Re: [EM] More non-altruistic attacks on IRV usage.

2011-12-03 Thread robert bristow-johnson

On 12/2/11 11:46 AM, David L Wetzell wrote:


dlw:  Deep down, I am skeptical of whether a multi-party
system improves things that much or would do so in my country.


RBJ:i am thoroughly convinced that a multi-party (and viable
independent) system improves things over the two-party system.
besides the money thing,


dlw: It might improve things over our current two-party system, but is 
there really no choice C?  Ie, 2 major parties, an indefinite number 
of minor parties trying to become or merge with a major party, and a 
whole lot of LTPs who specialize in contesting more local elections 
and o.w. move the political center thru voting strategically together 
in less local elections and engaging in civil disobedience actions.


RBJ: i just cannot believe that exhausting our social choice to
between Dumb and Dumber is the lot that a democratic society must
be forced to accept.  what was so frustrating during Town Meeting
Day in 2010 (when the IRV repeal vote was up), it was another
choice between Dumb and Dumber.  and, as usual, Dumber prevailed
in that choice.  nobody seems to get it (present company
excluded).  added to the result of the 2000 prez election and,
even more so, the 2004 result, the aggregate evidence is that
American voters are stupid.  incredibly stupid.  and a large
portion of Burlington Democrats were stupid to join with the
GOPpers, the latter who were acting simply in their self-interest
to repeal IRV.  and the Progs were dumb to continue to blather IRV
happy talk as if it worked just fine in 2009.


dlw: It wd have worked just fine if it was continued.
you keep repeating that without justifying it with any facts.  if it was 
continued and was in place for the coming mayoral election in 2012, the 
GOP Prog haters would be saying to themselves In this town full of 
liberals, I gotta choose between Liberal and More Liberal because if I 
vote for the guy I really like, More Liberal gets elected.


It's failure to elect the CW was a byproduct of how IRV does not end 
the tendency twds 2 party domination.
Sorry David, but you blather.  the reason that IRV failed to elect the 
CW is that it is not a Condorcet-compliant method.  like Borda or 
Bucklin.  the reason that IRV failed to elect the CW is because IRV 
elects the IRV winner.  sometimes the IRV winner is the same as the CW 
and sometimes it is not.  2-party domination is certainly, to use a 
term you seem to like, non sequitur.


you can apply the same blather to the use of the Electoral College in 
electing the president.  sometimes the EC elects the same candidate that 
the popular vote does, but it is not constrained to do so in all cases.  
it has different criteria than the popular vote, although often the two 
will agree on the same candidate.



dlw:Burlington's two major parties would not be the same as
the two nat'l major parties.

RBJ:David, we don't have two major parties.  we have three.


dlw: I'm speaking in future tense.  If we got 2 dynamic major parties 
then we don't need a centrist party, cuz the center will be too 
dynamic to be the basis for a party platform.


silly blather.  my interest in voting method reform is because long ago 
i came to the other conclusion (we need more than two viable parties).




RBJ: Republicans would vote Democrat in Burlington mayoral
elections.

if forced to.  but they would like to give their own guy their
primary support.  IRV promised them that they could vote for their
guy and, by doing so, not elect the candidate they hated the most.
 and in 2009, IRV precisely failed that promise.


dlw: You can't make a melding pot without breaking some vases.


David, YOU DO NOT GET IT.  it went pt over your head.

stop trying to impress us with argument when you just really do not get it.

IRV promised something.  in 2009 in Burlington Vermont, IRV failed to 
deliver on that promise in a totally objective and technical manner.  
it's like the steering system in your car failed and the car was 
directed into the ditch.  something didn't work right.  something didn't 
work as intended.  unfortunately, as a consequence, the whole concept of 
ranked-choice voting got sullied by that failure of this particular 
method of tabulating the votes.  unfortunately, even though IRV was 
repealed by a pretty thin margin (4%), the detractors of IRV (and, 
because of guilt by association in their simple minds, ranked voting by 
any other method) believe that God himself ordained the traditional 
vote-for-one-with-an-X ballot.


 IRV tends to do that, it doesn't do it all the time, especially when 
there's a transition to a new set of two major parties around the new 
political center.
totally unimpressive blather.  you're stringing together words without 
creating meaning.





RBJ:it not a tug-of-war with a single rope and the centrists have
to decide whether 

[EM] This might be the method we've been looking for:

2011-12-03 Thread C.Benham

Forest,

I don't understand the algorithm's definition. It seems to be saying 
that it's MinMax(Margins), only computing X's gross pairwise score 
against Y by giving X 2 points for every ballot on which X is both 
top-rated and voted strictly above Y, and otherwise giving X 1 point for 
every ballot on which X is top-rated *or* voted strictly above Y.


But from trying that on the first example it's obvious that isn't it. 
Can someone please explain it to me?


Chris Benham


Forest Simmons wrote (2 Dec 2011):

Here’s a method that seems to have the important properties that we have 
been worrying about lately:


(1) For each ballot beta, construct two matrices M1 and M2:
In row X and column Y of matrix M1, enter a one if ballot beta rates X 
above Y or if beta gives a top

rating to X. Otherwise enter a zero.
IN row X and column y of matrix M2, enter a 1 if y is rated strictly 
above x on beta. Otherwise enter a

zero.

(2) Sum the matrices M1 and M2 over all ballots beta.

(3) Let M be the difference of these respective sums
.
(4) Elect the candidate who has the (algebraically) greatest minimum row 
value in matrix M.


Consider the scenario
49 C
27 AB
24 BA
Since there are no equal top ratings, the method elects the same 
candidate A as minmax margins

would.

In the case
49 C
27 AB
24 B
There are no equal top ratings, so the method gives the same result as 
minmax margins, namely C wins

(by the tie breaking rule based on second lowest row value between B and C).

Now for
49 C
27 A=B
24 B
In this case B wins, so the A supporters have a way of stopping C from 
being elected when they know

that the B voters really are indifferent between A and C.

The equal top rule for matrix M1 essentially transforms minmax into a 
method satisfying the FBC.


Thoughts?







Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


Re: [EM] IRV's adequacy depends on a two-party system

2011-12-03 Thread Juho Laatu
IRV has some strong links to the two-party system. That is also one key reason 
why it is seems to be the most popular approach to reform in the USA.

Jameson Quinn talked about two-party dominance and two-party duopoly, and here 
we have terms two-party and centre-squeeze. We have also seen terms like weak 
Condorcet winner. These are all related in a way that I intend to discuss 
below.

In addition to the centre-squeeze property, IRV has also an edge-squeeze 
property. I mean that in the word pair centre and squeeze, the squeeze 
part is actually the dominant part. Any squeezed candidate (with low first 
preference support) is likely to be eliminated soon in the IRV elimination 
process.

My message is that instead of having all these terms, maybe one natural 
approach would be to classify IRV and few of its kind as a separate subcategory 
of methods. What separates (from this point of view) IRV and plurality from 
Approval and Condorcet is their tendency to avoid electing minor centrist 
compromise candidates. That can be seen as an intentional property, not just as 
a failure. In some recent discussions there have been also some other methods 
whose aim is to maintain the two-party dominance (duopoly in Jameson Quinn's 
terms), but still allow third parties to run without becoming spoilers. This 
category of methods could be called two-party methods (or duopoly methods).

The philosophy of such methods is to elect strong candidates, where strong 
means that these candidates will have typically more than or close to 50% 
support, and they have more (first preference) support than any other 
alternative candidate. This approach has the tendency to lead dominance of two 
major parties.

Within this group of methods we might set additional requirements like being 
able to allow also third parties/candidates to compete and one day replace one 
of the two dominant ones. In this set-up we may propose better alternatives to 
(from this point of view) bad two-party methods like plurality (that is quite 
terrible with third parties), but without going all the way to the compromise 
seeking single-winner methods like Approval and Condorcet.

Note that if there will be a reform in the USA, the end result could be quite 
different if the chosen new method is still a two-party method or if it is a 
compromise seeking single-winner method. Both reform types allow third parties 
to compete and become elected one day, but two-party methods would still have 
the tendency to maintain the dominance of two parties (or at least two or three 
major parties with chances to win in each single winner district).

A compromise seeking method could elect multiple compromise candidates from 
small groupings in the representative bodies, and as a president too. This 
would mean that the president would quite typically not have majority support 
in the representative bodies. And that would lead to somewhat different 
behaviour of the whole system, when compared to what it is today. Already 
single-winner reforms may thus be classified in this way in two categories - 
those that aim at duopoly or tripoly (=major representatives) and those that 
aim at a richer mixture of single-seat winners (=major and compromise 
representatives).

Already the two-party method based reforms could lead to meaningful changes by 
allowing new parties (major party of some district) to enter the representative 
bodies. That could mean that new governments could be coalition governments 
(e.g. Democrat + Progressive) instead of the single-party governments of today.

Based on this discussion, possible reforms could be classified at least in 
three categories: two-party reforms, more general/liberal single-winner 
reforms, and proportional representation based reforms (in the order of 
radicalness). The title of this mail stream would mean that IRV belongs in the 
first category of reforms.

Juho




On 3.12.2011, at 6.49, Brian Olson wrote:

 Just the subject line on this is the most amusing thing I've read on this 
 list in a while.
 Well said, sir!
 
 On Dec 2, 2011, at 2:19 PM, MIKE OSSIPOFF wrote:
 
 
 David Wetzel said:
 
 s for center-squeezing, that's not really a problem in the US as a
 whole...
 Third parties are too small and scattered.
 
 [endquote]
 
 Ok, so David is saying that IRV is adequate adequate only in a two-party 
 system.
 
 Mike Ossipoff
 
 Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


[EM] MMT written right

2011-12-03 Thread MIKE OSSIPOFF

Mutual-Majority-Top (MMT):

3-slot. Top, Middle, Bottom (unmarked)

For any set of candidates rated above bottom by each member of the same 
majority of the voters, the winner must come from that set.

The winner is the most top-rated member of that set.

If there is no such set, then the winner is the most top-rated
candidate in the election.

[end of MMT definition]

  

Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info


[EM] Fwd: how goes American PR?

2011-12-03 Thread David L Wetzell
American PR is a coming.  You must decide if you want to keep quibbling
over the best single-winner election rule or push hard for a better mix of
multi and single-winner election rules in the US.

dlw
-- Forwarded message --
From: Rob Richie r...@fairvote.org
Date: Sat, Dec 3, 2011 at 11:05 AM
Subject: Re: how goes American PR?
To: David L Wetzell wetze...@gmail.com


A little slow in getting our American PR-like plans drawn, but we'll have
them done for hte whole country in early 2012 and heat up in our
outreach... getting some related opeds.

Next year should be a good one for the idea --  lots of chances to talk
about it.
Rob


On Wed, Nov 30, 2011 at 12:26 PM, David L Wetzell wetze...@gmail.comwrote:


 I wonder if tea-partiers unhappy w. the Republican party might get in on
 it?

 dlw




-- 
~
Respect for Every Vote and Every Voice

Rob Richie
Executive Director

FairVote
6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite 610
Takoma Park, MD 20912
www.fairvote.org  http://www.fairvote.org r...@fairvote.org
(301) 270-4616

Please support FairVote through action and tax-deductible donations -- see
http://fairvote.org/donate. For federal employees, please consider  a gift
to us through the Combined Federal Campaign (FairVote's  CFC number is
10132.) Thank you!

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Re: [EM] This might be the method we've been looking for:

2011-12-03 Thread fsimmons
Chris, 

you're right that it is very close to MinMax(margins). Let's compare and 
contrast:

In both MinMax versions a matrix M is used to determine the winner in the same 
way:  if the least
number in row i is greater than the least number in any other row of the matrix 
M, then candidate i is 
elected.  [By convention each negative number is less than every positive 
number, and among several 
negative numbers the most negative is the least.  So  -6  -32  5, etc.]

In both methods each entry of the matrix M is the difference betwee two numbers 
(minuend minus 
subtrahend).

The subrtrahend in this difference is exactly the same in both methods.  The 
subtrahend in row i column 
j of M is the number of ballots on which candidate j is rated or ranked 
strictly above candidate i.

It's in the minuend that the two methods part company:

In MinMax(margins) the minuend of the (i, j) entry is the number of ballots on 
which candidate i is rated 
or ranked strictly above candidate j.

In MinMax(TopTierPairwiseRule) the minuend of the (i, j) entry is the number of 
ballots on which 
candidate i is ranked (or rated) strictly above candidate j plus the number of 
ballots on which candidate i 
is rated or ranked equal top with candidate j.

A third method that I call MinMax(EqualRankPairwiseRule) uses the same 
subtrahend but defines the 
minuend as the number of ballots on which candidate i is ranked both above 
bottom AND above or equal 
to candidate j.

This last method MinMax(ERPR) also satisfies the FBC, and furthermore it nevers 
gives incentive for 
insincere order reversal.

Both MinMax(ERPR) and MinMax(TTPR) satisfy the mono-add-equal-top criterion: if 
additional ballots 
are added with the previous winner ranked top or equal top, the winner is 
unchanged.

Furthermore, suppose that candidate i is the winner under MinMax(ERPR), and 
that the least number in 
row i of matrix M is -7.  Suppose that this number -7 appears only in columns  
3, 9, and 15 of row i.  If a 
new ballot ranks candidate i above or equal to candidates 3, 9, and 15, then 
the method will still elect 
candidate i when the new ballot is counted along with the old ones.

Note that in the case of MinMax(ERPR) the diagonal entries (i, i) in the matrix 
M are the respective 
implicit approvals of the candidates, since ranked candidates are ranked equal 
to themselves but not 
above themselves.

All three of these MinMax methods are monotone, but fail clone independence in 
the same sense that 
MinMax(wv) does.  The equal ranking option mitigates this failure.  Perhaps 
further modifications could 
mitigate it more, if not altogether remove it.  For example, incorporating some 
version of the Cardinal 
Weighted Pairwise idea might restore clone independence to the same degree 
enjoyed by Approval and 
other Cardinal Ratings methods.

We can deal with that later.  Meanwhile, with a three slot method, clones tend 
to get equal ranked a lot, 
so the clone dependence is not much worse than it is in Approval.

We need a popular name that can catch on with the public. Any ideas?

Forest

- Original Message -
From: C.Benham 
Date: Saturday, December 3, 2011 0:24 am
Subject: This might be the method we've been looking for:
To: em 
Cc: Forest W Simmons 

 Forest,
 
 I don't understand the algorithm's definition. It seems to be 
 saying 
 that it's MinMax(Margins), only computing X's gross pairwise 
 score 
 against Y by giving X 2 points for every ballot on which X is 
 both 
 top-rated and voted strictly above Y, and otherwise giving X 1 
 point for 
 every ballot on which X is top-rated *or* voted strictly above Y.
 
 But from trying that on the first example it's obvious that 
 isn't it. 
 Can someone please explain it to me?
 
 Chris Benham
 
 
 Forest Simmons wrote (2 Dec 2011):
 
 Here’s a method that seems to have the important properties that 
 we have 
 been worrying about lately:
 
 (1) For each ballot beta, construct two matrices M1 and M2:
 In row X and column Y of matrix M1, enter a one if ballot beta 
 rates X 
 above Y or if beta gives a top
 rating to X. Otherwise enter a zero.
 IN row X and column y of matrix M2, enter a 1 if y is rated 
 strictly 
 above x on beta. Otherwise enter a
 zero.
 
 (2) Sum the matrices M1 and M2 over all ballots beta.
 
 (3) Let M be the difference of these respective sums
 .
 (4) Elect the candidate who has the (algebraically) greatest 
 minimum row 
 value in matrix M.
 
 Consider the scenario
 49 C
 27 AB
 24 BA
 Since there are no equal top ratings, the method elects the same 
 candidate A as minmax margins
 would.
 
 In the case
 49 C
 27 AB
 24 B
 There are no equal top ratings, so the method gives the same 
 result as 
 minmax margins, namely C wins
 (by the tie breaking rule based on second lowest row value 
 between B and C).
 
 Now for
 49 C
 27 A=B
 24 B
 In this case B wins, so the A supporters have a way of stopping 
 C from 
 being elected when they know
 that the B voters 

Re: [EM] Fwd: how goes American PR?

2011-12-03 Thread Jameson Quinn
Does American PR have a specific meaning yet? I'm sure I'll be in favor
of it, whatever PR variant it is; but while I'm still ignorant, let me
guess a little.

I doubt it's a mixed-member system. They're good, but the US, despite (or
perhaps because of) being one of the most partisan countries around, has
too much suspicion of party machines for that to catch on.

So that leaves ... I guess the most-probable options are global STV or STV
in small multimember districts (3-5 members).

Again, these are both quite good systems I'd support. But if it's not too
late to offer a suggestion... I'd strongly encourage you to consider
something like PAL
representationhttp://wiki.electorama.com/wiki/PAL_representation.
It's certainly not the simplest system there is, but then no PR system is
really simple. And as advantages you get:
-- High potential for 100% continuity (if the statewide gerrymander was
fairly proportional, and if third parties don't pick up any seats). This is
a HUGE advantage when selling to incumbents. I mean, seriously, tremendous.
-- Voters and/or peers have the real power to remove even the most
well-encrusted incumbent if they sour on him or her. That is, it's
voter-centric, not party-centric
-- Almost every voter gets their own local representative WHOM THEY VOTED
FOR. This is absolutely something that would resonate with US voters,
raised on tales of No taxation without representation.

Check it out.

(And yes, I think that we can work together over PR, even if we don't see
eye-to-eye on single winner systems.)

Jameson
2011/12/3 David L Wetzell wetze...@gmail.com


 American PR is a coming.  You must decide if you want to keep quibbling
 over the best single-winner election rule or push hard for a better mix of
 multi and single-winner election rules in the US.

 dlw
 -- Forwarded message --
 From: Rob Richie r...@fairvote.org
 Date: Sat, Dec 3, 2011 at 11:05 AM
 Subject: Re: how goes American PR?
 To: David L Wetzell wetze...@gmail.com


 A little slow in getting our American PR-like plans drawn, but we'll have
 them done for hte whole country in early 2012 and heat up in our
 outreach... getting some related opeds.

 Next year should be a good one for the idea --  lots of chances to talk
 about it.
 Rob


 On Wed, Nov 30, 2011 at 12:26 PM, David L Wetzell wetze...@gmail.comwrote:


 I wonder if tea-partiers unhappy w. the Republican party might get in on
 it?

 dlw




 --
 ~
 Respect for Every Vote and Every Voice

 Rob Richie
 Executive Director

 FairVote
 6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite 610
 Takoma Park, MD 20912
 www.fairvote.org  http://www.fairvote.org r...@fairvote.org
 (301) 270-4616

 Please support FairVote through action and tax-deductible donations -- see
 http://fairvote.org/donate. For federal employees, please consider  a
 gift to us through the Combined Federal Campaign (FairVote's  CFC number is
 10132.) Thank you!



 
 Election-Methods mailing list - see http://electorama.com/em for list info



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Re: [EM] More non-altruistic attacks on IRV usage.

2011-12-03 Thread Dave Ketchum

Thanks for worthy comments, but I disagree a bit:
 We need single-member districts, for we have offices that fit,  
such as mayor and governor.
  We need to ban plurality.   While plurality is enough on a  
good day, most any election can have bad days.  I will promote  
Condorcet (see B2 below) - among its advantages are that voting here  
is no more effort than plurality on good days (think of a community's  
treasurer - simply reelect via ranking only such on good days; want to  
demand replacements on bad days).
We need an agreed method for doing PR for such as legislatures.   
They can be done single-member, but those managing elections can  
choose PR.  While STV exists, I suggest having the voters use  
something more like Condorcet for PR.


On Dec 2, 2011, at 1:35 AM, Jameson Quinn wrote:

This thread now has 50 messages, back-and-forth. I'll try to make  
this my last word on the subject.


Basically, the bottom line for me is that I trust real evidence more  
than I trust theory, but I need to find room to take hopeful action.  
That's not a matter of building an elaborate model of reality in my  
head and then repeatedly claiming that I'm a pragmatist; it's a  
matter of trying to make my questions as simple as possible,  
answering them with evidence, and then finding the shortest path of  
least resistance to hope.


What does the evidence tell us?

A. Evidence about the status quo says:
1. Plurality is a theoretically-horrible system, with no redeeming  
features.
2. Single-member districts have certain advantages, but also serious  
problems; I'd say that on the whole the problems dominate. (?)
3. In practice, the problems with both plurality and single-member  
districts seem to culminate in two-party domination.

4. It takes a lot of money to get elected in the current system.
5. Status quo politics are badly broken.
6. It's likely that 3 is one main cause of 4, and that 3 and 4  
together are the main causes of 5. Thus there is a need to change  
either plurality, single-member districts, or both. (?)


B. Evidence about IRV says:
1. There's been a well-organized and decently-funded national  
campaign for IRV. I'm speakin of course about Fairvote, whose  
spending on IRV over its history has probably totalled millions of  
dollars.
 Fair Vote offers a valuable service to voters - better than just  
approving candidates, as in Approval, voters use ranking to indicate  
whether they like A or B better - but are not required to indicate  
amount that A is better than B.
 Fair Vote also gives a simple task to vote counters -  
recognizing that small groups of voters can like best different groups  
of candidates, discard such top groups until the winner has a majority  
of what remain top.



1a. It's had real successes
1b. It's still fallen widely short of the progress that is needed.
  It can happen that one of the top groups discarded, per above,  
was only part of the votes for the truly best liked candidate - who  
thus fails to win.


2. Even in places that were initially favorable to IRV, and have  
tried it, opposition is persistent. (This includes Australia, where  
reputable polls have found majorities favoring changing the system.)

3. IRV pathologies can happen in real life.

 Burlington proves what simulations tell us to expect.


4. Especially when pathologies happen, IRV is subject to repeal.
5. IRV does not seem to end two-party domination; certainly it does  
not do so reliably. (?)
6. In a hard-fought national referendum in the UK, where both sides  
had significant funding and organization, IRV lost resoundingly.


B2. Condorcet has had less use than IRV.
1. It offers the same service to voters, except also permitting equal  
ranking.
2. Counting is (as if) into an x*x matrix showing which of each  
possible pair of candidates would win in a race between those two.
3. There is value in humans reading x*x - it tells how third parties  
are doing even when they do not win - clues as to whether they are  
worth joining; clues as to where the center of gravity is moving.
4. The Condorcet Winner (CW) is recognized as proper winner even when  
discussing other methods.  It means winning when racing against each  
other candidate with Condorcet counting.
5. Only by having at least 3 strong candidates and them being voted in  
a cycle such as ABCA, is there no CW.
6. I and a few others argue strongly that only candidates the voter  
could approve getting elected should be ranked - and against ranking  
others such as enemies.


C. Evidence about other single-winner systems says:
1. Non-IRV voting activists are, as a whole, fractious and  
disorganized.
2. It is very difficult to get all voting reform advocates to agree  
on a single best system.
2a. It's especially difficult to get theorists to support IRV in  
spite of its theoretical flaws. (?)

 Not surprising, since the flaws are real.

3. It is less difficult to get reform advocates and 

Re: [EM] Fwd: how goes American PR?

2011-12-03 Thread robert bristow-johnson


so Jan, i heard that you were for keeping plurality voting over IRV in 
Fort Collins.  is that true?  do you continue to feel the same way 
about FPTP vs. IRV?


On 12/3/11 3:37 PM, Jan Kok wrote:

The US President's power is huge. He can veto bills passed by
Congress, and he can start wars. And now, de facto, can even order
assassinations of US citizens.
this is more of an issue of (constitutionally) how much power a 
president or other nation's head-of-state should have.  whether a 
single-seat office holder has a lot (or too much) power or not, doesn't 
change the notion of how that person should be elected in a democracy 
and, particularly, a democracy that makes room for more than two viable 
parties and for independent candidates.



So, it's important that we have good single-winner election methods to
make the best possible choices of winners for single-winner offices.
it is regardless of how much power that single winner gets.  even for 
the official Town Clown, why award the office to the loser?  or the 
2nd-place winner?



IRV/RCV is a poor method. It can make poor choices of winners, such as
in the 2009 Burlington, VT mayor's race, and is more complicated than
other methods.
it *has* made poor choices.  doesn't mean that it always had.  IRV 
doesn't do too bad when it elects the CW (and all the CW needs to attain 
is a place in the final round, then the CW is also the IRVW).  but the 
same argument can be used for the Electoral College vs. the popular 
vote.  it doesn't make much sense to keep the E.C. because most of the 
time it elects the winner of the popular vote which is deemed the 
measure of how well it works.  if that's the case, why not ditch the 
E.C. and just elect the popular vote winner?  same for IRV vs. Condorcet.



  The complexity makes it difficult to sell to voters,
some of whom are _extremely_ resistant to change.
yeah, but tax laws are complex too.  and we continue to pay taxes with 
complexity in the code (and some are _extremely_ resistant to that 
also).  some people tell me that Condorcet is more complicated than 
IRV.  i disagree but in any case reject the notion of adopting simple 
laws that are unfair eschewing those that have more subtlety but are 
naturally fairer.



  The complexity also
makes it more expensive to count the votes,
not really.  the scan/count machines can do fine with the ranked ballot, 
whether it's IRV or not.


IRV is harder to hand count.  but Condorcet would be even more laborious 
to hand count, i think.



  and makes IRV elections more vulnerable to fraud.
all elections are vulnerable to fraud if there is corruption in official 
places and the rule-of-law is diminished.  the only manner that IRV is 
*more* vulnerable w.r.t. other methods is that it is not precinct 
summable.  it's harder to fix an election that covers many voting places 
if the results from the individual polling places cannot be tabulated 
and reported independently from each place.  now you can still do that 
with IRV (the media gets a copy of the same thumb drive that the 
precinct clerk takes to the central counting place), but the auditors in 
the media might not be able to easily check the overall results unless 
the method is precinct summable.



  And when IRV gets rejected or repealed, as
it has in several places, it poisons the well, making it harder to
introduce other, better voting methods.


and that, i fully agree with.


So, as long as there are people pushing IRV, let the quibbling (about
single-winner methods) continue!


i agree with that, too.

--

r b-j  r...@audioimagination.com

Imagination is more important than knowledge.




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