-Caveat Lector-   <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">
</A> -Cui Bono?-

from;
http://www.cmonitor.com/stories/top100/adamsside0110copy.shtml
Click Here: <A
HREF="http://www.cmonitor.com/stories/top100/adamsside0110copy.shtml">Getting
Ike to run, helping him win</A>
-----



    Getting Ike to run, helping him win

Sunday, January 10, 1999
By MICHAEL J. BIRKNER
For the Monitor

------------------------------------------------------------------------
In every life some years stand out. There is no question which year Sherman
Adams remembered best - 1952.

In his fourth and final year as governor of New Hampshire, Adams spent little
time or energy on affairs of the Granite State. He was concerned with
promoting the presidential candidacy of Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower.

For Adams, the Eisenhower candidacy proved to be the ticket to an exciting
adventure in politics and, ultimately, an absorbing and influential 51/2
years in the White House. What made 1952 so special was that, from start to
finish, Adams was at the center of the action.

The origins of the Eisenhower candidacy lay not with Ike's ambition but with
the hopes and fears of a cadre of professional politicians determined to do
two things: elect a Republican president in 1952 and elect a president who
would affirm the role of the United States as the main bulwark of freedom and
opposition to the communist threat around the globe.

Adams was not the first, or the most important, Eisenhower backer, even in
his home state. Evidence suggests he was looking primarily for "the fastest
horse out of the stable," as one account had it. Eisenhower was not
preordained to be that horse.

But in late 1951, as Adams thought about the coming election season, as he
talked with political intimates like state Republican Chairman Richard
Cooper, increasingly Eisenhower became linked with Republican success.

By contrast, the favorite for the GOP nomination in 1952, Ohio Sen. Robert
Taft, was a risky proposition. Taft was dour. His stringently conservative
economic views and neo-isolationism had little appeal to Democratic or
independent voters, whom the GOP needed to attract to have any hope of
winning the presidency.

Adams's role in the campaign of '52 was a play in three acts.

First, he had to organize an Eisenhower campaign, in the absence of the
candidate, in his home state. The New Hampshire primary would be crucial to
Eisenhower's chances of wresting the nomination from Taft. But not until
January 1952 did Adams have the certain knowledge that Eisenhower was a
Republican - or that Ike would allow his name to be placed on the New
Hampshire primary ballot.

Eisenhower was living in Paris that winter, overseeing NATO forces in Europe.
Adams became a workhorse in the Eisenhower cause, making speeches, raising
money, building a grassroots organization and conceiving a media blitz on
behalf of the absentee candidate. His efforts were widely credited for the
smashing Eisenhower victory in the March primary. Eisenhower easily
outdistanced Taft in the popular vote despite a Taft visit to the Granite
State.

In the second act of 1952, Adams was a roving ambassador for Eisenhower,
speaking out on behalf of the general throughout New Hampshire and beyond.
This act culminated at the Republican national convention in Chicago in July.
Adams was designated floor leader for the Eisenhower forces and helped
orchestrate tactics during the tense debate about contested delegates. It was
also Adams who worked with Minnesota delegation chairman Warren Burger to
pull Harold Stassen delegates into the Eisenhower camp at the end of the
first ballot. This secured the nomination.

In the third act of Adams's 1952, he was at the candidate's right hand on the
campaign trail. Traveling with Ike in cars, trains and airplanes, Adams
helped shield Eisenhower from the crush of reporters and citizens who sought
to touch or talk with him. Adams helped plot strategy and dealt with
unexpected crises, such as the Nixon Fund.

Eisenhower despised Sen. Joseph McCarthy, but when he visited Wisconsin,
McCarthy's home state, he could not repudiate him without damaging Republican
election prospects. Adams helped Eisenhower decide what he should or should
not say.

Not all of Adams's judgments in 1952 were perfect. He probably harped too
much and too crudely on inconsistencies in Taft's foreign policy record - so
much so that Taftites found it difficult ever to trust Adams and impossible
to like him. He advised Eisenhower to say nothing to defend Sen. George
Marshall against McCarthy's slanderous comments about Marshall's loyalty.
This was controversial then, and remains so.

But Adams proved himself able to make decisions quickly and usually wisely,
and Eisenhower came to view him as a man to depend on.

So satisfied was Eisenhower with Adams's work on the campaign trail that when
Ike won a landslide election victory in November, he wanted Sherman Adams to
remain by his side.
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
All My Relations.
Omnia Bona Bonis,
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End

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