In a message dated 05/01/2000 10:25:27 PM Central Daylight Time, JCC21K
writes:
<< In a message dated 04/30/2000 10:23:25 PM Central Daylight Time,
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
<< In a message dated 04/30/2000 4:26:16 PM Central Daylight Time,
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
<< shouldn't Congress be doing something about negating these?
Why are they allowing presidents to abuse power?
And how did our presidents get so much power to begin with? >>
______________________________________________________
Hello Sherry,
The answer to your first question is "Yes!"
The answer as to "why" they haven't done anything and are not
doing anything is not easily answered. There is no single answer,
but I think the roots of it are fear and greed.
But, if you focus on your last question "How?" there is much
solid information to be mined.
Please read carefully the following excerpts from Franklin Roosevelt's
first Inaugural Speech. FDR plainly stated his intentions.
Remember that at that moment in 1933, the darkness of deep
and serious depression covered the land.
The American People were desperate.
Events had been orchestrated so they would be desperate and receptive
to Roosevelt's "New Deal".
This is the answer as to "How it was done".
Regards to All
Nakano
Franklin Delano Roosevelt's 1st Inaugural
by Franklin Delano Roosevelt
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration, and I am certain that my
fellow-Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will
address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our
nation impels.
This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly
and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country
today. This great nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will
prosper.
So first of all let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to
fear. . .is fear itself. . . nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.
In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor
has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is
essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to
leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.
They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to
fantastic levels: taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen, government
of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income, the means of exchange
are frozen in the currents of trade, the withered leaves of industrial
enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no markets for their produce, the
savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
foolish optimist can deny
the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no
plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered
because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful
for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.
Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very
sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods
have failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have
admitted their failures and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money
changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the
hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an
outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the
lending of more money.
Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their
false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for
restored conditions. They know only the rules of a generation of
self-seekers.
They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled their high seats in the temple of our
civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.
Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to
meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss
of essential form.
That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly
enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every
stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal
strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative
authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But
it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may
call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a
stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these courses,
and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not
evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.
I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
crisis. . .broad executive power to wage a war against the emergency as great
as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a
foreign foe.
They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have
made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I
will take it.
In this dedication of a nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He
protect each and every one of us! May He guide me in the days to come!
***
Now please read the following information concerning the
Senate Committee hearings into the question of
"Emergency Executive Powers".
Committee Chairman was Senator Frank Church
The introduction to Senate Report 93-549, entered into the Congressional
Record forty years later in 1973 states:
"A majority of the people of the United States have lived all their lives
under emergency rule....For 40 years, freedoms and governmental procedures
guaranteed by the Constitution have, in varying degrees, been abridged by
laws brought into force by states of national emergency....And, in the United
States, actions taken by the government in times of great crisis have from,
at least, the Civil War, in important ways shaped the present phenomenon of a
permanent state of national emergency."
Following the introduction the report's opening statement goes on to say:
"Since March the 9th, 1933, the United States has been in a state of
declared national emergency....This vast range of powers, taken together,
confer enough authority to rule the country without reference to normal
constitutional processes. Under the powers delegated by these statutes, the
President may: seize property; organize and control the means of production;
seize commodities; assign military forces abroad; institute martial law;
seize and control all transportation and communication; regulate the
operation of private enterprise; restrict travel; and, in a plethora of
particular ways, control the lives of all American citizens."
Not overlooked by those drafting the Constitution was the possible need
to address national emergencies. The document contains certain provisions
indicating that its signatories conceived of the possibility that some
guarantees of personal liberties may, in the national interest, require
suspension.
Article 1, Section 9 states: "The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus
shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion [an internal
occurrence] or invasion [external] the public safety require it." This grants
the citizen the freedom from imprisonment or detention without due process.
The proviso "unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety
require it" indicates the necessity to provide for some contingencies that
may also carry with them the possibility for abuse. No document of liberty,
however, could possibly proscribe all potential for misuse of those liberties
without actually eliminating them in the process. It has been said that
communism is nothing more than democracy with all potential for abuse
legislated out.
As a result of the Executive Orders listed above, in concert with the War
and Emergency Powers Act, there exists within the United States a government
within a government. It is hidden, semi-covert in nature, and does not
recognize the U.S. Constitution or its constraints. It functions autonomously
as a form of totalitarian
government.
>>
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