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STRATFOR's
Global Intelligence Update
April 9, 1999

Kosovo Crisis Presents Iran with Policy Dilemma

Summary:

Iran, particularly in its role as the current head of the
Organization of the Islamic Conference, has taken a great
interest in the plight of the Moslem Kosovar Albanians.  Tehran
is torn, however, between its desire to stop and punish the Serbs
and its opposition to U.S. military actions abroad.

Analysis:

Replying to accusations of Iranian complacency leveled in the
Saudi-owned, Beirut-based newspaper Al-Sharq al-Owsat, the
Iranian English-language daily Tehran Times on April 8 wrote that
"If any Iranian official denounced the NATO strikes, he simply
meant that the Western powers had violated the international
norms and tarnished the prestige of the world body."  The Tehran
Times' attempted clarification of Iran's position on Operation
Allied Force illustrates the dilemma the conflict in Kosovo has
presented Tehran.  Iran is caught between its vehement
condemnation of Serbian aggression and its opposition to U.S.
global power projection.  And so, it has attempted to strike a
balance that blames the UN Security Council for shirking its
responsibility before the crisis erupted, thus making NATO air
strikes necessary, while insisting that the strikes should have
been launched under a UN mandate.

Iran's stand on Belgrade's "ethnic cleansing" of Kosovo is
unambiguous, and is shared by Tehran's moderates and
conservatives alike.  Speaking on April 7 at the conclusion of a
foreign ministerial meeting of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference (OIC) Contact Group in Geneva, Iranian Foreign
Minister Kamal Kharrazi warned the "extremist Serbs" that "the
world of Islam cannot tolerate continuation of brutalities
against Moslems in Kosovo... The world of Islam cannot witness
atrocities against Moslems in Kosovo and not take any measures."

The trouble is, Iran can't figure out what effective measures to
take.  Tehran has sent two plane-loads of humanitarian aid to
Kosovar Albanian refugees and has upgraded an Iranian-run clinic
in Tirana.  It has held consultations independently and in its
role as the current head of the OIC with the UN, Bosnia, Albania,
Macedonia, Greece, the Vatican, Russia, NATO members, and other
countries.  It has even offered, with the OIC, to participate in
any future internationally-led peacekeeping efforts in Kosovo.
But beyond issuing condemnations and continuing to appeal for a
peaceful and speedy negotiated settlement of the crisis, Iran has
found itself somewhat impotent.

Adding to Iran's policy predicament, a number of Arab and Moslem
countries have come out in support of NATO's bombing campaign,
and among those opposed to the bombing are Iran's perennial
enemies Iran and, initially, Israel.  Israeli Defense Minster
Ariel Sharon has publicly warned against Kosovar Albanian
independence, insisting it would create a greater Albanian
"fundamentalist Islamic state" in the heart of Europe.  Baghdad
has claimed that the U.S. is "playing the Kosovo Moslem card" to
neutralize Arab and Moslem opposition to NATO attacks on an
independent sovereign country.  "A country's internal problems
should be settled within the country concerned, without any
foreign interference," said an Iraqi statement.  Both Iraq and
Israel have reportedly had military contacts with the Yugoslav
government before the current crisis as well.

Iran's best hope for a diplomatic resolution to the crisis --
Russia -- has not panned out.  Tehran has appealed several times
to Moscow to "take advantage of its influence over Belgrade" to
intervene on behalf of the Kosovar Albanians, but with no
success.  Either Russia's influence has not been particularly
strong or, as is more likely the case, Russia does not want to
pressure Belgrade to accept NATO's ultimatum.  In an interview
with the English-language Iran Daily printed April 7, Russian
Ambassador to Tehran Konstantin Shuvalov went so far as to
suggest that the perceived plight of the Kosovar Albanians was in
significant part mere NATO propaganda.  No matter how eager Iran
is to cooperate with Russia rather than NATO, this is not the
answer Tehran wanted to hear.

And so we come back to NATO's bombing campaign -- not Iran's
first choice and not really effective in stopping Serb aggression
against Kosovar Albanians, but at least dishing out pain on the
Serbs.  The English language daily Kayhan International stated
the case quite succinctly on April 6, arguing that U.S. attacks
on Yugoslavia and Iraq "set a dangerous precedent in
international affairs" and "rendered the world a lot more unsafe
without ever inflicting heavy blows to the repressive reigns of
the rulers in Baghdad and Belgrade."  "However," the paper
continued, "Milosevic and his criminal cronies deserve nothing
but the eternal fire of damnation for the hell they broke loose
on Moslems in the Balkans."  Interestingly, the newspaper argued
that Operation Allied Force would have been "just and righteous"
with the backing of the UN.

Speaking to the OIC Contact Group meeting in Geneva, Iranian
Foreign Minister Kharrazi laid the blame for the Kosovo crisis
directly on Belgrade.  Kharrazi charged that Belgrade's neglect
for the legitimate rights of the Kosovars in clear violation of
international norms and despite international condemnation, its
constant inflexibility toward efforts to find a peaceful
settlement of the crisis, and its intensification of the crisis
through the massacre of innocent civilians, had given NATO an
excuse to resort to military action.  At the same time, Kharrazi
blamed the UN Security Council, which he argued had the main
responsibility under the UN charter to maintain international
peace and security, for not taking timely action to prevent the
crisis in Kosovo.  In essence, Kharrazi said NATO had to do what
it did because Belgrade refused to behave and the UN Security
Council didn't do its job.

Iran's conservatives, including spiritual leader Ayatollah Ali
Khamenei and speaker of the Iranian Majlis Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri,
have condemned both Belgrade and NATO for the fate of the Kosovar
Albanian Moslems.  Khameini charged on April 5 that NATO air
strikes were "an attempt to annihilate Moslems in this part of
Europe."  On April 6, Nateq Nouri argued that the Serbs and NATO
had reached a consensus for annihilation of Moslems, insisting
that NATO military pressure only emboldened the Serbs to
aggravate their crimes, with Moslems as the only victims.  Nateq
Nouri argued that the U.S. had used cases like Iraq and
Yugoslavia to violate all international norms and follow the law
of the jungle.  But in the absence of a better solution, Iran's
conservatives have joined the country's moderates in laying the
blame at the UN's doorstep.  Nateq Nouri blamed the
"inefficiency" of the UN Security Council and other international
organizations for the failure to find a diplomatic solution to
the brewing crisis in Kosovo before NATO resorted to a military
option, and for their similar failure to bring an end to both
Belgrade and NATO's actions.

Out of a perplexing policy dilemma -- where fighting the
oppression of Moslems put it on the same side as NATO -- Iran has
woven an interesting solution.  It has concluded that the UN
should do more to stave off global crises before they erupt and
has given its grudging nod to U.S. power projection, with the
caveat that it should take place under UN mandate.  Iran's
relations with Russia have been strained by the crisis.  And
considering disagreements between Russia and Iran in the Caucasus
and Central Asia, particularly over the CIS's Moslems, those
relations may not recover any time soon.  How Iranian policy
evolves is still dependent on the eventual outcome and aftermath
of the Kosovo crisis, but Tehran has, for the time being, made a
definite shift in orientation.

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