoral votes as it has
seats in Congress--California has 54, New York has 33, the seven least
populated states have 3 each; the District of Columbia also has 3. These
538 votes actually elect the president. And the electors who cast them
don't always choose the popular-vote winner. In 1888, the classic
example, Grover Cleveland got 48.6 percent of the popular vote versus
Benjamin Harrison's 47.9 percent. Cleveland won by 100,456 votes. But
the electors chose Harrison, overwhelmingly (233 to 168). They were not
acting perversely.  According to the rules laid out in the Constitution,
Harrison was the winner.

Some reversals have been more complicated. In 1824, Andrew Jackson beat
his rival, John Quincy Adams, by more popular and then more electoral
votes--99 versus 84--but still lost the election because he didn't win
a majority of electoral votes (78 went to other candidates). When that
happens, the House of Representatives picks the winner. In 1876, Samuel
J. Tilden lost to Rutherford B. Hayes by one electoral vote, though
he received 50.9 percent of the popular vote to Hayes's 47.9 percent;
an extraordinary commission awarded 20 disputed electoral votes to
Hayes. We've also had some famous close calls. In 1960, John F. 

Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-25 Thread Robert Seeberger
Erik Reuter wrote:

 The electors themselves are mostly irrelevant (although they could
 conceivably suprise someday) but the Electoral College itself does
 have some interesting properties as compared to a straight majority
 vote:




 From the Archive: Math Against Tyranny
 By Will Hively
 September 30, 2004

I have a quibble with the article. It doesn't address the way low 
population states are spotted (overall) a few extra electors as 
compared with high population states.
This intentionally skews the overall number of electors and the 
allotment of electors for dense population areas.

Doesn't that seem to make our system a bit less democratic than it 
could be?
A bit less fair?
A bit less accurate in regards to the intent of the design of the 
system?


xponent
The Count Maru
rob 


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US voting reform idea

2005-04-24 Thread Frank Schmidt
Several months ago, I found the website of the Center for Voting and
Democracy (CVD) at www.fairvote.org. If I had to sum up their program in
once sentence, they want every US citizen to be able to cast a vote that
matters. One of their reform ideas, Instant Runoff Voting (IRV), is being
supported by influential people like Howard Dean and John McCain.

In IRV (also called STV), you can vote for a candidate you really like
without fearing to waste your vote, because you can mark candidates as being
your first, second or third choice (or even more). If your first choice
candidate ends up getting few votes, your vote will be transferred to your
second choice candidate. If that candidate has also got only a few votes, it
will be transferred to your third choice. When one of the candidates has
more than half of the votes, the procedure ends, and that candidate is
elected. (This could also happen in the first round of counting)

IRV has been shown to change the way campaigns are made where it’s already
in use. Currently you have to prevent other candidates to be chosen as
voters’ first choices, so you must attack all other candidates. With IRV you
can appeal directly to the voters with your program, getting second choices
is good, and attacking other candidates might deny you their voters’ second
choice.

Other points are a constitutional right to vote (currently excluding someone
from voting is illegal if it’s because of e.g. race or sex, but not if it’s
because of other reasons) and an end to gerrymandering (multi-member
districts seem to be a popular solution) in house and winner-takes-all in
presidential elections. But you’d better go to their site yourself, I’ve
probably forgot something here.

Now the problem is, most of these goals can only be reached by 
constitutional change, which needs the support of 2/3 of Representatives,
2/3 of Senators and ¾ of the states. Some however need just a change of
laws: for electors and Senators this would be state laws, for
Representatives federal laws.

Now I’d like to know what you think of my following reform proposal (based
in part on CVD ideas):

Short-term (law changes):
Senators and electors get elected with IRV; this eliminates the ‚spoiler’
problem
House gets enlarged to 600, allocation method switches to Adams (the
enlargement benefits the large states, the switch the small ones)
The states now draw district borders for multi-member districts, instead of
the current single-member ones. Inside these districts seats get distributed
by Proportional Representation. Due to this, the minority in the district
gets represented fairly, while now only district majorities get represented.
Due to the enlargement, the fairer representation won’t automatically
endanger the current Representatives.

I think these changes would make voting fairer, and increase turnout since
the minority (in a district/state)  now has the chance to get represented.
Fringe parties are unlikely unless the number of Representatives in a
districts gets really large. However, a third party could get
Representatives through if they get enough support. A party split however
will likely hurt both factions, and likely would deny the weaker faction a
seat (again, unless the number of Reps/district gets large).

Long term (constitutional changes):
Right to vote and easy access to getting registered to vote
US citizens don’t live in the 50 states, and are not registered in any of
them get treated as if they are living in an additional state. (This way,
they get represented in Congress)
The President gets elected directly, with IRV.
As a compensation, all states get 2 representatives extra (so the smallest
one would have 3, and the minority there is represented in the House)
The primary system gets changed. (This is a long proposal, because it
doesn’t produce one winner, but several candiates)
Currently it throws out candidates of the two strong parties, who might win
the election if they were nominated, but allows candidates of weaker parties
in who don’t have any chance to win. Also, some states always get the
advantage of having their primaries first, while others only have theirs
when there is already a winner. Party conventions have become meaningless,
they only have to cheer.
I propose an open system:
#1: First, the order of primaries in the states is determined by random
draw. Primaries are held in rounds: in round 1, one state holds a primary,
in round 2 two, and so on.
#2: Then, candidates have to collect a number of signatures nationwide (not
necessarily in every state) to get on a list of preliminary candidates. This
list is used for each of the primaries.
#3: Then, in a primary, voters can vote for up to 3 candidates from the
preliminary list (each can get only 1 vote).
#4: Then votes are counted. Percentages are calculated by dividing the
number of votes for one candidate by the number of all voters. If the best
candidate gets over 50%, all candidates with at least 25% qualify, if the
best 

Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-24 Thread Ronn!Blankenship
A few comments interspersed:
At 12:07 PM Sunday 4/24/2005, Frank Schmidt wrote:
Several months ago, I found the website of the Center for Voting and
Democracy (CVD) at www.fairvote.org. If I had to sum up their program in
once sentence, they want every US citizen to be able to cast a vote that
matters. One of their reform ideas, Instant Runoff Voting (IRV), is being
supported by influential people like Howard Dean and John McCain.
In IRV (also called STV), you can vote for a candidate you really like
without fearing to waste your vote, because you can mark candidates as being
your first, second or third choice (or even more). If your first choice
candidate ends up getting few votes, your vote will be transferred to your
second choice candidate. If that candidate has also got only a few votes, it
will be transferred to your third choice. When one of the candidates has
more than half of the votes, the procedure ends, and that candidate is
elected. (This could also happen in the first round of counting)
IRV has been shown to change the way campaigns are made where it’s already
in use. Currently you have to prevent other candidates to be chosen as
voters’ first choices, so you must attack all other candidates. With IRV you
can appeal directly to the voters with your program, getting second choices
is good, and attacking other candidates might deny you their voters’ second
choice.
Other points are a constitutional right to vote (currently excluding someone
from voting is illegal if it’s because of e.g. race or sex, but not if it’s
because of other reasons)

How about convicted felons?  Those who have been adjudged mentally 
incompetent to manage their own affairs?


and an end to gerrymandering (multi-member
districts seem to be a popular solution)

What about as a beginning following existing city or county lines?

in house and winner-takes-all in
presidential elections. But you’d better go to their site yourself, I’ve
probably forgot something here.
Now the problem is, most of these goals can only be reached by
constitutional change, which needs the support of 2/3 of Representatives,
2/3 of Senators and ¾ of the states. Some however need just a change of
laws: for electors and Senators this would be state laws, for
Representatives federal laws.
Now I’d like to know what you think of my following reform proposal (based
in part on CVD ideas):
Short-term (law changes):
Senators and electors get elected with IRV; this eliminates the ‚spoiler’
problem
House gets enlarged to 600,

Actually, it would have to be a number around 8000 if one made the 
districts small enough that everyone in the district had a reasonable 
chance of knowing their representative as anything more than a name on the 
ballot when he runs for election (or on the news when he's 
indicted).  (FWIW, would you recognize your Congressman if you ran into him 
in 7-Eleven late one night when you both were there to pick up a gallon of 
milk?  If you answer that your Congressman would never go by himself to 
7-Eleven late at night to pick up a gallon of milk, then that's the 
problem, isn't it?)

In either case, if we expand Congress, where do we put them all, not to 
mention their staffs and minions?  Rebuild the Capitol?


allocation method switches to Adams (the
enlargement benefits the large states, the switch the small ones)
The states now draw district borders for multi-member districts, instead of
the current single-member ones. Inside these districts seats get distributed
by Proportional Representation. Due to this, the minority in the district
gets represented fairly, while now only district majorities get represented.
Due to the enlargement, the fairer representation won’t automatically
endanger the current Representatives.
I think these changes would make voting fairer, and increase turnout since
the minority (in a district/state)  now has the chance to get represented.
Fringe parties are unlikely unless the number of Representatives in a
districts gets really large. However, a third party could get
Representatives through if they get enough support. A party split however
will likely hurt both factions, and likely would deny the weaker faction a
seat (again, unless the number of Reps/district gets large).
Long term (constitutional changes):
Right to vote and easy access to getting registered to vote
US citizens don’t live in the 50 states, and are not registered in any of
them get treated as if they are living in an additional state. (This way,
they get represented in Congress)

If they are in the military or  employed overseas and can reasonably be 
expected to return to the States at some point, they should be allowed to 
vote absentee in the district of their home of record.  If they have 
apparently moved out of the US for good, frex they have stopped paying US 
taxes, then why should they have a say in how things are run in the US?


The President gets elected directly, with IRV.
As a compensation, all states get 2 representatives 

Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-24 Thread Frank Schmidt
 A few comments interspersed:

A lot of my previous mail snipped to which Ronn didn't respond.

 At 12:07 PM Sunday 4/24/2005, Frank Schmidt wrote:

 Other points are a constitutional right to vote (currently
 excluding someone from voting is illegal if it’s because of
 e.g. race or sex, but not if it’s because of other reasons)

 How about convicted felons?  Those who have been adjudged
 mentally incompetent to manage their own affairs?

I'm for letting them vote. I'd make exceptions to not let
jail populations vote in local elections, and the mentally
incompetent if it's not really themselves, but someone else
who votes. (I think it's this way here in Germany, and I
remember how the 2000 election was heavily influenced by the
exclusion of many black people on a 'felons list', many of
which weren't even felons. I read that people remain marked
as felons even when their jail term is over. If you give a
detailed description what makes one a felon, I'm interested)

 and an end to gerrymandering (multi-member
 districts seem to be a popular solution)
 
 What about as a beginning following existing city or
 county lines?

As a beginning. There will be a problem, however, if
gerrymandering is ended only in Democrat-controlled states
or only in Republican-controlled ones. And this doesn't
answer the question of representation of the minority side
in a district which might never get a chance to win.

 House gets enlarged to 600,
 
 Actually, it would have to be a number around 8000 if
 one made the districts small enough that everyone in
 the district had a reasonable chance of knowing their
 representative as anything more than a name on the
 ballot when he runs for election (or on the news when
 he's indicted). (FWIW, would you recognize your
 Congressman if you ran into him in 7-Eleven late one
 night when you both were there to pick up a gallon of
 milk? If you answer that your Congressman would never
 go by himself to 7-Eleven late at night to pick up a
 gallon of milk, then that's the problem, isn't it?)
 
 In either case, if we expand Congress, where do we put
 them all, not to mention their staffs and minions?
 Rebuild the Capitol?

If the House remains at 435 seats, many Representatives
would lose their seats in a switch to multi-member
districts. I would not mind, but I think a lot of
Representatives would.

The 7-Eleven problem can be half solved: while your
Congressman will probably don't know you, you should
know him and what he stands for. How else can you decide
who to vote for?

 US citizens don’t live in the 50 states, and are not
 registered in any of them get treated as if they are
 living in an additional state. (This way, they get
 represented in Congress)
 
 If they are in the military or employed overseas and
 can reasonably be expected to return to the States at
 some point, they should be allowed to vote absentee
 in the district of their home of record.

Agreed. I meant that when I wrote 'registered in any of
them'.

 If they have apparently moved out of the US for good,
 frex they have stopped paying US taxes, then why should
 they have a say in how things are run in the US?

I meant US citizens living in US territories. They are
under US control and are US citzens, so they should be
represented.

-- 
Frank Schmidt
Onward, radical moderates
www.egscomics.com

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Re: US voting reform idea

2005-04-24 Thread Erik Reuter
There has been a great deal of work on voting science over the past
~200 years. Unfortunately, the conclusions are it depends. Is the
system you describe better than the current system? It depends on what
is considered important.

Here is a summary of vote aggregation methods and some ways to measure
their efficiency and fairness:

  http://lorrie.cranor.org/pubs/diss/node4.html

Excerpt:

 The paradox of voting is the coexistence of coherent individual
valuations and a collectively incoherent choice by majority rule. In an
election with three or more alternatives (candidates, motions, etc.)
and three or more voters, it may happen that when the alternatives
are placed against each other in a series of paired comparisons, no
alternative emerges victorious over each of the others: Voting fails to
produce a clear-cut winner.

William H. Riker, 1982 [86] 

The paradox of voting was discovered over 200 years ago by M. Condorcet,
a French mathematician, philosopher, economist, and social scientist.
However, it received little attention until Duncan Black [13] explained
its significance in a series of essays he began in the 1940s. The
importance of the voting paradox was not fully realized until several
years after Kenneth Arrow published Social Choice and Individual Values
[3] in 1951, which contained his General Possibility Theorem. The
essence of this theorem is that there is no method of aggregating
individual preferences over three or more alternatives that satisfies
several conditions of fairness and always produces a logical result.
Arrow's precisely defined conditions of fairness and logicality have
been the subject of scrutiny by other scholars. However, none have
found a way of relaxing one or more of these conditions that results
in a generally satisfactory voting system immune from the voting
paradox.  Thus Arrow's theorem has the profound implication that in many
situations there is no fair and logical way of aggregating individual
preferences -- there is no way to determine accurately the collective
will of the people.

Social choice theorists have invented many vote aggregation systems
and have attempted to determine the most appropriate systems for a
variety of voting situations. Although there is some agreement about
which characteristics are desirable in a vote aggregation system,
there is much disagreement as to which characteristics are most
important. In addition, the selection is often influenced more by
political circumstances than by the advice of theorists. Thus the
popularity of a voting system is not necessarily an indication of its
fairness [66].

The choice of a vote aggregation system can influence much more
than the results of an election. It can also influence the ability
of analysts to interpret election results, and in turn the ability
of representatives to understand the wishes of the people they
represent and the satisfaction of the electorate that they have had
the opportunity to express themselves. This is due to the fact that
the various vote aggregation systems require voters to supply varying
amounts of information about their preferences and that some systems
tend to encourage voters to report their preferences insincerely. In
addition, the choice of vote aggregation system could affect the
stability of a government, the degree to which an organization
embraces or resists change, and the extent to which minorities are
represented. It could also affect the ability of the members of an
organization to achieve compromise.

This section explores the many types of vote aggregation systems


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