Re: [EM] election-methods Digest, Vol 34, Issue 22

2007-04-22 Thread Juho
On Apr 22, 2007, at 7:37 , Abd ul-Rahman Lomax wrote:

 Some voters may trust trust the candidates, some not. Both OK. The
 new method may be so good that it makes the candidates/  
 representatives less corrupt than before. But there is also the risk
 that candidates will use their negotiating power (e.g. in Asset
 voting) to gain personal benefits.

 Risk? I find this astonishingly naive. We are talking about  
 candidates for public office, who will serve in assemblies with  
 legislative power. The *status quo* is that many representatives  
 already use their negotiating power to gain personal benefits.

Are you saying that this status quo would vanish overnight when  
moving to an Asset voting based system?

 What is so frequently overlooked by commentators on Asset Voting  
 and Delegable Proxy is that there is *already* negotiation for the  
 exercise of power, but it happens at the next state, in the  
 legislature

Yes, negotiations are needed at many phases. To me the question is  
how many layers there are. When compared to traditional  
representative democracy, Asset voting seems to introduce one  
additional layer of indirection/negotiation while direct democracy  
seems to eliminate one (direct as opposed to representative).

 So the question is not whether Asset will lead to the abuse of  
 negotiating power, for such abuse, if it is abuse, already exists.  
 The question, rather, is whether or not it will make it worse or  
 better.

I think it opens one new layer of negotiation, which increases the  
risks. I'm not saying though that there would not be any impact in  
the opposite direction too (e.g. publicity).

 I know where my votes went, generally. If they go somewhere due to  
 corrupt influence, why would I be satisfied with this?

The candidates probably will not advertise being corrupt, and will  
present their whatever interesting viewpoints and whatever  
negotiation results they were dragged into in the most positive light  
they can find. This applies in all systems.

  Some may consider it better not to
 open doors for the temptations,

 If it weren't so damaging, this would be hilarious. We operate in a  
 system which is thoroughly vulnerable and manipulable by special  
 interests. The door is wide open *now*. With Asset, we can start to  
 watch the door!

I guess this is a reference to the U.S. system. There are many  
alternative paths forward. Ones where current rules are not modified  
or are just improved in small scale, one could touch the rules of  
funding, increasing the number of parties etc.

Juho






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Re: [EM] election-methods Digest, Vol 34, Issue 22

2007-04-21 Thread Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
At 03:28 PM 4/21/2007, Juho wrote:
Some voters may think that the candidates know the political
questions better and are better up to date than the voter himself/ 
herself. Some think the other way around. Both OK. The voter may be
confident in his/her opinions and finds deviations from them
uncomfortable. Another voter learns from what the candidates say and
changes his/her opinions accordingly.

In my opinion the one who properly decides if a voter is competent to 
vote on a topic that affects him or her is the voter himself or 
herself. The protection against incompetent voting in a 
direct/democracy Delegable Proxy or Asset Voting system is that the 
individual voter *may* vote, but is not required to and is not asked 
to by the system. The default is that someone you choose votes for 
you. But it is entirely up to you whether or not you want to vote on 
your own behalf.

With Asset Voting, to vote yourself you register as a candidate and 
simply vote for yourself. I expect that there might be some fee 
associated with registration, but it should be minimal, essentially 
enough to cover costs, and costs would be kept to a minimum. A 
booklet might be published listing all registered candidates in a 
jurisdiction, with a code to be used for actually voting. (Asset 
makes it practical for *many* candidates to make themselves 
available, because no longer are small numbers of votes wasted.)

(And this is, of course, in a system where direct voting is possible, 
direct voting in the assembly. It might be over the internet, it 
might not be. Asset makes it possible for direct voting to take 
place, because electors under asset are public voters and it is known 
who is carrying their votes in the assembly, so assembly votes can be 
adjusted as necessary by direct votes. Basic Asset Voting does not 
necessarily lead to the allowance of direct voting, it merely makes 
it possible.)

Some voters may trust trust the candidates, some not. Both OK. The
new method may be so good that it makes the candidates/ 
representatives less corrupt than before. But there is also the risk
that candidates will use their negotiating power (e.g. in Asset
voting) to gain personal benefits.

Risk? I find this astonishingly naive. We are talking about 
candidates for public office, who will serve in assemblies with 
legislative power. The *status quo* is that many representatives 
already use their negotiating power to gain personal benefits. 
Those benefits may be political -- which is not necessarily corrupt 
-- or personal, some of which involves corruption. What is so 
frequently overlooked by commentators on Asset Voting and Delegable 
Proxy is that there is *already* negotiation for the exercise of 
power, but it happens at the next state, in the legislature (as well 
as during campaigns, involving funding and support.)

So the question is not whether Asset will lead to the abuse of 
negotiating power, for such abuse, if it is abuse, already exists. 
The question, rather, is whether or not it will make it worse or better.

Remember, in Asset the votes are public. If I've voted for so-and-so, 
he or she may not know that I voted for him or her, but I know. And I 
know where my votes went, generally. If they go somewhere due to 
corrupt influence, why would I be satisfied with this?

In Asset systems as in Delegable Proxy, the voters main focus is on 
the voter's link to the hierarchy, and on the path up that hierarchy. 
It is far, far easier to watch that path, to watch what, precisely, 
is being done with one's vote, not only in seating members of the 
assembly, but in votes subsequent to that, than it is under current 
systems as well as in most of the more advanced systems being 
proposed. There is *responsibility.* Representation is still shared, 
in one sense, but in another it is *personal.* I can take my vote 
away from the representative. (In direct voting systems, I can do so 
by voting. In delegable proxy systems, we usually assume that the 
proxy can be revoked at any time, in addition to being effectively 
canceled on a vote per vote basis by a direct vote cast by the client.)

  Some may consider it better not to
open doors for the temptations,

If it weren't so damaging, this would be hilarious. We operate in a 
system which is thoroughly vulnerable and manipulable by special 
interests. The door is wide open *now*. With Asset, we can start to 
watch the door!

Delegable Proxy goes further, but delegable proxy, structurally, is a 
fractal. On the biological analogies, that's absolutely appropriate, 
but many people seem to have a lot of difficulty wrapping their head 
around it. I point out that, to the base level client, it looks 
extremely simple. There is a single clear path from the client to the 
top. That this path is cross-linked massively should not distract 
from that simplicity. But, still, DP would create top-level 
assemblies where the members have variable voting power, and some 
fear that this would 

Re: [EM] election-methods Digest, Vol 34, Issue 22

2007-04-20 Thread Abd ul-Rahman Lomax
At 11:09 AM 4/19/2007, [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
I think it has the same problems as PR-STV where surpluses are not 
transferred.  A
voter wastes the excess of his vote if he votes for someone who is elected.

I'm just taking the opportunity to note the similarity between 
multiwinner STV and Asset Voting. With multiwinner STV the vote 
transfers are guided by user rankings, and in Asset Voting, by, 
essentially, a proxy chosen by the voter. They are really the same 
method, differing only in who provides the tranfer information.

If you think that the voters are in a better position to judge who, 
among the collection of candidates, should win, than would be the 
candidate most trusted by each voter, then you'd prefer STV, and if 
you think that candidates would know the qualifications of other 
candidates better, then you might prefer Asset.

(My own thinking about this is clear: I think that my favorite 
candidate is going to know the other candidates *much* better than I. 
Besides, if I have an opinion, why can't I communicate that to my 
favorite? After all, if I trust this person, presumably I would trust 
that he or she would give my opinion a fair hearing!)

It's quite possible to combine the methods.

For example, it's been proposed that voters *may* on an Asset ballot, 
specify ranked assignments for their votes. If they do so, the votes 
will be reassigned accordingly. The Asset aspect only comes into play 
when the ranks are exhausted. (I would assume that the vote reverts 
to the first-preference candidate, and if there is more than one of 
these, to the collection of them, divided.)

This hybrid method is fully STV and fully Asset. The voters 
themselves determine how their own vote is handled. The extra cost is 
really only the extra cost of a ranked ballot, which is small. Pure 
Asset is easier to count.

In the other direction, candidates can publish lists of how they 
would intend to transfer their votes. This is a method of its own, 
called Candidate List, it's been discussed some, if the transfers are 
automatic. If they are only a promise (as the votes of electors in 
the U.S. Electoral College are only promises, though faithless 
electors are quite rare), then it is Asset as a method, but 
preserves flexibility. The promise can be broken if conditions appear 
that make it advisable. I would not expect a candidate I trusted 
would change the transfers unless there *was* a good reason, perhaps 
some fact that surfaces that was not known when the list was published.

Because Asset is really a deliberative method, it's tricky to use 
standard election method criteria to judge it. Generally, however, it 
would seem to satisfy *all* the major criteria. (We have to 
amalgamate the intelligence and preferences of the voters and those 
whom they trust in order to think this. A free proxy, which is what 
Asset candidates become if they hold votes, it is assumed, will not 
necessarily follow the first preference of those who voted for him or 
her -- except for candidate list -- but may, indeed, match that 
preference *if the voter were to become more fully informed.*)

I have suggested again and again that the ideal election method is 
fully deliberative, and that is exactly what Asset is, and what few 
other methods are. The only difference between Asset and direct 
democracy is that there are two sets of voters, secret and public, 
and, generally, any voter can become a public voter.

(This does create some security problems, but in difficult 
situations, there are procedures which can ameliorate this, I've 
described them elsewhere. Bottom line, though, to the extent that 
this is done, to that extent there is a loss of the freedom of direct 
democracy. Direct democracy without proxy representation, of course, 
is impossible as the scale becomes sufficient, but proxy democracy is 
probably superior to direct democracy *if* proxy assignments are free 
and unconstricted, and revocable at any time; further, if there is 
direct voting by proxies or electors on *all* issues -- as distinct 
from the deliberative rights of full members of an assembly -- we 
retain the positive features of direct democracy without losing the 
necessary benefits of representative democracy.)






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Re: [EM] election-methods Digest, Vol 34, Issue 22

2007-04-19 Thread raphfrk
  RE: [EM] Tim Hull's PR method
 Warren Smith wds at math.temple.edu
   1. Voters vote for up to n candidates - n being either # of open seats or 
   # of candidates
   2. Each voter has one vote equally and evenly divided among the candidates 
   they voted for.
   3. After doing the first count, eliminate the candidate with the fewest 
   votes.
   4. Recount all ballots, dividing votes equally and evenly among *remaining 
   candidates only*
   5. Repeat Steps 3 and 4 until there are only as many candidates remaining 
   as there are open seats.
   6. The remaining candidates shall be declared elected.
  
   Any comments on this method?
  --
 
  WDS: it seems to me this method is not PR in the sense that voters who vote
  for single candidate risk having their votes wiped out, and this other 
  problem:
 
  EXAMPLE:
  there are 10 Dems  10 Repubs running for 10 seats.
  The voters are 51% Dem and 49% Repub.
  Each Repub voter votes for all 10
  Repubs (who thus initially each get 0.1 vote).
  Each Dem voter voters 100% for just one Dem - Bill Clinton. Really
  the Dem voters feel
  Clinton  all other Dems  all Repubs,
  but this voting scheme does not allow them to express that feeling, so they
  give it all to Clinton.
 
  Result: 9 Dems eliminated, then 1 repub eliminated, then
  the 10 winners are Clinton + 9 repubs.
 
  The problem here is that the Dem voters are pickier than the Repub voters.
  A lot of PR-design-attempts run onto this kind of reef.
 
 I think it has the same problems as PR-STV where surpluses are not 
transferred. A
 voter wastes the excess of his vote if he votes for someone who is elected.
 
 next post
 
  Well, actually, Hull's method *is* PR in the sense that if voters are 
  assumed to
  vote for candidates of their color only, and for all of them -
  then winner-counts end up proportional.
 
  That's nice. It's kind of a PR generalization of approval voting.
 
 It is similar to PR-STV with equal rankings, except that only 2 ranks are 
allowed and
 there are no surplus transfers, only eliminations. (So maybe not so similar :) 
).
 
 In PR-STV with equal rankings allowed, is it normal to re-calculate the 
fraction when
 a candidate is eliminated (or elected)?
 
Raphfrk
 
 Interesting site
 what if anyone could modify the laws
 
 www.wikocracy.com

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