[EM] Re : About Condorcet//Approval

2008-10-30 Thread Chris Benham
Kevin,
I've always thought that the main value of  mono-raise is that methods that 
fail it are 
vulnerable to Pushover strategy and those that meet it aren't. 

push-over 
The strategy of ranking a weak alternative higher than one's preferred 
alternative, which may be useful in a method that violates monotonicity.
http://condorcet.org/emr/defn.shtml

But now you are proposing an interpretation of  mono-raise (aka monotonicity) 
that can 
be met by a method that is clearly vulnerable to Pushover strategy.
 
25: AB
26: BC
23: CA
26: C

What is the value/use of a criterion that does that and moreover can be met by 
a method
that fails to elect C in the above election?   
 
The method under discussion that you say meets mono-raise, Definite Majority 
Choice
(Whole), elects B.
 
 
All candidates are in the top cycle, but by our 3-slot ratings ballot 
interpretation C has
the highest TR score, the highest  approval score, and the lowest 
approval-opposition
score.
 
Would you agree then that there is a need for an  Invulnerability to Pushover 
strategy
criterion, that is more important than mono-raise?
 
Chris Benham
 

 

Hi Chris,

--- En date de : Jeu 23.10.08, Chris Benham cbenhamau at yahoo.com.au a 
écrit :
Kevin,
I think the version of  DMC  that allows voters to rank among unapproved
candidates fails mono-raise, and both versions are vulnerable to Pushover
strategy. 

Would you say that that the plain all ranked are
approved version doesn't properly fail mono-raise but instead fails
mono-raise-delete?

I think it definitely fails the latter. I think it only fails the former
if you can't rank all the candidates (for approval purposes).

http://lists.electorama.com/pipermail/election-methods-electorama.com/2007-March/019824.html

I wrote in March 2007:
With the approval cutoffs, DMC  (and AWP) come close to
failing mono-raise.

31: AB
04: AC
32: BC
33: CA

ABCA   Approvals: A35,  B32,   C33. 
A eliminates (doubly defeats) B, and C wins. (AWP measures 
defeat-strengths by the number of ballots on the winning
side that approve the 
winner and not the loser, and so says C's defeat is the
weakest and so also
elects C.)

Now change the 4 AC ballots to CA

To my mind you aren't allowed to move C over both A and the cutoff at
the same time, unless the method for some reason doesn't allow it any
other way (such as if this is the bottom of the ballot and you can't
approve all candidates).

Kevin Venzke

I misstated something:

--- En date de : Dim 26.10.08, Kevin Venzke stepjak at yahoo.fr a écrit :
 Now change the 4 AC ballots to CA

To my mind you aren't allowed to move C over both A and
the cutoff at
the same time, unless the method for some reason
doesn't allow it any
other way (such as if this is the bottom of the ballot and
you can't
approve all candidates).

You can move C over both at the same time, but you can't, at this same
time, move A and the cutoff relative to each other, according to my
opinion.

Kevin Venzke


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Re: [EM] language/framing quibble

2008-10-30 Thread Kristofer Munsterhjelm

Fred Gohlke wrote:

Good Evening, Kristofer

Before responding to your most recent letter, I'd like to revisit a 
topic mentioned in your letter of Fri, 26 Sep.  In discussing the way a 
group of three people might resolve a traffic question involving three 
alternatives, each championed by a member of the group, you mentioned 
the possibility of a fourth, unrepresented, alternative.  I found your 
suggestion stimulating.


It stimulated more than I expected because, in reflecting on it, I 
recalled an aspect of human relations that influenced adoption of the 
triad concept in the first place ... the tendency of small groups of 
problem solvers to experience intuitive leaps.


In the hypothetical case we're discussing, the goal of the group is to 
solve the problem.  It is not uncommon for such efforts to produce 
unanticipated results.  Indeed, some enterprises seek such results with 
'brainstorming' sessions.  The chances of such mental leaps are severely 
restricted (if even possible) when the decision-making group is 
ideologically bound.  The mind is a wonderful thing.  We mustn't chain it.


That is true, and after reading, I think I've given the wrong 
impression. What I want is not so much to reproduce partisanship 
accurately as to reproduce the entire range of ideas accurately. This 
is, I think, the real idea of PR, at least as I see it: that the groups 
are accurate not just by party, but by idea distribution. In the context 
of brainstorming, such a group distributed in a good way would have more 
points of view to draw upon; in your example, they would know about the 
fourth option, so they could take that into account when deciding if, 
perhaps, there is a solution that goes beyond all these yet get 
reasonably close to the goal of the four options that were proposed.


I'll try to refine this, although I may sound a bit like I'm talking 
about cardboard persons or stickmen again. Part of this is because I 
don't really know how people are going to act, so I'm making a first 
degree approximation, to use such a term.



And, now, to work ...


re: ... why are your web log entries timestamped 2010?

Because the site puts the most recent posts at the point where they are 
the first encountered by visitors.  I asked the site how I could put the 
material in 'book order', and they told me I'd have to reverse the 
dates.  I chose a future date, and made subsequent posts at earlier 
dates to put the material in a logical order for the visitor.


Alright. I haven't seen that kind of format elsewhere - presumably they 
list the most recent entries first so that people who come back know if 
anything's new.



With regard to focusing on the job our representatives do ...

  I can see the point you're making, but I think you should be
   careful not to go to the other extreme, too.  Opinions may
   shift, but at the bottom of things, they're the people's
   priorities of in what direction to take society. The vagaries
   you speak of could be considered noise, and that noise is
   being artificially increased by the two main parties, since if
   they can convince their wing voters they represent their
   opinion (or change their opinion), then those voters are more
   likely to vote for them instead of not voting at all. That
   doesn't mean that there's no signal, though, and where that
   signal does exist, it should not be averaged out of existence
   or amplified in some areas and attenuated in others (as could
   happen if the majority of the majority is not equally much a
   majority of the whole).

re: That doesn't mean that there's no signal, though, and where
 that signal does exist, it should not be averaged out of
 existence or amplified in some areas and attenuated in
 others ...

I agree, but believe the signal is strongest during the selection phase. 
 That is when people focus their attention on their priorities of in 
what direction to take society and select the people they believe will 
lead them in that direction.


Here I'll refer to what I saw in my simulations. They show that, at 
least for simple opinion models, those ideas held by a majority turns 
into a near consensus. Something has to go, and that is the ideas by the 
minority. As far as I understand, your response to that is that people 
are not static: the ostensible majority learns from the minority as 
we progress up the stages. That may be the case, and if so, that is 
good; but if not, then the method significantly limits the ideas that 
are not common to all.


I'll restate that what I'm talking about is not simple partisanship. 
Maybe a picture would work better. Consider the candidates' reaction to 
certain ideas as a plain. In some areas, you have mountains (where they 
agree very much on the corresponding idea), and in others, you have only 
small hills (where they're indifferent). Proportional representation 
would ideally construct a good replica of the combined landscape of the 
entire population.