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2. The historical setting of the case


Since the final, 1848 stage of the fall from power of the decaying Habsburg
Empire’s Clement Prince Metternich, the conflict between two mutually
exclusive principles of government, has dominated the entirety of the
principal affairs of each and all nations of globally extended European
civilization. The LaRouche case, as summarized above, is no exception to that
rule. The presently leading conflict within the morally crisis-stricken U.S.
Democratic Party, is also no exception to that rule.

The early Nineteenth-Century decline and fall of the power of the old,
princely, feudal landed aristocracy, left European civilization under the
domination of a conflict between two contending social forces. On the one
side, there was the triumphant modern form of ruling financial oligarchy, a
form of society and state brought forth in the Netherlands and England under
the direct influence of those ruling sets of Venice’s financial-oligarchical
families which had been led, successively by figures such as Paolo Sarpi and A
bbot Antonio Conti. This was the financier oligarchy against which our
patriots opposed both the bloody tyranny of William of Orange and the new
British monarchy established with the accession of George I.

Our republic, created in such circumstances, was of a new form. It had its
ancient roots in such precedents as Solon’s reforms at Athens, in the
Classical Greek struggle for the establishment of republics, and in the
ecumenical conception of man brought to Classical Greek culture by such
Apostles of Jesus Christ as Peter, John, and Paul. The founders of our
constitutional republic followed the Fifteenth-Century precedents of
statecraft of France’s King Louis XI and England’s Henry VII.

When, during the course of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, the
conditions in Europe, became an unsuitable political climate for establishing
true republics consistent with the commonwealth principles of Louis XI and
Henry VII, Europeans committed to that cause, established colonies in the
Americas. These colonies, at least the best among them, such as the
Massachusetts Bay Colony of the Winthrops and Mathers, sought to build up
true commonwealths, otherwise to be known as republics, in the Americas. It
was their desire, that not only should these nascent republics prosper, but
that they become, in the later words of our friend the Marquis de Lafayette,
temples of liberty and beacons of hope, in the eyes of our strife-ridden
friends and political allies among the peoples of Europe and elsewhere. That
role and mission, the fostering of a community of principle among perfectly
sovereign such republics, has been crucial to the very continued existence of
our republic, a fact which has been recognized by all great patriots of our
republic as our nation’s true manifest destiny.

Unfortunately, even up to the present date, Europe has not yet succeeded in
establishing durable forms of true constitutional republics. Great reforms,
especially reforms inspired by our successful struggle for liberty against
our own British oligarchical oppressor, have occurred. For a time, some among
us had good reason to be hopeful that President Charles de Gaulle would lead
his nation into becoming a true republic. Unfortunately, despite the great
democratizing reforms which have occurred in the old world, the constitutions
of Europe are still but the reformed relics of feudal institutions of
government, under an arrangement in which parliaments are as often the
victims of a reigning financier oligarchy, operating like a puppet-master
from behind the scenes, as master of the nation’s affairs. Such was the
nature of the way in which Anglo-American oligarchical interest destroyed the
sovereign political system of Italy, beginning 1992, and the way in which
Anglo-American oligarchical agencies have prompted the eruption of a similar
destabilization of the representative political institutions of Germany, and
potentially also France, most recently.

Unfortunately, since the establishment of our own constitutional republic, we
as a people have often been betrayed by ourselves. Today, as often during the
past, our nation has been more often the victim of inherently wicked,
powerful forces living among us, than of any foreign power. Among us, there
are chiefly two powerful enemies, and yet a third powerful cause for our
recurring, self-inflicted sorrows.

Our republic’s two explicit internal enemies of note, are, first, a financier
oligarchy, which came to be centered in New York City’s Wall Street, around
the circles of British Foreign Office agent Aaron Burr; and, second, the
tradition of the slaveholding planter oligarchy, the tradition we associate
with the Confederacy. The third enemy, is the persisting folly among the
ordinary people of our nation, those whom President Abraham Lincoln described
by observing that you can fool all of the people some of the time, and most
of the people, as today, all of the time. The persisting propensity of the
majority among our people to be fooled, is the third, and most important
source of all those afflictions we have suffered since our republic was
established. The wicked minority, the concerts of Wall Street
financial-oligarchical interest which follow in the footsteps of Aaron Burr’s
Bank of Manhattan, and of the slaveholder tradition, are the minority which
has been able to rule during so many intervals of our history, solely through
the recurring disposition of the majority of our people to behave as
political fools.

Thus, it came to be the case, that the financier-oligarchical legacy, jointly
represented by the Wall Street financier interest and its law firms, and the
Lockean legacy of the slaveowners’ tradition, have been my only significant
political enemies here, within the United States. The others among my
opponents, are simply people, of sundry stations, behaving, not uncommonly,
as fools. To understand that conflict between me and those significant
political enemies, and such among their lackeys as the Justice Department’s
John Keeney, is to understand each and all of the leading issues expressed in
thirty-odd years of the “Get LaRouche” operation.

The political issue which underlies the continuing de facto criminality of
the Justice Department’s permanent bureaucracy, is exactly the same as what
Henry Kissinger identified, in his Chatham House address, as the conflict
between President Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill. That, for
example, has been the only essential conflict between me and Kissinger,
throughout the recent approximately thirty years to date.

However, like the infinitely corrupt Fouche and Talleyrand of their own time,
today’s creatures such as John Keeney and Kissinger, or the Trilateral Mr.
Zbigniew Brzezinski, are but liveried lackeys disguised in mufti. To locate
the political issues of our time, one must first address them according to
the famous prescription of England’s Alexander Pope: “Pray, Sir, and whose
dog are you?” One must identify the mere lackeys by their masters.

The proximate origin of that political conflict today, can be efficiently
traced from the successful assassination of President William McKinley, in
1901. That assassination, arranged through the Henry Street Settlement House
of Emma Goldman, made a scion of the Confederacy, Theodore Roosevelt,
President.52 It was that Roosevelt, and the man he made President, Woodrow
Wilson, who introduced those sweeping disastrous changes in our institutions,
which have brought us repeatedly to the verge of ruin during today’s
preceding hundred years. The Criminal Division of the Justice Department, as
typified by John Keeney and J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI, is an exemplary, Wall
Street-controlled, creation of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidency, and one of
the key puppets of Wall Street inside the permanent bureaucracy of our
government, to the present date. The satanic figure of bureaucrat Keeney,
typifies such mere puppets of the bidding of Wall Street financier interest
and its attached law firms.

Typical: specifically, the FBI was first established, as the National Bureau
of Investigation, by Theodore Roosevelt’s Attorney General, Charles
Bonaparte, a Fouche of his time, and an authentic member of the Bonaparte
family, who plainly stated his intent to create a Bonapartist style of
political police agency in the United States. He proposed a secret political
police, like that under the Emperor Napoleon, and under the latter’s nephew
and Lord Palmerston appointee as ruler of France, Napoleon III.53 This secret
political police became known, chiefly, as the FBI of J. Edgar Hoover
notoriety.

Typically, Theodore Roosevelt’s mentor was a famous traitor to the United
States, his uncle, the rabid Anglophile Captain James Bulloch, a notorious
filibusterer and head of the foreign intelligence service for the Confederate
States of America. “Teddy” represented, as his adopted patron, the
notoriously tainted, rabidly Anglophile, Wall Street faction of the national
Republican Party, the bitter enemies of such Lincoln Republicans as Garfield,
Blaine, and McKinley.

Typically, the man whom Theodore Roosevelt’s Bull Moose theatrics made
President, Woodrow Wilson, was a fanatical admirer of the Ku Klux Klan, who
launched the mass-organizing for a revived Klan, openly, from that Executive
Mansion which “Teddy” had renamed “The White House.”

In that time, New York Republicans and New York Democrats were
interchangeable parts. Tilden’s campaign had ended Reconstruction, and
Cleveland’s Presidency had installed both the establishment of a Wall
Street-controlled permanent Federal bureaucracy, in the abused name of
“reform,” and also the Jim Crow doctrine enshrined by “separate but equal.”
The Sons of the Confederacy and Wall Street were as one in their
determination to uproot and eradicate the legacy of Presidents such as
Washington, Monroe, Quincy Adams, Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley.

Typical of wretches of his pedigree, Theodore Roosevelt rewarded those who
had brought him into the Presidency by unleashing, in the name of
“trust-busting,” an onrushing takeover of American productive
entrepreneurship’s interests, by the interlinked Wall Street and London financ
ier oligarchies. The design of the Federal Reserve System, on the initiative
of King Edward VII’s chief financial agent inside the U.S., Jacob Schiff, and
the establishment of that Federal Reserve System by a Roosevelt-backed
racist, President Woodrow Wilson, typify the counterrevolutionary character
of the changes introduced to the U.S. and its economy, under the successive
Presidencies of Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Calvin Coolidge.
Except for the leadership of President Franklin Roosevelt, the United States
as a republic could not have survived what the Presidencies of Teddy
Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Calvin Coolidge wrought.

In the setting of the years following the assassination of the President John
F. Kennedy who had made a knowledgeable commitment to revive the Franklin
Roosevelt legacy, I found myself moving into a new way of personal life. My
principles were not altered; they remained, axiomatically, those which
defined my entire development over the first thirty years of my life. What
changed, during the middle of the 1960s, was an emerging new sense of
personal responsibility, and mission, in defense of this nation from the
greatest dangers which I recognized as emergent at that time. There were
either very few individuals who accepted that responsibility at that time,
or, if they existed, they have vanished, unheralded, from the scene. Thus, my
own emerging role in our national political life has been a unique one, both
within our nation, and, increasingly, in the world at large. As a
correlative, this relative uniqueness of my qualifications on this account
has produced, as reaction, the relative uniqueness of the campaigns of
assassination, defamation, and prosecution, which the Justice Department and
its Wall Street masters have conducted against me, around the world, during
these recent thirty years.

Thus, in that time, especially after the assassination of the Reverend Martin
Luther King, I found myself amid a growing political vacuum of national
leadership, a general lack of those specific qualities of leadership needed
to pull the nation back to at least the level of quality of outlook
characteristic of the best features of the Lincoln tradition and the Franklin
Roosevelt legacy.54

At first, my role in our political life was that of a gadfly, a critic of the
prevailing absurdities of that time. After the follies of President Richard
Nixon’s decisions of mid-August 1971, my situation changed rapidly. Because
of my exceptional combination of qualifications as a cultivated original
thinker and economist, and also my temperament, I began to emerge rather
rapidly as a significant new political figure in our nation, and among
nations abroad. It was to this that the herders of the political sheep pens
and slaughterhouses reacted early on; by late 1973, they had decided to
orchestrate my assassination by the FBI’s puppets within the National
Committee of the Communist Party U.S.A. As the behavior of the leading
mass-media since 1973 attests, and as the three decades of the still-ongoing
Justice Department operations against me attest, the oligarchical managers of
our nation’s political sheep-pens are still at their bloody work.

Think of the way in which cattle-breeders manage their herds. The fat, milky,
and manageable critters, they breed; those difficult to control, or
ill-suited to menial labor, or those which are simply deemed too numerous to
suit their master’s pleasure, they cull. That is the way the slave-catchers
culled their captives. That is the way in which oligarchies, throughout the
ages of known history, have managed the political herds over which they
ruled. Traditionally, as the case of the assassination of a J. Edgar
Hoover-targetted Martin Luther King attests,55 oligarchies and their menial
lackeys do not wait until an insolent specimen becomes a serious threat to
the oligarchy’s arrangements, as Presidential pre-candidate Robert Kennedy
did; the oligarchs tend to order them killed before they might have the
chance to develop, to become a serious threat. With the oligarchs and their
lackeys, that is partly a matter of instinct: the instinct to kill what they
dislike. Among cleverer managers of the political herd, there is a more
cultivated motive for such killings and kindred enterprises in culling the
popular herd.

It is in the nature of any sort of oligarchical society to descend into
self-inflicted crises of existential implications. In such crises, there
tends to be a quickly spreading, popular receptivity, born in desperation, to
consider new ideas. I have referred to this as a “Pearl Harbor Effect”: the
often sudden changes in the temper and outlook of even the majority of the
population in the moment “the bomb drops.” If there are voices which might
qualify as new leaders, under such circumstances, important changes may be
introduced to society. If such leaders are wanting, or have been culled
beforehand, the old oligarchy will either retain power, or soon regain it,
and “the same old crap goes on all over again.”

Since human nature itself is alien to the state of being human cattle, the
impulse within the population, especially among the young, to establish new
institutions consistent with actual human nature, is relatively strong,
especially during shocking crises, then at least for a relatively short time.
Great changes for the better may occur under such circumstances. The adopted
self-interest of the oligarchy is either to prevent such changes, or to adapt
to them with the intent to recapture their old, customary power, if perhaps
in a slightly modified form, once the population has settled into
preoccupation with the banality of narrowly defined personal and local
self-interests.

If one views the case of President Franklin Roosevelt, and of President John
Kennedy, from this historical vantage-point, the oligarchy’s continuing
hatred of Roosevelt, and of Kennedy, to the present day, is easily
recognized. Then, and now, the oligarchy and its lackeys think: Prevent that
from ever happening again! That reaction is virtually a matter of instinct.

This reaction operates not only against mavericks who might become President.
The oligarch’s rule is to weed out potentially troublesome persons of
republican impulse at all levels. Either to kill them, imprison them, defame
them, or neutralize them in other ways, including such tactics as the pure
and simple personal, financial, or other corruption used to manufacture the
prosecution witnesses for the Boston and Alexandria trials.

Essentially, the culpable characters in the Justice Department, the FBI, the
Democratic National Committee’s bureaucracy, and the mass media, are simply
lackeys; but, as one might recall from the study of feudal and other history,
it is the lackeys who usually do their masters’ dirty work, and who seem,
like Nazi SS men, to enjoy it the most.

So, in 1973, Wall Street’s Justice Department lackeys said: “Kill him!” When
I began to play a marginal role internationally, and then run for President,
the oligarchy reacted, by judging me to be potentially even much more
dangerous than in 1973. By 1982, my influence internationally had reached the
level at which the oligarchs decided to eradicate me and everything
associated with me. They did so because they were frightened, because they
fear that someone might do as I was committed to doing: utilize the impending
global crisis to bring back the American system and its legacy. That, indeed,
I will do, if I am allowed.

That, in short, is the one and only true reason for the prosecutorial and
other dirty operations against me and my friends, to which I have referred
here. The concern of the oligarchy and its lackeys is to be rid of me in any
way possible. Only countervailing considerations of factitious advantage and
related notions of political expediency deter them from simply killing me at
any early moment. I fear what will become of all of you who survive me, if I
am taken from you in that or similar ways.

The historical issue of those trials
Top of Document

The leading issue, which set Wall Street and the Supreme Court into bitter
opposition to President Franklin Roosevelt then, was Roosevelt’s advocacy of
the cause for which our nation’s founders had established our independence
and our Federal Constitutional republic. That advocacy is stated, as I have
already emphasized here, in the first three paragraphs of the 1776
Declaration of Independence and the Preamble of the Federal Constitution. In
that Preamble, the most distinguishing, fundamental principle of law, upon
which the distinguishing features of the remainder of that Constitution are
premised axiomatically, is the principle of the general welfare. That was
always the issue between President Franklin Roosevelt on the one side, and
oligarchical forces of Wall Street and the Supreme Court on the opposite side.

That bitter, axiomatic issue, is the pivotal motive for our oligarchs’ hatred
of Franklin Roosevelt then, and of me today. It is also the key to
understanding the moral issue which rots out the political and other
character of even most professing Christians, and similar hypocrites, in the
U.S.A. today.

Thus, the political history of the Twentieth-Century U.S.A. became the tale
of the two President Roosevelts: Teddy the louse, versus Franklin the
patriot. Thus, the root of the same issue, is the issue of two mutually
exclusive conceptions of individual human nature: the one the notion of man
as endowed with that power of cognition, which defines all persons as made
equally in the image of the Creator of the universe, and the opposite,
oligarchical assumption, an assumption expressed in the axiomatically
bestial, empiricist notions of human nature, the conception of man expressed
by both Bernard de Mandeville’s satanic fable, The Fable of the Bees,56 and
the related, oligarchical notions of slaveholder or shareholder “values,” the
latter considered as axiomatically supreme in law-making.

The willingness of the Federal Court to condone the mass-murder of citizens
through application of shareholder value to HMO practices, welfare reform,
Social Security, and other domains, puts these issues of contending legal
principle into sharper focus. Implicitly, whenever the courts, for one,
uphold the premise of shareholder value, or kindred premises, for decisions
disfavorable to the principle of the general welfare, that court’s majority
is urinating upon the Declaration of Independence and Federal Constitution,
acts which are rightly considered as impeachable. Consider, as a most
relevant example of this point, the landmark decisions associated with the
regimes of the currently reigning, and ruining Governors of the Federal
states of Texas, Florida, and Virginia. Consider the recent history of
relevant majority decisions by the Supreme Court in that light. Keep in mind,
as you consider this matter, the phrase “culling the popular herd.”

Consider the case in which a convict, sitting on death row, has the
prospective benefit of evidence showing either that he, or she is probably
innocent, or simply that the relevant trial was so polluted in character,
that the case must be returned to fresh trial. Consider the number of such
extreme cases of death-row inmates which have been rushed to execution in
defiance of reasonable evidence of such flaws in the judgment at trial.
Consider, then, the instances in which the relevant state and Federal
judicial and other authorities have argued that the desire to establish the
perfect “finality” of death-sentences overrides the considerations of truth
and justice. Consider the number of such cases in which decisions by the U.S.
Supreme Court have either ordered executions to proceed, in effect, or in
which model such decisions by that Court have cleared the way for termination
at the lower levels of decision-making. Consider the relevant, perverted
state of mind expressed by both of the relevant sons of former President
George Bush in such and related matters.

What does the mere existence of such a condition say of the entire system of
Federal justice today? It says that the Federal system of justice has become
a prosecutorial crap-game, and a rigged one at that. It says, that truth is
no longer axiomatically a consideration in our Federal system of justice. It
says that the Federal courts have tended to become the mere rubber stamps for
such Fouches of the Federal prosecutorial bureaucracy as John Keeney.

Ah! But there is something else of great importance to be considered. The
role of mass-media-orchestrated “popular opinion,” that popular opinion which
is the last resort of appeal by the common scoundrel of today.

This modern cult of media-orchestrated popular opinion, so defined by Woodrow
Wilson’s Walter Lippmann, is to be recognized as nothing other than an echo
of the same cult of vox populi, under whose reign ancient Rome guided itself
into that moral degeneracy which brought about the great Dark Age of the
First Millennium A.D. Thus, through the cult of popular opinion, Rome
acquired its fatal loss of the moral fitness of its culture to survive. We as
a nation, have been following that same road to Hell, during no less than the
recent three decades.

The leading, characteristic pathology of that self-doomed Roman culture was
the corruption of the mass of the population by the methods of “bread and
circuses.” There is virtually no moral difference between the form of
entertainment which the Romans enjoyed in the Colisseum under the worst of
the Caesars, and popular mass-entertainment today, both TV entertainment, and
such forms as mass-spectator stadium and related sports events. If one
compares the pornography and blood-and-gore in mass entertainment, with what
usually passes for mass-media news broadcasts, one should recognize, with a
sense of horror, the systemic likeness of the moral depravity of ancient
Roman culture and our own. Worst of all, perhaps, is that such orchestrated
depravity has been the principal influence shaping the conduct and outcome of
our recent national and other election-campaigns.

The only remedy for such an imminently fatal moral sickness as that disease
of popular opinion, is a combined sense of reality and truthfulness, as
Plato, for example, supplied modern civilization its method for defining
truthfulness and justice. We can only hope, that the impending, massive
shock, of the now-looming, chain-reaction collapse of the world’s present
financial system, will drive the population out of the delusions of current,
presently doomed financial markets, into a sense of a real world, in which
what we will be able to consume, will be simply what our nation is able to
produce: a sudden return to reality, prompted by a shock akin in its effects
to the bombing of Pearl Harbor.

When reality-shock brings your neighbor to his senses, at last, remember what
I have told you about the great questions of history, justice, and the battle
between oligarchs and real human beings.

Now, spectators, I have given you the score-card. Choose your sides
accordingly. Now, recognize that it is increasingly often the case, that only
those who speak honestly of their convictions, these days, are telling the
truth. Thus, I have told the truth you urgently need to know.


--[cont]--
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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