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Behind the Headlines
by Justin Raimondo
Antiwar.com
March 31, 2000

MASTERS OF DECEIT: KOSOVO AND THE MEDIA
The media told us that a reenactment of the Holocaust was going on in Kosovo,
with the Serbs in the role of the Nazis and the Kosovar Albanians standing in
for the Jews – and that was a lie. For it turned out that approximately 2,108
persons from both sides were killed in the pre-bombing phase of the Kosovo
conflict – approximately the number of Serbs who have been kidnapped and killed
since the "liberation" of Kosovo. The media told us that the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) was the Albanian equivalent of George Washington and the Founding
Fathers, who were waging a righteous war against their Serb oppressors – and
that, too, was a lie. Now even American reporters – during the war willing
instruments played expertly by NATO – are forced to report the truth: that the
KLA is now engaged in "cleansing" the last Serb from what is now an almost
ethnically and religiously "pure" Albanian Muslim state. The media told us that
the Serbs had developed a systematic "plan," enigmatically known as "Operation
Horseshoe," to eliminate all Albanians from Kosovo, either by killing them
outright or else driving them out of the country, which the media – in this
country and abroad – reported as fact. Now we know that this tall tale should
have been called "Operation Horseshit," because there was no such plan. While
our own legislators in Congress haven't got the smarts or the balls to raise
the issue of "who sold us on Kosovo?", German deputies are calling the NATO-
crats on it, including some from the pro-government pro-war Green Party.

AUTHOR, AUTHOR!
The media did not simply allow itself to be deceived – they were active
participants and the authors of this deception. Journalists were not only
willing instruments of NATO but functioned as a kind of Greek chorus for the
most extreme wing of the War Party: during the latter stages of the conflict,
they ceaselessly and shamelessly bombarded officials with different variations
of a single question: "Isn't it time to bring in the ground troops?" Now that
the truth, or at least some of it, is beginning to come out, are they fessing
up to their role as the courtier press, and beating their breasts with a
thousand mea culpas? Of course not.

THE NERVE
Not only are they refusing to acknowledge their pernicious role as frontline
soldiers in NATO's war on the truth, but they actually have the nerve to take
umbrage at their postwar critics, such as Philip Knightley, who has called the
Kosovo war "a disaster for journalism." During the war, Knightley – the author
of The First Casualty: The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-maker, which has
just come out in a new edition including sections on the Gulf War and Kosovo –
saw through the barrage of propaganda and predicted that we would arrive at
precisely this pass:

"The theory at briefings is simply (to) appear open, transparent and eager to
help. Never go in for summary repression or direct control; nullify rather than
conceal undesirable news; control the emphasis rather than the facts; balance
bad news with good and lie directly only when you are certain the lie won't be
found out during the course of the war. Looking back on history we see that
these sorts of lies often don't surface until too late to make any difference
to the outcome. Five, 10 years or 20 years later you suddenly discover the
people you trusted to tell you what was happening were lying to you."

DOWN THE MEMORY HOLE
Knightley recently appeared before the Freedom Forum, a gathering of
journalists sponsored by a group devoted to maintaining the integrity of the
news media and its independence from governments, where he made his "disaster"
comment – to a storm of protests from a mob of government toadies masquerading
as the Fourth Estate. "I'm afraid truth was the first casualty in the reporting
of the war in Kosovo, as it is in every war," said Knightley, warning that
unless journalists developed some form of institutional memory to remind them
of the lessons learned in previous wars, his was a "gloomy assessment of the
future of war reporting." Michael Jermey of Britain's ITN had the temerity to
stand up and declare: "I think, in the Kosovo conflict, television journalists
from a lot of organizations did some very good work trying to get at the
truth." This from the representative of a "news" organization that not only
falsified reports of an alleged Bosnian "concentration camp" with its infamous
"Photo that Fooled the World," but launched a malicious campaign to silence its
critics and cover-up its own complicity in the selling of an immoral and
increasingly disastrous war. Are we to be spared nothing? The report did not
mention whether Jermey said it with a straight face. But I am willing to bet
that he did. In the Orwellian world in which we are living, it brings to mind a
quote from Eric Blair's novel, 1984:
"It was terribly dangerous to let your thoughts wander when you were in any
public place or within range of a telescreen. The smallest thing could give you
away. A nervous tic, an unconscious look of anxiety, a habit of muttering to
yourself-anything that carried with it the suggestion of abnormality, of having
something to hide. In any case, to wear an improper expression on your face…
was itself a punishable offense. There was even a word for it in Newspeak:
facecrime." [page 54]

THE BRAZEN ONES
Mr. Jermey was not alone in his brazenness. The shills for NATO's lies were in
an uproar at this conference, with Mark Laity, a former BBC correspondent who
made the effortless transition to being a deputy to NATO spokesman Jamie Shea,
demanded that Knightley withdraw a comment that he, Laity, had become a
"propagandist for NATO." In a heated reply, Knightley refused. Addressing the
conclave by telephone from Brussels, Laity burbled: "I think the important
thing [in assessing coverage of the Kosovo conflict] is honest intent. Now,
NATO didn't get it right all the time, but I didn't believe then and I don't
believe now they were deliberately lying ... NATO was trying as far as it could
to get it right, and Belgrade wasn't." NATO's intent can be seen as we witness
the consolidation of KLA rule in Kosovo, and as NATO troops invade the so-
called demilitarized zone. A pretext for a renewed war is in the making; in
light of this, the debate at the conference, and Knightley's remarks, are
particularly ominous.

RAH, RAH, SIS BOOM BAH
The media, far from beating their breasts or even admitting that there is a
lesson to be learned, seem content with their role as cheerleading rather than
reporting the war. In response to Knightley's denunciation of the Western media
as little more than the journalistic division of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, the cry went up: "What about Paul Watson's reporting for the Los
Angeles Times?" But Watson's fearlessly honest dispatches – filed from inside
Kosovo during the war – stand out precisely because he is the exception that
proves the rule. Such weak apologias merely served to underscore the trenchant
point made by Knightley: that the objective of the War Party in the media was
to create two illusions – that the facts about the war were actually being
reported, and that everything coming out of Belgrade could be dismissed out of
hand. At the height of the media-generated war hysteria, the Freedom Forum
reported Knightley's vigorous dissent:
"The hard facts on the battleground are simply not there and the hard facts in
the newspapers are not there. Again it's opinion pieces or supposition,' he
said. A second illusion that had taken hold was a more dangerous one, Knightley
said. This was the idea put forth by NATO and Pentagon spokesmen that 'we as
spokesmen for our side will always tell you the truth and that Belgrade on the
other hand will only pump out propaganda.'"

KNIGHTLEY VINDICATED
The assembled servitors of Tony Blair and Bill Clinton never laid a glove on
Knightley: the closest they got was with one Nancy Durham of the Canadian
Broadcasting Corp., who claimed that Knightley had erred in discussing her
reporting from Kosovo. Durham, it seems, had reported the story of a young
woman who claimed her young sister had been mercilessly slaughtered by Serbs.
Vengeance, the young woman movingly explained, was her motive in joining the
KLA, and the resulting CBC report was part of a larger campaign to depict our
noble allies in a favorable light. As it turned out, however, the woman had
made up her story out of whole cloth – like so many of the stories told by the
KLA and their recruits among the refugees, that were transcribed word-for-word
by the Western media and reported as fact. Durham reported the deception in a
later story, but Knightley apparently failed to note this in the new edition of
his book or to contact her. In graciously conceding his error, however,
Knightley once again is vindicated in his prediction that one day, "five, ten,
or twenty years later," we would be sitting around trying to figure out how
they got away with it.

THE ROLE OF THE INTERNET
Knightley's prediction was essentially correct, but please note that he was off
by quite a few years, and this brings me to a crucial point: Knightley's
pessimism about the future of wartime reporting may be true when it comes to
the Old Media, and in that I am including the Internet editions of most of the
old print-and-telecast news organizations. But the reality is that it is not
five, ten, or twenty years later that a revised history of the Kosovo war and
its coverage by the media is being put together, piece by piece, but only a
year has passed – and already most of the pieces of the puzzle have been put
together and made public. Nearly the whole truth is out – thanks almost
entirely to the power and reach of the Internet and Internet-based institutions
and news organizations, which has created a climate of public opinion
increasingly hostile to any further intervention in Kosovo. The
interventionists may have "won" the war on the ground in Kosovo, but they are
losing the battle for hearts and minds on the home front.

IT ISN'T TOO LATE TO STOP THE MADNESS
Even as the Republicans in the House join their Clintonian compadres in a vote
to fund Clinton's war in Kosovo – and make a new outbreak almost inevitable –
opposition is building in the Senate. It isn't too late to stop this mad plunge
into the European quagmire – but if we do fall into that particular abyss,
we'll know who to blame, now, won't we? Trent Lott will have a lot to answer
for if and when the body bags start coming home. The blood of American and
Serbian patriots will be on his hands, as well as on Clinton's and the
Democrats, if he goes along with Clinton's Kosovo adventure. This could have a
huge impact on the presidential race, with Reform Party candidate Pat Buchanan
appealing to the huge antiwar majority – and racking up millions of votes on
the strength of that issue alone.

GOTTA LOTTA
Lott's complicity in sending billions to Kosovo would be compounded by the
treachery of the Republican House leadership: Speaker Hastert made a personal
appeal on behalf of the President's bill. Worse, the Speaker and his enforcers
led the effort to kill a proposed amendment that would have required the
President to order the "safe, orderly and phased withdrawal" of the US
occupation force by June 1 if the Europeans don't start paying out millions of
dollars in pledges to fund the Kosovo operation. The amendment failed, 219-200.

If Senator Lott caves in to the tremendous pressure from Establishment types in
the GOP, as well as the White House, then he is running the risk of tying the
Kosovo albatross around the neck of his own party during a crucial election
year. Does he really want to hand this issue over to Pat Buchanan – and perhaps
deprive Boy Dubya of his hereditary right to put his presidential feet up on
the desk in the Oval Office? You gotta lotta things to think about, Senator
Lott – and if I were you, I would ponder long and hard.
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