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http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A58847-2001Mar12.html

Rich Made His Fortune by Breaking the Rules

<picture> The villa of metals dealer Marc Rich sits near the lake
Vierwaldstaettersee in Meggen, Switzerland. (Dani Tischler - AP)

By Michael Dobbs
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, March 13, 2001; Page A01

ZUG, Switzerland -- For decades, traders from all over Europe
have flocked to this lakeside Alpine town, attracted by stringent
privacy laws, low tax rates and guarantees of corporate
anonymity. But none has achieved the dominance of Marc Rich, the
billionaire metals dealer and indicted tax fugitive pardoned by
Bill Clinton in one of the last acts of his presidency.

At the age of 66, after a lifetime of deal-making and
sanctions-breaking, Rich is the uncrowned king of Zug, a place
that boasts 10,000 international companies, or roughly one
corporation for every two residents. He is rarely seen but
constantly talked about, his exploits buying and selling the
world's natural resources becoming the stuff of legend -- and
scandal.

During the quarter-century that he has been operating from Zug,
including 17 years hiding from U.S. marshals, Rich has mastered
the art of clinching a deal with everyone from Communist
bureaucrats to Third World dictators to Iranian ayatollahs. Many
of the business practices cited in his 1983 indictment for
racketeering by the Southern District of New York -- trading with
pariah states, manipulating the market for huge personal gain,
hiding profits in a thicket of offshore companies -- are
techniques that he perfected here both before and after he got
into trouble in the United States.

The list of countries that Rich has traded with reads like a
compendium of rogue states: Iran during the hostage crisis,
apartheid-era South Africa, Slobodan Milosevic's Yugoslavia,
North Korea, Moammar Gaddafi's Libya, the Soviet Union under
Leonid Brezhnev.

"He sees himself as a citizen of the world, unencumbered by the
laws of sovereign nations," said Howard Safir, a former U.S.
marshal, who lay in wait outside Rich's Swiss residence in 1985
in one of several futile attempts to enforce an arrest warrant
against Rich on charges of swindling U.S. taxpayers of nearly $50
million. "His view is that everything and everyone can be bought
and sold, and government is irrelevant."

In keeping with his usual practice, Rich declined to be
interviewed for this article, although he released a statement
last month saying he did not think he could receive a fair trial
in the United States. For the past few weeks, he has kept out of
sight, holed up at his luxurious estate in the village of Meggen,
15 miles away, with his collection of Van Goghs, Picassos and
Miros, and a breathtaking view of the mountains rising above the
shimmering waters of Lake Lucerne.

According to his supporters, Rich is waiting for the controversy
generated by Clinton's pardon to blow over before speaking out.
"There is nothing mysterious about him," said Georg Stucky, a
former finance minister from the canton of Zug who now runs
Rich's charitable foundation in Switzerland. "He is just a normal
businessman who does not like publicity. He is a very shy
person."

Here in Switzerland's wealthiest canton, in one of the world's
wealthiest countries, there is a saying that "money doesn't
smell," according to local Green party leader Josef Lang, who has
waged a 20-year campaign to expose alleged wrongdoing by Rich and
other international traders, and their cozy links with local
politicians. In Zug, Lang said in a tone of disgust, "you don't
ask where the money comes from, you just ask how much."

University Dropout


He was born Marc Reich on Dec. 18, 1934, in the Belgian city of
Antwerp, the only child of a prosperous Jewish family. When the
Nazis took over Belgium in 1942, the family fled to the United
States, settling first in Kansas City, Mo., and then in New York,
where Rich's father David went into the burlap bag business.

The Korean War created huge demand for burlap bags, pushing
prices sky-high and turning David Rich into a millionaire. For
Marc, it was an early lesson in the economics of scarcity.
Dropping out of New York University at age 19, he set his sights
on becoming a commodities trader.

The company that Rich joined, Philipp Brothers, was the largest
raw materials trading company in the world. He started in the
mailroom but soon came to the attention of Ludwig Jesselson, a
legendary trader skilled in the art of concluding long-term
contracts with Third World countries. Cool, calculating and
exceptionally aggressive in his deal-making, Rich quickly became
a Jesselson favorite. By the late 1960s, he was his heir
apparent.

Then, in 1975, in an act of betrayal that is still the talk of
commodities traders, Rich broke with his mentor in a dispute over
bonuses. He and his partner, Pincus "Pinky" Green, quit Philipp
Brothers, taking the company's most closely held secrets and a
half-dozen of its leading traders with them. Marc Rich and Co.
set up shop in a glass tower in Zug, down the street from Philipp
Brothers' European headquarters.

Since before they established their own company in Zug, Rich and
Green have had an "odd couple" relationship that has proved
highly beneficial to both men. Elegant and debonair, Rich made
his reputation as a deal-maker. Green, by contrast, is the
shabbily dressed logistics wizard whose skill at making the ships
run on time earned him the nickname "the admiral." Rich has long
been surrounded by glamorous women, including his songwriter wife
Denise, whom he divorced in 1997. Green is a strict Orthodox Jew
with an enduring marriage.

The split with Philipp Brothers coincided with a seismic shift in
the world's oil markets that Rich, perhaps more than any other
trader, was quick to exploit. In the early 1970s, oil-producing
nations rebelled against the dominance of the international oil
companies. Instead of selling their oil to the majors, they began
marketing it through independent traders such as Rich, who is
credited with virtually inventing the spot market, where oil was
freely traded to the highest bidder.

The oil crisis was a fabulous boon for Rich: As prices spiraled,
he was able to pocket the difference between the purchase price
and the sale price. But it also proved his undoing. When
successive U.S. administrations introduced a series of energy
price controls in the 1970s, he devised a scheme for making money
out of the bureaucratic confusion that prosecutors say was
illegal.

Under the Carter-era regulations, oil pumped under pre-1972
production agreements, called "old oil," was sold for around $6 a
barrel. "New oil," by contrast, went for up to $40 a barrel. If a
trader could somehow relabel old oil as new oil, he could make a
fortune. Evidence developed by U.S. prosecutors shows that Rich
or his representatives did just that by funneling the oil through
a "daisy chain," allegedly using sham invoices and Panamanian
front companies, with profits deposited in offshore accounts.

Morris Weinberg, the prosecutor in the case, estimates that Rich
and Green concealed more than $100 million in ill-gotten profits
in 1980 and 1981. While the pair denied wrongdoing and refused to
produce documents relating to the case, they ended up paying
about $200 million in back taxes and penalties in a partial
settlement that allowed their companies to continue operating in
the United States.

According to the September 1983 indictment, Rich and Green were
also buying large amounts of Iranian oil at a time when American
diplomats were being held hostage in Tehran and U.S. citizens
were prohibited from dealing with Iran. The indictment lists five
such trades between July and September 1980 for more than 5
million barrels of oil valued at $186 million. In a rare 1992
interview with NBC, Rich acknowledged trading with Iran, "but as
a Swiss company," not an American one.

The government's charges were never tested in court. In the
summer of 1983, at the height of the U.S. attorney's
investigation, Rich left his $10 million Park Avenue apartment
and fled to Zug, renouncing his U.S. citizenship in favor of
Spanish and Israeli passports. (The State Department still
considers him a U.S. citizen, subject to U.S. tax law.) Rich and
Green remained on the Justice Department's "most wanted" fugitive
list until their pardon in January. Clinton said he granted the
pardon because he agreed with the arguments of Rich's lawyers
that the case should have been handled in civil court rather than
as a criminal case.

Weinberg, now a defense attorney in Florida, says the alleged
daisy-chain caper was very typical of the way Rich did business
throughout the world. "There is a lawless quality about the way
he operates," Weinberg said. "He will do whatever he needs to do
to close a deal."

Broken Embargoes


The daisy-chain oil deals set a precedent for dozens of similar
plays, from South America to the Middle East to Asia; the greater
the bureaucratic controls over the price of oil or raw materials,
the greater the potential profit. According to former traders,
Rich and Green specialized in Third World countries whose leaders
could be easily bribed.

"Whenever cracks appear in the market, there are people like Marc
Rich who are willing to go where nobody else will, either because
of embargoes, legal restrictions or political problems," said an
executive for a leading oil company. "Rich has always been
willing to do the kind of things that bigger, more respectable
companies refuse to do."

One Rich specialty was breaking embargoes -- trading with
international pariahs was a sure way of generating extra profits.
The best documented example is apartheid-era South Africa, which
relied on traders like Rich to get around a U.N. oil embargo
designed to deprive the country of the one raw material it did
not possess.

A leading anti-apartheid watchdog organization, the
Amsterdam-based Shipping Research Bureau, recorded 149 deliveries
of oil to South Africa by companies linked to Rich between 1979
and 1993.

The group reported that Rich was the leading supplier of oil to
South Africa before the collapse of apartheid, responsible for at
least 15 percent of identifiable deliveries. Some of the oil came
from countries such as the Soviet Union, which were leading
opponents of apartheid. Typically, Rich companies would file
false shipping reports for the destination of the oil, and
redirect tankers to South African ports once they were safely at
sea.

According to Rich biographer Craig Copetas, Rich representatives
sometimes bribed Third World leaders to turn a blind eye to the
deliveries to South Africa. The payoffs were known as
"chocolates."

"We told the Nigerians that their oil had been going to Spain,"
recalled a Rich trader cited by Copetas. "One day they followed
our ship 25 miles out of port and saw it hang a left instead of a
right." The Nigerians were very angry but allowed themselves to
be placated for "a million chocolates."

Rich spokesmen declined to comment on the sanctions-busting
allegations. His supporters point out that the U.N. embargo
against South Africa was nonbinding, as it was never endorsed by
the Security Council. Unlike the United States, Switzerland never
joined the embargo.

Another Rich technique was to control the supply of strategic
metals so the price would go up. At one point, in the early
1990s, he was believed to control about 40 percent of the
international aluminum market, an accomplishment that earned him
the nickname "aluminum finger." He had negotiated a highly
advantageous 10-year contract for virtually the entire aluminum
production of Jamaica. He also used intermediaries to acquire
control of several aluminum smelters in West Virginia, according
to documents unearthed by the United Steelworkers of America.

"His modus operandi is very interesting," said Tom Juravich,
professor of labor relations at the University of Massachusetts
at Amherst, who wrote a book about a labor dispute that pitted
Rich representatives against the steelworkers union. "He always
operates in the shadows, never directly in the light of day. He
doesn't just buy companies. He is interested in controlling and
manipulating the market."

Not all of Rich's ventures have turned to gold. In the early
1980s, according to press accounts, he made a disastrous foray
into the international tin market, buying up most of Malaysia's
tin production. Prices skyrocketed, but landed with a thud after
the U.S. government began selling tin from a federal stockpile.
Rich was reported to have lost more than $60 million.

Profiting in Russia


The collapse of communism offered Rich new opportunities, opening
up vast new markets and a host of business partners with few
scruples when it came to turning a profit. According to Yugoslav
and U.S. officials, Rich was active in Yugoslavia during the
first U.N. trade embargo in 1992-95, dealing in a wide variety of
commodities, from copper to oil.

But it was in the former Soviet Union that he made his biggest
mark. According to traders familiar with his operations, he had
been active during the Soviet era, courting officials at
Raznoimport, the state monopoly for commodity trading, and
selling the Soviets zinc, a strategically important metal. After
the Soviet Union fell apart in 1991, these relationships helped
Rich become for a time the single most important Western trader
in Russia.

"Marc Rich was way ahead of the big international corporations,"
said Vladimir Kvint, a leading expert on Soviet and Russian
business practices at Fordham University in New York. "He was one
of the initiators of barter trade with the former Soviet Union.
He bought oil, aluminum, cobalt at domestic Russian prices, and
then sold it at world prices, which were often 10 to 15 times
higher."

Anders Aslund, a Swedish economist who served as an adviser to
the reformist Russian government led by Prime Minister Yegor
Gaidar, said Rich was responsible for setting up more than 100
front companies in Russia. He added that Gaidar attempted to
close Rich's Moscow operation in April 1992. Although tax
inspectors mounted a few raids on Rich firms, the attempt was
unsuccessful. In December, Gaidar was replaced by Viktor
Chernomyrdin, who took a more lenient attitude.

In recent years, opportunities for making huge profits in Russia
have waned as domestic prices have come in line with
international prices. But Rich continues to have a significant
business presence in Russia. Court documents filed last year in
New Jersey show that he was trading large amounts of aluminum
with the Russian Chernoi brothers, who are accused in a lawsuit
by their business rivals of using mafia-style techniques to
consolidate their control over the Russian aluminum industry.

Last month, Rich announced the sale of the international
investment arm of his company to Crown Resources, a subsidiary of
the Alfa Group, a leading Russian conglomerate with extensive oil
holdings. The terms of the sale envisaged a long-term
partnership. "In order to penetrate Russia these days, you have
to get in bed with a Russian company," said a London trader. "As
for the Russians, they gain access to the global market under a
big name."

Some analysts say they believe that, after a lifetime of chasing
deals, Rich may simply be slowing down. "Margins are much tighter
now than they used to be," said Jonathan Bearman, editor of
Energy Compass, a leading oil industry newsletter. "The whole
trading business has become much more competitive."

Others see his successful campaign for a pardon as the crowning
play in a career packed with similar maneuvers. "This guy is the
greatest trader in the 20th century," said Weinberg, the former
prosecutor. "He orchestrated and manipulated the pardon, just
like he did all his other deals."

© 2001 The Washington Post Company


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