Re: [Election-Methods] A Better Version of IRV?

2008-07-08 Thread Chris Benham
Forest Simmons wrote (Sun Jul 6 16:36:32 PDT 2008 ):

There is a lot of momentum behind IRV.  If we cannot stop it, are there some 
tweaks that would make it more liveable?
Someone has suggested that a candidate withdrawal option would go a long way 
towards ameliorating the damage.
Here's another suggestion, inspired by what we have learned from Australia's 
worst problems with their version of IRV:
Since IRV satisfies Later No Harm, why not complete the incompletely ranked 
ballots with the help of the rankings of the ballot's favorite candidate?
The unranked candidates would be ranked below the ranked candidates in the 
order of the ballot of the favorite.
If the candidates were allowed to specify their rankings after they got the 
partial results, this might be a valuable improvement.
Forest
Forest,
To me in principle voter's votes being commandeered by candidates isn't 
justified.
This particular horrible idea would create a strong incentive for the major 
power-brokers
to sponsor the nomination of a lot of fake candidates just to collect votes for 
one or other
of the major parties.

How do you think it might be a valuable improvement?  What scenario do you 
have in
mind? 
And what do you have in mind as  Australia's worst problems with their version 
of IRV?

Why do you want to stop IRV? Do you agree with Kathy Dopp  that  IRV is worse 
than 
FPP?
Chris Benham



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Re: [Election-Methods] Matrix voting and cloneproof MMP questions

2008-07-08 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

James Gilmour wrote:

Kristofer Munsterhjelm  Sent: Sunday, July 06, 2008 12:10 AM
Second, I've been reading about the decoy list problem in mixed member 
proportionality. The strategy exists because the method can't do 
anything when a party doesn't have any list votes to compensate for 
constituency disproportionality. Thus, cloning (or should it be called 
splitting?) a party into two parties, one for the constituency 
candidates, and one for the list, pays off. But is it possible to make a 
sort of MMP where that strategy doesn't work?


I don't know about making it not work, but the 'overhang' provisions in some versions of MMP would, 
at least partly, address this problem.  The version of MMP used for 

elections to the Scottish Parliament
(no overhang correction) is wide open to this abuse, and we already have two registered political parties 
that could make very effective use of it IF they so wanted.  The Labour Party and the Co-operative Party 
jointly nominate candidates in some constituencies.  The Co-operative Party does not nominate any
constituency candidates nor does it contest the regional votes.  


I don't doubt that the problem exists. After all, the term decoy list 
(lista civetta) comes from the Italian abuse of the system. Do you know 
of any countries that do have overhang provisions to ameliorate the problem?


 Basically, MMP is a rotten voting system, with or without the

'overhang' correction, and it should be replaced by a better system of 
proportional representation.


Even though I think multiwinner methods should be party-neutral, I can 
see the appeal of MMP: parties are guaranteed to get their share of the 
vote, even if the constituency vote is disproportional. Thus they can't 
say that they were robbed of seats because of the quirks of the system. 
While in reality such complaints would be infrequent (because those who 
have power in a very disproportional system are those where the 
disproportionality swung their way), why have disproportionality when it 
can be avoided?


If we generalize this, the list part of MMP is a patch to the 
disproportionality of the constituency method, to take advantage of 
explicitly-known properties (like party allegiance). That suggests that 
we use a proportional multiwinner method (like STV) for larger 
constituencies, and then award list seats (of a much smaller share than 
half the parliament) to patch up whatever disproportionality still 
exists - even if the multiwinner method is perfect, rounding errors 
regarding district size would introduce some disproportionality.


At that point, the generalized MMP with STV sounds a lot like Schulze's 
suggestion for Berlin.



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Re: [Election-Methods] Matrix voting and cloneproof MMP questions

2008-07-08 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

Rob LeGrand wrote:

Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

(On a related note, has anyone tried to use Range with LeGrand's
Equilibrium Average instead of plain average?)


I don't recommend using Equilibrium Average (which I usually call AAR
DSV, for Average-Approval-Rating DSV) to elect winner(s) from a finite
number of candidates.  AAR DSV is nonmanipulable when selecting a single
outcome from a one-dimensional range, just as median (if implemented
carefully) is, but it is manipulable when used as a scoring function in
a way similar to how Balinski and Laraki proposed using median:

http://rangevoting.org/MedianVrange.html


You use movie site data for your AAR-DSV examples. Does AAR-DSV 
manipulability mean that a movie site that uses it would face difficulty 
telling users which movie is the most popular or highest rated? The 
manipulability proofs wouldn't harm them as strongly (since very few 
users rate all of the movies), but they would in principle remain, 
unless I'm missing something...


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Re: [Election-Methods] A Better Version of IRV?

2008-07-08 Thread Terry Bouricius
Dear Kathy Dopp,

Please stop referring to your report on IRV as peer-reviewed. That is an 
absolutely false statement.

Peer-reviewed as used in the social sciences (and hard sciences too) 
typically means a blind review process where a journal editor sends a 
draft article to several reviewers whose identity is unknown to the author 
and vice versa.  Typically good journals require that the author at least 
address the weaknesses noted by the reviewers; authors who refuse 
sometimes find their article rejected instead of published.

You selectively took comments from a few people who agreed with your 
opinions and derisively dismissed those from experts who pointed out 
errors (such as your miss-understanding of Arrow's use of the Pareto 
Improvement Criterion.) Your report has so many errors of fact and 
analysis that any legitimate  journal would require substantial re-writing 
before even considering it.

Terry Bouricius



- Original Message - 
From: Kathy Dopp [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: election-methods@lists.electorama.com
Sent: Monday, July 07, 2008 7:31 PM
Subject: Re: [Election-Methods] A Better Version of IRV?


 Date: Sun, 06 Jul 2008 23:36:32 + (GMT)
 From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 Subject: [Election-Methods] A Better Version of IRV?
 To: election-methods@lists.electorama.com
 Message-ID: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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 There is a lot of momentum behind IRV.  If we cannot stop it, are there 
 some tweaks that would make it more liveable?

Hi Forest.

I think we can stop that madness.  I believe that the LWV, US will no
longer be seriously considering supporting IRV since my writing a
report on IRV's flaws - and that other State LWV groups and other
State legislators where IRV was being considered are stopping their
push for it.

However, to answer your if question ...

 Someone has suggested that a candidate withdrawal option would go a long 
 way towards ameliorating the damage.
 Here's another suggestion, inspired by what we have learned from 
 Australia's worst problems with their version of IRV:
 Since IRV satisfies Later No Harm, why not complete the incompletely 
 ranked ballots with the help of the rankings of the ballot's favorite 
 candidate?

But that would still leave the problem of having to count IRV
elections centrally and alot of the other worst flaws of IRV
(including its lack of fairness, cost, tendency to promote secret
electronic vote counting, etc.  Please peruse my report when you have
a chance (It is only 11 pages plus appendices and endnotes and is
well-organized to make it easy to read.):

http://electionarchive.org/ucvAnalysis/US/RCV-IRV/InstantRunoffVotingFlaws.pdf

 The unranked candidates would be ranked below the ranked candidates in 
 the order of the ballot of the favorite.

While that might be a slight improvement, the better idea would be the
one suggested in my paper (I heard it first from Charlie Strauss) that
also fixes some of the counting problems of IRV elections. I.e. Let
all the candidates (before election day) pick their own ranked choices
of other candidates - and not the voters.  This system has many
advantages over IRV including:

1.  gives the minor party candidates more political power

2.  simpler ballots that do not confuse voters - i.e. voters only need
vote for their top choice

3.  The RCV ballots can be counted and summed much more easily because
all the ballots of voters who voted for an eliminated candidate are
counted the same way - no need for individual ballot examination and
sorting, etc.  I.e. Only the voters' first choices are needed to be
summed for each precinct and reported to the central facility as
always, to know who wins.

4. Much much easier to manually count and audit.



 If the candidates were allowed to specify their rankings after they got 
 the partial results, this might be a valuable improvement.

Having the candidates only rank incompletely ranked ballots would be
an election nightmare, but having candidates rank all the other
candidates and having voters only give their first choice, would work
better than IRV, but I still think other voting methods are available
that are superior.

I believe that my email contacts with the LWV and with US Election
Officials and others who have now been apprised of my report on the
17 flaws and 3 benefits of IRV will have the effect of stopping IRV
from creating very additional serious problems with US elections.

Look at the mess in San Francisco and WA now.  Most election officials
will not want to emulate those messes.

The push for manual audits to verify the accuracy of machine counts,
will make IRV virtually impossible to implement.  Election integrity
advocates, once they understand all the problems IRV causes, will
oppose it.

It is amazing to me that anyone would consider supporting IRV when it
does not even solve the spoiler problem except in one case, and there
are an amount of possibly subtotals that could be used to count votes
for 

[Election-Methods] Dopp:17. Unstable and can be delicately sensitive to noise in the rankings.

2008-07-08 Thread Chris Benham
From Kathy Dopp's anti-IRV propaganda report:
 17. Unstable and can be delicately sensitive to noise in the rankings. If an 
election is not
resolved after 3 rounds of IRV then one is deep in the ranking for many people. 
This means
noise in the rankings. Do people really study candidates they don't care much 
about? Thus
the noise in the ranking for the most ill-informed voters is determining the 
outcome in deep
rank run-offs.
When a race is unresolved after 3 rounds of IRV, a better solution is to hold a 
real run off
with the remaining candidates. Having winnowed the field, voters can now 
properly study
their allowed few choices with the required care and presumably enough will to 
make the
outcome not contingent on noise. Moreover, can you fathom how awful it would be 
to fill
out a ballot ranking every candidate 10 deep? In Australia, voters are required 
by law to fill
rank ever candidate running (generally 20) from 1 to 20. Do you think there is 
anything
besides noise in the last ten? The saving grace on the Australian ballot is 
that generally there
are only 2 questions, one with 3 to 4 rankings and one with about 20. Not like 
our USA
ballots. Restricting the ranking depth of ranked choice ballots could improve 
IRV methods
by reducing noise and making it easier for voters. 

No-one I gather is suggesting that in the US voters should be compelled to 
fully rank, so all
this is silly crude stuff.
In Australia, voters are required by law to fill rank ever candidate running 
(generally 20) from 1 to 20.
The generally 20 figure is false. For Australian IRV elections there is 
rarely more than about
seven candidates.

The figure 20 is about right for elections to the Senate, which uses 
multi-member  STV
(corrupted into a quasi-list system).
Elsewhere in the paper we read that IRV is inadequate because it can't 
guarantee  that the
winner will be elected with the support of a majority of all the voters who 
submitted 
valid ballots.
Restricting the ranking depth of ranked choice ballots could improve IRV 
methods
by reducing noise and making it easier for voters.
But Kathy favours restricting ranking depth which of course has the effect of 
making
this avowed aim much less likely.
And of course restricting ranking doesn't make it easier for voters. If  
truncation is allowed,
how could it?  
In fact it just makes it harder for some voters. Say there are many candidates 
and I judge
that 2 of them are the front-runners, I have a preference between them but they 
are my
2 least favourite candidates. I am stuck with the same dilemma and strong 
incentive to use
the Compromise strategy that I have in FPP. To have some hope of having an 
impact on
the result I must insincerely rank my preferred front-runner above 
second-bottom.
Chris Benham


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Re: [Election-Methods] Matrix voting and cloneproof MMP questions

2008-07-08 Thread raphfrk

 
 Kristofer said:
 
That could be an interesting way to solve the indecisive parliament or 

 frequent government change problem where these exist. In order to 

 recall the executive, they have to vote for a new coalition at the same 

 time. 

They have kinda that rule in Germany.? The only way to remove their
Chancellor is to nominate a replacement.

There is a proposed alternative to MMP called Fair majority voting that
solves some of its problems.? It has the same single winner + national party
proportional vote system.? It has some problems of its own though.

http://www.mathaware.org/mam/08/EliminateGerrymandering.pdf

Basically, each voter votes for a party and candidate.? In each
district, plurality is used to work out the winner (I think approval 
could also work).

The fair number of seats for each party is worked out based on the party
vote and a set of multiplers are determined so that each party gets the 
right number of seats.

These multipliers are multiplied by the vote total of each candidate in the 
party.
A party which got to few seats would be given a higher multipler.

In effect, it flips the results where the margin of victory was small in order
to bring all parties to their proportional totals.

I am not sure what the best way to do the task that matrix voting tries to 
accomplish.

Normally positions on the executive are not equal in value.

There are free riding issues with selection of major posts.? For example, if 
you rank 
your party leader first choice as PM, you use up some of your vote for the other
positions.? The solution could be to kick out anyone in the party who doesn't 
rank
their own leader first choice, so all equally share the cost.

In Northern Ireland, they use the d'Hondt system for allocating seats on the 
executive.
This gives the larger parties an advantage as they get to pick first.? Also, 
the largest
2 parties get 1 seat each for free.

Another option would be a fair division protocol.? If you had 2 equally sized 
parties,
one party leader could split the executive positions into 2 and then the other 
party
leader could pick one group.? This should mean that both groups have roughly 
equal 
value.

Alternatively, one of the leaders could give each position a value and the 
other 
party leader can pick any group of positions such that the total adds up to 
less than half.
If the first leader undervalues a position, the 2nd leader gets a powerful 
position for a 
low cost.? Likewise, if he overvalues a position, the 2nd leader will just not 
take it, giving
him a larger share of the other positions.

I am not such if this can be expanded to multiple parties of differing sizes.

Also, there is the issue that there would be no coherent national policy on 
anything.? You
could have one minister taking actions which cancel out the actions of another 
minister.
(and both spending money doing it).? Ofc, this creates an incentive for them to 
work together
and find a compromise.

Also, budgets could be an issue.? One option would be to share tax income out 
proportionally.
Each member of the legislature could decide what ministries their share is 
allocated to.


 
Tax cuts/raises are an even bigger issue.? 



Raphfrk

Interesting site
what if anyone could modify the laws

www.wikocracy.com

 


 



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Re: [Election-Methods] Matrix voting and cloneproof MMP questions

2008-07-08 Thread Juho

On Jul 8, 2008, at 15:24 , Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:

Even though I think multiwinner methods should be party-neutral, I  
can see the appeal of MMP: parties are guaranteed to get their  
share of the vote, even if the constituency vote is disproportional.



use a proportional multiwinner method (like STV) for larger  
constituencies, and then award list seats (of a much smaller share  
than half the parliament) to patch up whatever disproportionality  
still exists - even if the multiwinner method is perfect, rounding  
errors regarding district size would introduce some  
disproportionality.


I assume you want to have some level of regional representation. =  
At least large districts with multiple seats.


You said you want the method to be party-neutral. = Maybe STV will  
do (I assume all party-like list (or tree) based methods would not be  
ok).


If you use large districts and STV in each of them (separate  
candidates for each district) that should give you already quite  
accurate political proportionality (only some rounding errors left).  
If the size of the districts is small that would cut out some small  
parties (or not give them fully proportional number of seats). (Some  
tricks could be used to fix also the remaining rounding errors if  
needed.)


My point is that if you are happy with large districts the MMP  
part (and separation of two different kind of representatives) is  
not necessarily needed.


Juho






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Re: [Election-Methods] Dopp:17. Unstable and can be delicately sensitive to noise in the rankings.

2008-07-08 Thread Dave Ketchum
I care little for IRV, which deserves an early death, but think of needs 
of Condorcet, which also uses a ranked ballot.


On Tue, 8 Jul 2008 08:28:24 -0700 (PDT) Chris Benham wrote:

 From Kathy Dopp's anti-IRV propaganda report:
 
 17. Unstable and can be delicately sensitive to noise in the rankings. 
If an election is not
resolved after 3 rounds of IRV then one is deep in the ranking for many 
people. This means
noise in the rankings. Do people really study candidates they don't care 
much about? Thus
the noise in the ranking for the most ill-informed voters is determining 
the outcome in deep

rank run-offs.
When a race is unresolved after 3 rounds of IRV, a better solution is to 
hold a real run off
with the remaining candidates. Having winnowed the field, voters can now 
properly study
their allowed few choices with the required care and presumably enough 
will to make the
outcome not contingent on noise. Moreover, can you fathom how awful it 
would be to fill
out a ballot ranking every candidate 10 deep? In Australia, voters are 
required by law to fill
rank ever candidate running (generally 20) from 1 to 20. Do you think 
there is anything
besides noise in the last ten? The saving grace on the Australian ballot 
is that generally there
are only 2 questions, one with 3 to 4 rankings and one with about 20. 
Not like our USA
ballots. Restricting the ranking depth of ranked choice ballots could 
improve IRV methods

by reducing noise and making it easier for voters. 
 

No-one I gather is suggesting that in the US voters should be compelled 
to fully rank, so all

this is silly crude stuff.
 
 
In Australia, voters are required by law to fill rank ever candidate 
running (generally 20) from 1 to 20.
 
Ranked voting is valuable via allowing voters to favor more than one 
candidate.


It is wasteful and destructive if it demands that they rank candidates 
beyond their desires.
 
The generally 20 figure is false. For Australian IRV elections there 
is rarely more than about

seven candidates.
 
The figure 20 is about right for elections to the Senate, which uses 
multi-member  STV

(corrupted into a quasi-list system).
 
 
Elsewhere in the paper we read that IRV is inadequate because it can't 
guarantee  that the
winner will be elected with the support of a majority of all the voters 
who submitted

valid ballots.
 

Majority is a word that makes sense for Plurality elections.

Associating it with other election methods ranges toward useless and 
destructive.
 Demanding that every voter rank every candidate means that each 
candidate must be ranked by 100% of the voters - a majority without 
value for each.
 Even with voters choosing how many to rank (or to approve in 
Approval) getting ranked or approved by more than half does not mean a 
useful majority - some other candidate could earn the win via stronger 
backing.
 
Restricting the ranking depth of ranked choice ballots could improve 
IRV methods

by reducing noise and making it easier for voters.


The obvious way to reduce noise is to not demand it (discussed above) and 
educate voters that introducing noise is wasteful and can be destructive,


Restricting ranking depth can accommodate inadequate equipment - which 
should be replaced by adequate equipment - this should be a moderate 
expense to accommodate the occasional voter who desires such.
 
But Kathy favours restricting ranking depth which of course has the 
effect of making

this avowed aim much less likely.
 
And of course restricting ranking doesn't make it easier for voters. 
If  truncation is allowed,
how could it? 
 
In fact it just makes it harder for some voters. Say there are many 
candidates and I judge
that 2 of them are the front-runners, I have a preference between them 
but they are my
2 least favourite candidates. I am stuck with the same dilemma and 
strong incentive to use
the Compromise strategy that I have in FPP. To have some hope of having 
an impact on
the result I must insincerely rank my preferred front-runner above 
second-bottom.
 
 
Chris Benham

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