Re: [EM] language/framing quibble

2008-09-17 Thread Fred Gohlke

Good Afternoon, Raph

re: However, under your system, they (minority views) do get
 represented in the level 1 triads.  What they lose is the
 having high level representatives.

Ah.  Now we're at the crux of the matter ...

Whether or not a minority view retains high level representatives 
depends on how well the holder of the minority view is able to persuade 
others of the validity and desirability of the minority view.  The 
system guarantees that each and every view will have an audience, but 
nothing, absolutely nothing, can make that view worthy of representation 
except compelling advocacy.




re: However, since your proposal is for a council rather than
 the Parliament, then this is not as much an issue.

The proposal I posted was drafted for a specific Council.  The concept 
is equally appropriate for selecting representatives for any legislature.




re: The worst case is that all except a minority view gets
 removed.

Can you explain how that could occur?



 A dedicated minority could easily take control of the system.
 This doesn't necessarily mean that they are organised, just a
 bloc that holds a strong viewpoint.

 A dedicated religious group could fall into that category.  If
 they represented 25% of the population and used a veto any
 appointment unless you are selected strategy, then they would be
 well represented in the next stage.

 The odds of a triad having at least one of them is 58%.  Assume
 that half of them get through and the other half they veto, then
 they will represent 29% in the 2nd round.  The remaining 41% will
 be people outside the bloc (though maybe lower as there could be
 vetoes there too).  29 out of 71 is 41%, so they have increased
 their share from 25 to 41% (65% increase).

 In round 2, 41% gets them a member in 79% of the triads.
 Assuming the same results, that gives them 39.5% through against
 21% other.  Thus in 2 steps they have a 65% majority.

 Repeated over 10 rounds would increase their share to nearly 100%.

 Now this is also true with standard election methods.  People can
 stand for election on false pretenses and then do things that are
 not supported by the public. However, the more levels, the more
 chance of it happening.

That's subjective.  The math is neither objective nor reasonable.

The argument based on the concept of a 'veto' is invalid.  In a triad, 
it takes two to make a selection.  If a zealot refuses to agree to a 
selection (i.e., 'vetoes' it) the triad will be unable to make a 
selection (I cannot believe rational people will vote for a zealot who 
refuses to participate).  If there is no selection the bigot cannot advance.


Triads are made up of human beings intent on finding the best of their 
number to act as their representatives.  To suggest they will select 
bigots is preposterous.  The reality is that bigots, religious or 
otherwise, will be the first eliminated, for there is nothing more 
offensive to humans than zealotry they don't share.


Perhaps the most misleading point in the foregoing citation is the 
failure to recognize that we're talking about real, breathing human 
beings; people of intellect and judgment; the kind of people we interact 
with, every day of our lives.  We may not agree with all of their views, 
but we must acknowledge that they are capable of reason.


If not, homo sapiens isn't very sapient.



re: One possible solution to this would be to have the six
 people meet and then have one triad judge the other.

If the rationale I've presented opposing this notion is inadequate, the 
implementors may agree with you.




re: My original suggestion was for a chain.

I missed that.  Sorry.  Mea culpa.



re: ... there is the same problem is the population is not
 divisible by 3.

That issue is addressed in the proposal:

  Level 2 is a special case.  If the number of candidates does
   not divide equally into triads, any candidates remaining are
   overflow.  When there is overflow from Level 1, the extra
   person(s) automatically become candidates at Level 2.
   Thereafter, when there is overflow at any level, the number
   of people needed to create a full triad are selected at
   random from the people who were not selected at the previous
   level.



re: (Since there is a limited time in which evaluation must be
  completed, increasing the number of evaluation targets must
  reduce the depth and effectiveness of each individual's
  evaluation.)

I don't really see that as a major issue.

Failure to see this as a major issue is a serious concern.  The purpose 
of Practical Democracy is to give us an opportunity to evaluate the 
people who will represent us in our government.  We don't know these 
people, yet we are going to entrust them with our future.  It is 
imperative that we evaluate our choices.  We may not always get it 
right, but if we have the time and the exposure to them, we can do a lot 
better than we've been doing.


We are enduring a 

Re: [EM] language/framing quibble

2008-09-17 Thread Fred Gohlke

Good Afternoon, Kristofer

re: The rationale (for protecting an opinion not held by the
 majority of the electorate) is that it enables compromise.

I submit that the essence of the Practical Democracy concept is 
compromise.  Three people, exchanging views on a variety of public 
issues and choosing the spokesperson who most closely represents the 
attitudes of the group, will work out to the best solution possible.  In 
most cases, 'n' won't win, and neither will 'y'.  Instead, superior 
alternatives will be found.




re: The compromise on a national level might be different from
 the compromise on a local level, meaning that the entire
 spectrum should be preserved to the extent that it is
 possible.

That is an implementation concern.  The original draft of the concept 
was done for the State of New Jersey (US) using the 2004 voting-eligible 
population of 5,637,378 people.  It anticipated that, at certain levels, 
those not selected to advance to state or national offices would 
constitute a parallel process for local and county offices.  The issue 
was not seeking ideological representation but selection of the best, 
brightest and most trustworthy people for public office.




re: Otherwise, you can get effects similar to primaries where
 the primary electors elect those that are a compromise
 within their own ranks, and then the general election turns
 out to have candidates that are more extremely placed than
 the voters.

I don't believe the methods are comparable in any way.  Parties control 
the selection of candidates for public office.  They are chosen for 
their bias and their lack of integrity, not for their ability to serve 
the public interest.  That creates a situation in which corruption is 
inevitable.




re: (A wise electorate will realize their best interests are
  served by electing people with the wit and wisdom to listen
  to, consider, and, when appropriate, accept fresh points of
  view.)

 Yes, but to do so, they need the big picture.

Anyone who achieves selection to, for example, our Congress, is 
guaranteed, not only to have 'the big picture' but to be able to 
enunciate it in so compelling a manner that even those who seek the same 
seat are convinced.  If the selected person is deficient in any way, the 
others will be sure the weakness is made clear before the choice is made.




re: What I meant is that even if you could magic up an election
 method, there will be som reduction of minority opinion.
 There simply isn't enough room in a 200-seat legislature (to
 use example numbers) to perfectly represent opinions that
 are held by less than a 200th of the people ...

That is a fact.  We must keep in mind that we elect the 200 people in 
that legislature because we want them to make the best decisions for the 
entire electorate regarding issues that arise during their term.  If an 
issue arises that affects a minority we want them to consider the matter 
carefully and arrive at the best resolution possible for all of us ... 
regardless of anyone's ideology.




re: ... if the method tries, then some opinion held by a greater
 share will suffer.  On this I think we agree ...

We do.




re: The majority /of that council/. That need not be the
 majority of the people at large. If the real majority is
 thinly spread, it can get successively shaved off until
 nothing remains.

That may be.  I haven't examined the point carefully because my focus is 
on electing better decision makers.  There is no doubt that there will 
be issues that are not clear-cut.  To resolve them, we need to change 
the way we maintain our laws.  I could describe one way of doing so but 
would rather not digress unless you consider it important.




re: ... if a candidate says Okay, I'll try to compromise and
 gets the votes of the rest of the triad, and then escalate,
 then what's keeping the candidate from turning on his
 promise?  Presumably you'd expect most people to be honest,
 but there's still an uncertainty, and that uncertainty
 appears at every level.

That is, and will always be, a risk in representative government. As I 
said in the outline:


  This is a distillation process, biased in favor of the most
   upright and capable of our citizens.  It cannot guarantee that
   unprincipled individuals will never be selected ... such a
   goal would be unrealistic ... but it does insure that they are
   the exception rather than the rule.



re: Majority flip frac is the fraction of the times that the
 last triad had a majority for one position where that
 position was in a minority among the people.

Wah!  Ya got me!

Awww, I'm joking.

I confess that I don't understand the math involved but I think I've got 
a slight glimmer of the picture.  Let me also say this.  I REALLY wish I 
could work with math like that.  What little I can see in what you've 
done is exciting.


I guess 

Re: [EM] Delegable proxy/cascade and killer apps

2008-09-17 Thread Michael Allan
Kristofer Munsterhjelm wrote:
 If computers are permitted, then to keep sock puppets away and formalize
 trust networks, you might use a trust metric. When given direct trust (A
 trusts B to this extent), they extrapolate indirect trust (A trusts C
 because A trusts B and B trusts C). Some of the trust metrics also aim to be
 hard to manipulate, so that, for instance, if a user makes 1000 clones, all
 of these clones are bottlenecked through that user and so trust adjustments
 against the user affects all the clones as well.

My trust network for the electoral register has bottlenecking.  It's
still poorly doc'd.  I have only the code:

http://zelea.com/project/votorola/_/javadoc/votorola/a/register/trust/package-summary.html

 Here's one example of a trust metric for P2P networks:
 http://www.stanford.edu/~sdkamvar/papers/eigentrust.pdf

 And here's another, that's claimed to be manipulation resistant:
 http://www.advogato.org/trust-metric.html

Raph Frank wrote:
 This is another for film ratings.  It gives each moving a score and is
 resistant to random raters.
 
 http://www.mathaware.org/mam/08/reputation.pdf

Thanks for the refs gents.  My searches turned up nothing.  I'll read
these shortly, when I doc the network.

-- 
Michael Allan

Toronto, 647-436-4521
http://zelea.com/


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


Re: [EM] Delegable proxy/cascade and killer apps

2008-09-17 Thread Michael Allan
I think I can finally document the theory.  I've been in list
discussions for a year now.  It's payed off in design ideas.  Now I
have working code.  But it's hard to sustain a discussion (and maybe
hard to put the code into practice) without a clear theory.

I hope it's on topic for this particular list.  The theory does build
from a voting method (DP/C) of course.  Here's roughly how it starts:

  http://zelea.com/project/votorola/d/theory.xht

  (hit refresh, to see the latest figures)

Maybe other members of the list are interested in critical theory of
society, and how it could hook up with voting (aside from Fred Gohlke
and me)?  Anyway, I just a need a week or so before I can answer
questions and critique...  For now, pardon, I'll just reply to
particular points.

 A system could have a strong network effect combined with a large
 critical mass.  However, they are normally related.  A stong network
 effect would mean that the start-up requirement shouldn't be that
 massive.

Sorry, then my definition of network effect was wrong.  I doubt we
disagreed about anything else.
 
 Delegable proxy is like your system.  Everyone can change their vote
 and proxy assignments at any time.

I have to ask Abd when he's next online for refs (even to list
postings) so I can credit them.

So the vote is shiftable by the original caster.  Does the caster also
know that it assents to single action, such as the promulgation of a
particular bill, or the empowerment of an officer?  (I have to ask
Abd.)
 
   It introduces another warehouse into the supply chain...
 
 Well, if it to cut down on noise.  Effectively, the proxy is saying I
 will only read changes made by this group of people and also This is
 my proposal.

Limiting the group who can push to my draft.  That's what I meant by
giving write access to my immediate, principle voters (maybe 5-20
people) who may be proxies themselves.  It can be done with a single
Wiki.

 In effect, it is like an inbox wiki and an outbox wiki.  A proxy who
 isn't creating his own proposal could just point at his proxy's outbox
 wiki.
 
 This is a reasonable balance as the proxy may not have unlimited time.
  For low level proxies, they aren't likely to be professional proxies.

The separate out Wiki gives me a clean copy, so people know I
approved it.  I like that part.  But I can get that from a single Wiki
too.  The last revision edited by me is the clean copy.

With a single Wiki, I don't have to do all of the text integration
(from in to out) by myself.  Often the inputter's own integration will
suffice.  I just clean it up a little.
 
  There may be no elsewheres left to go.
 
 Why not?  There should be a huge number of low level proxies.  If you
 are a near top level proxy, then the higher level proxies should at
 least listen to you, especially as you can carry your supporters to
 them.  If they don't, then maybe you need a better negotiating
 strategy.

(The number of proxies may not be huge.  In the early stages it will
be small.  On the other hand, with a little patience, it may
eventually grow.  So there's openings in time, as well as space.)

But you agree that every draft ought to have an un-suppressable
presence, even if nobody else likes it.  That's all I was arguing for.

-- 
Michael Allan

Toronto, 647-436-4521
http://zelea.com/


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info