[Goanet] Livin' the Impromptu Life

2013-08-08 Thread Comma Consulting

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SATURDAY, AUGUST 3, 2013


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2013/08/livin-impromptu-life.html Livin'
the Impromptu Life


 

On the Spiritual Roots of Loafing.

 

There is a deeply spiritual element in spurning ritual to do something
completely different: it's liberating, this idea that you can just go off
the grid. Call it going AWOL. No permissions taken; no explanations
provided. This is not about vacation or travel. There aren't any surveys or
statistics to cite but it's a pretty good guess that not everyone can or
wants to do it. It is an attitude that for me has begun to take hold as I
grow older. Maybe it stems from a growing awareness that in the end,
everyone goes AWOL.

 

No; this is not a lament about growing old or a nervous look at death. On
the contrary, it's about life and joy and sensual pleasures; about the free
spirit and the liberated mind that enables the impromptu life.

 

Periodic trips to Goa fall in that category. They let us explore the
elasticity of time in which breakfast is on the table and every bite of
buttered poi(Goan bread) with homemade jam satisfies so much you think
you'll never have lunch. Thinking of lunch while eating your breakfast is
the impromptu state of mind in which minutes expand to fill an hour; the
same minutes disappear in a fleet rush of seconds to leave you breathless,
as you finish the clams or put down the book.

 

In the end, you become so embroiled in non-purposive activity that you lose
track of time and begin to live on the wax and wane of nature: sunlight,
moonlight, stars, dusk, dawn, rain, breezes, birdsong, rustling palms and
the scent of the sea.

 

You lounge, you laze, go on long drives; read books and magazines all day or
go to the beach and watch the Arabian Sea churn and roil in the Monsoon or
gently roll at other times. You look for exciting new restaurants, cafes and
watering holes; hook up with local friends and shoot the breeze late into
the night; catch a movie at Panjim's slick Inox cinema and in the
auditorium, eat bhel instead of popcorn.

 

Eventually, when the sojourn draws to a close, you are refreshed and ready
to look routine in the eye. That lasts a few weeks; then the soul begins to
stir; your mind turns once again to the impromptu life in Goa and the serene
experience of green rice fields, large rivers, lovely beaches, calamari,
clams, shrimp and beer. So you go back again and spend another few days,
unmindful of time. In that sense, it is a slice of immortality.

 

As you grow older and begin to see life's finite horizon, such experiences
gain in importance. You realize you may have done okay for yourself if, in
your later life, you can indulge in such spiritual pursuits.  As you plan
another journey into timelessness, thoughts hearken ahead to the new
restaurant that's just opened; succulent figs for breakfast; shrimp curry
and rice for lunch; for dinner, chilly fry; dessert, custard apple ice
cream; pickled green peppers in the fridge and the very dry vodka martini
which their corns will flavor.

 

But wait.why can't we disrupt routine more often? Is the impromptu life only
available in Goa or some other such idyllic place? Of course not; it is a
state of mind, as I recently discovered.

 

Having slept over at our house on a Sunday not too long ago, our
granddaughter awoke early and climbed into our bed, making sweet sounds in
her own dialect: Wake up, sleepy head, she seemed to be saying. My eyes
opened and she smiled. I knew immediately then, Monday or not, there was no
going to the office, no newspaper.even my tea remained undrunk.

 

Soon we were in the garden, chasing after birds and chipmunks. Of course,
they disappeared; so we spent time scanning the skies and trees, whistling,
gesticulating, making noises: trying to lure them back. Finally, the sapping
heat got to me so we shifted the impromptu show indoors and went upstairs to
sit directly in front of the air conditioner.

 

Then she happened on the remote control. Well, if we were going to watch TV,
I felt Discovery HD was the best option for a stunning visual and learning
experience. Except that we came upon the Cartoon Network while surfing.and
lo and behold, it was the Tom and Jerry show, with Brahms' Hungarian Dances
as the soundtrack. So heads leaning together we watched as Jerry outwitted
the cat every which way.

 

Another work afternoon, we took her to a playground in a nearby mall where
she climbed up slides from bottom to top and ran around among the ingenious
sprays that kept the place cool with their mist on a sultry day. Equally
thoughtful were the soft cork board tiles that lined the playground.no
scraped knees or elbows, no tears, no fears. Then last week, we took the
time out of a weekday morning to take go swimming with her.

 

There was a time when even a 

[Goanet] Neo Middle Classes Protest

2013-01-04 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
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WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 2, 2013


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2013/01/neo-middle-classes-protest.html
Neo Middle Classes Protest


 

High on Aspirations, Low on Talent

 

Let me just say it straight out. The Delhi protests against the shocking
rape of a young woman in a bus were led by students of the Jawaharlal Nehru
University and other universities and colleges where underpaid teachers spew
their leftist propaganda to taint impressionable minds. They are high-minded
but like all university students in India, somewhat moronic on the
organization front. Their post-modern protest, inspired by the leftists of
Europe and North Africa, simply didn't work. They neither have the
ideological fervor of their Western European counterparts nor the rage
against the machine of their Tunisian and Egyptian idols. What they are
confronting is a political system that is bereft of vision beyond electoral
calculation, a bureaucracy that is inept and obstructionist, a business
class that is free of ethics and morality. And this is not today's news; the
gridlock has been in existence since 1947. How otherwise do you explain the
lack of basic infrastructure, not just roads, power, public transport but
also the lack of education, public health and social security?

 

It is mind-boggling that the protesters and the media, egged on by shadowy
political interests, can hold public debate to ransom over a sordid criminal
offence by marginal people like the monsters on the bus. The protest is all
about the government and how insensitive it is. The young men and women
seemed to be more interested in having major government officials talk to
them. The real issue to be debated is what kind of a society has been
created in which marginal men from urban slums take not just the law into
their own hands but visit terror on hapless citizens. You don't have very
far to look: the outskirts of Delhi, beyond the Lutyens zone, is a free for
all. Scofflaws rule the roost. They harass women; drive like lunatics
(including city-certified public transport drivers); they also rain chaos
and arbitrary violence on unsuspecting citizens. This is a society and
culture in which the girl child is killed at birth; those that survive
rarely make it past five years of age; the remnant end up being victims of
dowry and bride burning. Very few girls born in India make a steady income
and or attain social dignity. Dare I say it: if you are born a girl the
chances of you having a normal life are minuscule.

 

These are the issues the heinous rape should have brought forth in public
debate. Instead, the neo middle class protesters, egged on by the RSS,
Arvind Kejriwal and Baba Ramdev, focused on the government and its
shortcomings. I dare these kids and their mentors to go protest against the
khap panchayats of Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, never mind Bihar,
Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh; or the Maoists in the central spine of India; or
the cultural fascists in south and central India. Easiest thing to do,
especially if vested interests ply you with funds, is to assemble at India
Gate and capture the attention of the marketing-driven media.

 

Looking at the chaos of cities and small towns and the complete neglect of
rural populations, not just this government but going back to 1947, it is
apparent the entire governance structure is about privilege and corruption.
Even high-minded leaders like Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh are unable to
make a dent; their writ simply doesn't run. As the Singapore Prime Minister
said in a recent interview, India is held in thrall by vested interests.
What he was saying, in a polite way, is India suffers from a lapse of
governance: bad roads, poor street lighting, discontinuous water supply, no
sanitation, poor public health facilities, and dysfunctional schools.

 

In the end, there are two ideologies in India; one, the Congress that has
its hands full just running the government peopled by know-nothings and
do-nothings. Two, the others are all against the Congress and hoping to run
the system, not for change and development; but for personal aggrandizement.
What remains is the permanent government, the bureaucracy, and they have
been having a ball since Rajiv Gandhi, with 220 seats refused to form the
government in 1989. Since then the toadies have emerged from under their
stones with caste and communal demands while the vested government officials
simply twiddle their thumbs. Or milk their positions for rent in issuing
licenses and permits.

 

So poverty endures in a country that is getting richer by leaps and bounds.
No government will pay heed to middle class demands for better governance.
The refrain is we represent the poor who have nothing so you should accept
an abysmal quality of life. Even the governor of the Reserve Bank, who has

[Goanet] Debate: BJP's Walmart attack

2012-12-20 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


you can reach the person managing the list at i...@comma.in


TUESDAY, DECEMBER 18, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/12/debate-bjps-walmart-attack.html
Debate: BJP's Walmart attack


 

The issue of Wal-Mart lobbying on Monday (December 10) led to a political
storm with Opposition creating pandemonium in the Rajya Sabha and promising
to create further trouble tomorrow by pressing its demand for a probe and a
statement by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. In a debate moderated by TIMES
NOW's Editor-in-Chief Arnab Goswami, panelists -- Renuka Chaudhary, Natl.
Spokesperson  MP, Rajya Sabha Congress; Swaminathan Aiyar, Consulting
Editor, Economic Times; Venkaiah Naidu, Senior leader  MP, Rajya Sabha,
BJP; Derek O Brien, Chief Whip  MP, TMC; Rajiv Desai, Chairman  CEO, Comma
Consulting debate the issue.

 

http://www.timesnow.tv/ http://www.timesnow.tv/videoshow/4416538.cms
videoshow/4416538.cms

 

http://www.timesnow.tv/ http://www.timesnow.tv/videoshow/4416540.cms
videoshow/4416540.cms

 

http://www.timesnow.tv/ http://www.timesnow.tv/videoshow/4416545.cms
videoshow/4416545.cms


 



[Goanet] Advocacy of interest or corporate bribery?

2012-12-19 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


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MONDAY, DECEMBER 17, 2012


Advocacy
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/12/advocacy-of-interest-or-corporate.ht
ml  of interest or corporate bribery?


 


...to secure the public interest, it is vital that the government shine a
light on the power brokerages and influences peddlers in Delhi and other
states.

 

Though the BJP's noisemakers may not appreciate it, through their hysterical
outbursts against Wal-Mart, they may have unwittingly sponsored a major
reform in pursuit of good governance. In its misbegotten campaign against
the American firm, the BJP threatened to disrupt Parliament again, as it has
done repeatedly for the past nine years. This prompted Parliamentary Affairs
minister Kamal Nath to agree to a public inquiry into the company's lobbying
activities in India. Though a spectacularly ignorant BJP spokesman suggested
that the minister's assent to an inquiry proved their point, the truth is
that the UPA's quick response saved the day and it appears that much overdue
legislation will now be enacted.

 

The BJP's empty-vessel strategy to corner the government on lobbying by
Wal-Mart boomeranged in Parliament because of Mr Nath's finesse. Reports say
the government will appoint a retired judge to conduct the inquiry. Most
likely, the exercise will stretch out and will hold no more sensation value;
the BJP will find some other dubious platform from which to rant against the
UPA government. As such, the inquiry will join the long list of commissions
that have provided not much more than sinecures for superannuated law
officers.

 

On the other hand, the government could actually use the inquiry to clean up
the murk that surrounds lobbying in India. To secure the public interest, it
is vital that the government shine a light on power brokerages and influence
peddlers in Delhi and in the various states.

 

A thoughtful judge at the helm of the inquiry might recommend the
establishment of a Parliamentary registry that provides credentials to
lobbyists, individual as well as firms. In accepting such credentials,
lobbyists would be required to disclose their clients and fees received. The
registry could go a step further and demand from various government
ministries, departments and agencies periodic reports on any contacts they
may have had with lobbyists.

 

Recommendations of this nature could bring much needed transparency to the
conduct of public affairs; you won't have a BJP president Bangaru Laxman
accepting bribes or a DMK minister A Raja playing fast and loose with the
allocation of telecom spectrum. A whole horde of middlemen, the kind you see
at power lunches in The Taj or cocktail parties at The Oberoi, will stand
exposed. The business of lobbying could become professional and cleansed of
the stain of corruption.

 

Lobbying is a time-honored practice that dates at least as far back as the
signing of the Magna Carta in 13th-century England, from whence sprang the
right of association and the right to petition authority, the cornerstones
of the lobbying profession.

 

Closer to home and to the age, lobbying has had many beneficial outcomes.
These include campaigns for universal primary education, against sex
trafficking, to lower taxes on toiletries and cosmetics, to amend laws
governing the business of financial services, courier firms and cable
operators, among others. They have been successful and have benefited the
public interest as much as the interests of those who sponsored them.

 

This article appeared in Hindustan Times on December 16, 2012.

 

 
http://www.hindustantimes.com/India-news/NewDelhi/Advocacy-of-interest-or-c
orporate-bribery/Article1-973355.aspx Advocacy of interest or corporate
bribery?


 



[Goanet] Nostalgia live

2012-12-03 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
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MONDAY, DECEMBER 3, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/12/nostalgia-live.html Nostalgia live


 

We should have been called the Magnificent Seven. I thought of this 40 years
later. There were seven of us; one died; one didn't come. So we were left
with the Infamous Five last weekend. Not to bore you or anything but aside
of me there were Harry, Brave, Chua and Mirchi, (forgive me guys for using
the given names), who were inseparable at Baroda's MS University's Faculty
of Technology.  Harry came from Perth in Western Australia, Chua came from
Singapore and Brave and Mirchi came from Bombay for the reunion.

 

Before anything else, I can only say that it was an amazing feat for busy
people in their sixties; not that anyone behaved that old. The guards were
down and the conversation was not that different than the ones we had
sitting together on the wall of the MSU hostels. Except there was a lot more
depth, given the 40 years of experience since we last met together. We
talked about our lives and our time together in Baroda. And the swear
words!So Harry has a respected career in the oil business and is still the
innocent; Mirchi runs a successful engineering business and still remains
the best standup comic I have known; Brave actually runs the world with his
phenomenal perspective on the human condition; Chua, the genius, virtually
ran Citibank globally and now plays golf.

 

When we knew each other in Baroda, we were mostly broke and way behind the
academic curriculum. We had dreams. And one way or the other, we may have
realized them. Chua, aka Venky, put the whole thing in perspective: We are
normal people, married to the same woman for all these years, with wonderful
children and now grandchildren. And Venky, being Chua, asked: Are we
really boring people?

 

This whole business of the reunion began when I sent my friends a reminder
of the fabulous stuff we did in Baroda as mere kids. We were in the
Shakespeare Society; we ran a newspaper called Implosion; we set up Beaux
Esprit, an event management unit that held several rock concerts. Plus most
of all, we went to almost every night show in the local theater, regardless
of the movie. We even saw a South Indian move called Danger Biscuit, which
Venky says he uses to screw everyone's happiness in the charade game.

 

In the two days we spent together, we felt connected. Yes, the connection
was engineering school and the hostels; but there seemed to be more: why
would anyone come from all over the world to have dinner?  Clearly, we all
liked each other, never mind that we may have had differences. What was
obvious we enjoyed each other and admired what we had done in the 40 years
that had passed. Actually, the relationship now was more civil and fond than
we ever experienced in Baroda. Most of us had met individually over the
years but never together. 

 

The reunion was unique: we all realized it was a special occasion. The
chances of this ever happening again are remote. My view, echoed by Venky,
is we should meet again; life has raced past and it is wonderful to put a
brake on it and catch up with friends who influenced it in ways we just now
begin to realize. We all got along in fabulous way. Plus we had better food
and drinks since we last met together in some dhaba in Baroda.

 

Our reunion got me thinking. When we last met together, we had the world
ahead of us in which to make a mark. Forty years later, we've done what we
can in many different ways. The general take among us was we've all not done
too badly. My take on this is we can do much more. Regardless of what I may
or may not have achieved, my trip in life has been to reach out to friends
who have influenced my life. Turns out they are all high achievers. It is
more satisfying than any professional or financial achievement. 

 

The post Diwali weekend with old friends endorsed two things: one, all my
friends have done well for themselves; two, all our wings have roots in our
undergraduate days of a basic life that may be difficult for us to live
today. All I can hope is this reunion will lead to new relationships and
that we can meet again and explore beyond hellos the ties that bind us.

 

For me, Marcel Proust said it: Let us be grateful to people who make us
happy, they are the charming gardeners who make our souls blossom.

 

What a wonderful weekend after the triumph of good over evil!



[Goanet] The rise of righteous reaction

2012-08-09 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


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THURSDAY, AUGUST 9, 2012


 
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/08/the-rise-of-righteous-reaction.html
The rise of righteous reaction


 

The Tradition of Righteous Reaction

 

Mahatmas with a small m

 

Through my pre-teen and teenage years, I spent a lot of time with my
grandfather. He was a medical doctor, a theosophist, a Congress party
activist and a compassionate human being. He was my ideal.

 

One summer when my siblings and I were visiting his home in Surat, someone
told him I had eaten meat. Grandfather wasn't incensed or censorious; he
simply said We don't eat meat. I was in awe of this man who attracted
eminences like Rabindranath Tagore, Annie Besant, George Arundale, among
others to his home. When he said something, I listened, deferentially.

 

However on this occasion his comment rankled. Grandfather seemed to be
suggesting that because of caste and religious strictures, our family was
vegetarian. Having eaten a mutton samosa at a friend's house, I thought to
myself that his reaction was over the top. I knew he was tolerant and
liberal; his extensive library included books by Bertrand Russell and other
free thinkers.  Thanks to him, we were spared worst traditions of caste and
religion.

 

This incident haunted me over the years. Since I admired him, I dismissed
the episode as a one-off occurrence. Nevertheless, it came back to haunt me
in the mid-1970s, when I was living in the US.  Our high-profile India Forum
group in Chicago became a magnet for NGOs and activists of all types,
looking at times for financial support but mostly to spread the gospel of
the jholewala alternative.  I termed it the rise of righteous reaction.

 

The ascent of the righteous activist posing alternative, mostly woolly and
impractical models, was like a riptide generated by the Navnirman wave.  Led
by Jayaprakash Narayan, a Congress party dissenter, the movement was against
the perceived corruption and, in a phrase cherished and propagated by the
jholewala, 'anti-people' development policies of the Indira Gandhi
government of the time.

 

Training his guns on Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Narayan called for Total
Revolution, a Maoist-style leap backward into anarchy which prompted the
imposition of the Emergency in June 1975. Condemned worldwide as a
dictatorial regression, the Emergency destroyed the government's
credibility. The Congress Party was defeated in the general election of
1977.

 

However, even before the first non-Congress government assumed office in
Delhi, things had begun to go awry. During what he thought was a
revolutionary war; Narayan had called on the armed forces to revolt against
the government. That's when the steady erosion of his vastly inflated
stature began, helped in no small measure by the subsequent fumbling and
ineptitude of the Janata government which came to power in 1977.

 

Narayan's movement had its roots in the margins of the Gandhian movement.
The Mahatma's success with the independence struggle allowed him to exhume
and propagate an anti-Western, anti-modernity ideology drawn from his 1909
tract Hind Swaraj. Mohandas Gandhi challenged Jawaharlal Nehru's
modernization agenda, recommending simplistic notions like village
republics, self-sufficiency, nature cure and vegetarianism as national
alternatives.

 

Like many students who studied in the US after him, Narayan became a Karl
Marx admirer. However, when he returned to India he found his position
pre-empted by Nehruvian economic policies that emphasized central planning
and nationalization of core industries. For him and his acolytes, it was a
short step to the vituperative and impractical edicts ofHind Swaraj.

 

The Navnirman movement was confused at birth. It combined the anti-Western,
anti-modern strains of Gandhian utopianism and the anti-market,
anti-constitutional Marxist dogma. This weird and unsustainable campaign
fell apart as casually as it was formed.

 

After the failure of Narayan's movement, the role of righteous reaction
became marginal. The protest against the Narmada Dam project led by a global
coalition of NGOs gave it a second wind. Through the 1980s, the Indian
jholewala brigade became involved with relatively benign campaigns against
child labor, deforestation, and for employment generation, education,
healthcare, among others.  

 

In 2004, the newly-elected UPA government, recognizing their contribution to
social welfare and poverty alleviation, sought to co-opt the jholewala
brigade into the National Advisory Council (NAC). The NAC's deliberations
focused on welfare and (Citizen's) rights rather than the legitimacy of the
government and the political system. But a more virulent strain of Jholewala
activism surfaced with the appearance on the national stage of Anna Hazare
and his disciples.

 

The Hazare 

[Goanet] Asleep at The Wheel?

2012-07-10 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


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TUESDAY, JULY 10, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/07/asleep-at-wheel.html Asleep at the
Wheel?


 

He drank heavily in his prime and still enjoys a nightly whiskey or two at
74. India's leader takes painkillers for his knees (which were replaced due
to arthritis) and has trouble with his bladder, liver and his one remaining
kidney. A taste for fried food and fatty sweets plays havoc with his
cholesterol. He takes a three-hour snooze every afternoon on doctor's orders
and is given to interminable silences, indecipherable ramblings and, not
infrequently, falling asleep in meetings. 

Atal Behari Vajpayee, then, would be an unusual candidate to control a
nuclear arsenal. But for four years the Indian Prime Minister's
grandfatherly hands have held the subcontinent back from tumbling into war.
Despite the fact that he heads the pro-Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a
constituency stuffed with extremists, Vajpayee has ambitiously pursued peace
with neighbor and rival Pakistan, even traveling to the Pakistani cultural
capital of Lahore in 1999, vainly hoping to bury the bloody animus of the
past and start an era of good feelings. 

With 1 million soldiers facing each other at high alert on the
India-Pakistan border, those days seem long ago. At the same dangerous time,
Vajpayee's stewardship is looking less and less comforting. The frail
bachelor seems shaky and lost, less an aging sage than an ordinary old man.
He forgets names, even of longtime colleague and current Foreign Minister
Jaswant Singh, and during several recent meetings he appeared confused and
inattentive. After a meeting with a Western Foreign Minister, his appearance
was described by one attending diplomat as half dead. At a rare press
conference last month in Srinagar, the Prime Minister tottered to the
podium. Indian TV crews are asked to film him from the waist up to avoid
showing his shuffling gait to find he had trouble understanding questions,
repeatedly relying on whispered prompts from Home Minister Lal Krishna
Advani. Even then Vajpayee stumbled over his replies. He is very alert when
he is functional, says one BJP worker. But there are very few hours like
that. Adds one Western diplomat: We have a lot of conversations about his
health. Some of his mannerisms come down to his personal style. But some of
it is definitely spacey stuff. 

While no one questions that key decisions on national security and foreign
policy are still made by Vajpayee, the focus is now turning to the two men
behind the throne: Vajpayee's low-key National Security Adviser Brajesh
Mishra, and Vajpayee's hard-line BJP colleague of 50 years, 72-year-old
Advani. The consensus among observers and diplomats is that the hawkish
Advani is preparing to succeed Vajpayee at the next national elections due
by late 2004. There is no doubt he is the Prime Minister in waiting,
remarks a diplomat. 

In the meantime, Vajpayee has undergone a sudden conversion from peacemaker
to warmonger primarily in response to political pressures. This year's
standoff on the border shows the dovish Prime Minister has accepted the
argument that war or the threat of it works. In comments that set off alarm
bells around the world, Vajpayee last month spoke twice of an impending
decisive battle against India's enemy. Although he has repeatedly said
that he does not want war, the Prime Minister has sound strategic reasons
for ratcheting up the rhetoric. Since Sept. 11, he has found the
international community more sympathetic to the idea of India waging its own
war on terror against jihadis in the contended state of Jammu and Kashmir,
where many of them have been inserted by Pakistan. And it plays well for
India to keep the pot boiling: New Delhi can claim a victim's solidarity
with the U.S., avoid addressing the awkward issue of its heavy-handed rule
in Muslim-dominated Kashmir and just possibly get Pakistan President Pervez
Musharraf to actually shut down the jihadi industry on his territory, ending
what India calls a proxy war. 

Last week, Musharraf told visiting U.S Deputy Secretary of State Richard
Armitage that he was going to put a permanent end to terrorist incursions
into India. Vajpayee's government promised in turn some de-escalation
measures, though a withdrawal of troops from the border has been ruled out.
The big risk, however, is that no matter what Musharraf does, there are
enough jihadis already in Kashmir to keep hammering India with suicide bombs
and death squads. Four people were killed by terrorists Friday night in
Kashmir, even as heavy shelling continued at the frontier and an unmanned
Indian spy plane was shot down by the Pakistani air force. Any small spark
can still push Vajpayee to deploy his soldiers in some punitive
counterattack on Pakistan, which can lead to full-scale war. 


[Goanet] Will my children still need me?

2012-06-15 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


you can reach the person managing the list at i...@comma.in


THURSDAY, JUNE 14, 2012


 
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/06/will-my-children-still-need-me.html
Will my children still need me?


 

NEW YORK: It is a brilliant Father's Day afternoon and I am sitting at
McSorley's, the oldest pub on the buzzing Lower East Side of Manhattan,
where my younger daughter lives. She has invited her friends to quaff a few
beers with me. Focused on making a life for herself in this city that never
sleeps, she works hard and makes the most of the vibrant metropolis;
mindful, I suspect, of the old Frank Sinatra standard: If you can make it
here, you can make it anywhere.

 

My older daughter, on the other hand, has chosen to make Delhi her home,
hanging out with friends from all over the world who happen to live in the
capital. Both of them traverse the world with an easy sophistication that is
enviable.

 

When my first daughter was born, my mother gave us a plaque, which read You
must give your children roots and wings. Roots will give them the strength
to face any adversity; wings will help them soar above everything to explore
new worlds and go farther than you ever did. As I sat in the pub, with the
group of bubbly twenty-somethings, I couldn't help thinking of my mother's
plaque and marveling at just how we may have got it right with our
daughters.

 

The older daughter's roots and the younger one's wings are a perfect foil
for my mother's advice. They both make their way in the world. While I do
draw a sense of satisfaction from their achievements, there is a
nevertheless a disturbing arrhythmia in my mind. My thoughts go back to the
cheerful holidays spent in our various homes in the US and in India: the
warm Christmases, the lazy Sundays; the vacations we shared in Goa, in
Europe and in the United States; the hysterical laughter while watching the
bumbling antics of Inspector Clouseau in Pink Panther videos. These are
comforting and pleasing memories; the sadness comes from knowing such
togetherness will become less frequent in the years to come.

 

Such sweet and sour emotions are a luxury that today's fathers enjoy. When I
was growing up, fathers were remote persons. They inspired awe, some-times
admiration; most often fear but hardly ever love. Whether liberal or
conservative, they just did not get involved in their children's lives. The
au-thoritarian ones ran their children's lives according to their worldview;
the more liberal ones simply accepted things.

 

If they couldn't control their children or satisfy them with baubles, they
pulled back and became even more distant. The distant father, the absent
father, the authoritarian father, the indulgent father... these are
classical personality formulations on which much of today's psychology and
literature are based.

 

This is the thing about Father's Day: even in blasé Manhattan: it evokes
teary reactions in grey-haired men, who are otherwise balanced and not prone
to sentimentality. Ever since it was first observed in Fairmont, a small
mining town in West Virginia in 1908, the day was etched in sadness as well
as thankfulness.

 

The Fairmont event was a church service in remembrance of the 360 men, many
of them fathers, killed in a mining disaster the previous year. However, it
was not until 1972, when President Richard M Nixon proclaimed it a national
holiday that Father's Day became established and its observance began to
spread around the world.

 

Father's Day is when children honour and indulge their father. There is some
amount of Hallmark Card artifice to it. However, for me, it has always been
a pause; a chance to remember the wonderful times growing up with my
children; to recognize that the relationship with them is always ambiguous.
You love them and hope for nothing in return. Most times, you experience
pure joy; other times, there may be sheer aggravation. Underlying it is a
bittersweet taste: as involved fathers we try to move heaven and earth to
smooth things for our children when they are dependent on us. The haunting
question is: will they still need us when we're 64?

 

On a brighter note, some day we will have grandchildren on the knee.

 

This column appeared in DNA, June 26, 2007.

 

 
http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/comment_will-my-children-still-need-me_110
6250 Will my children still need me?


 



[Goanet] Reaping the Modi whirlwind

2012-06-13 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


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MONDAY, JUNE 11, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/06/reaping-modi-whirlwind.html
Reaping the Modi whirlwind


 

It is now clear that Narendra Modi is making an open bid to be the BJP's
prime ministerial candidate, your correspondent shares his analysis on the
Modi phenomenon from a 2007 column.

 

Narendra Modi's victory in Gujarat is an emphatic statement by the people of
the state that they have no time for the Congress ideology of political
correctness. A proud and entrepreneurial people, if somewhat insular,
Gujaratis have historically embraced radical ideologies, starting from
Mohandas Gandhi's fight against the British in the 1930s to Jayprakash
Narayan's nihilist navnirman movement against the Congress in the 1970s.

 

In the 1990s, Gujarat embraced Hindutva, partly for primordial reasons, but
also because they had no faith in the Congress.

 

The Congress held sway over Gujarat for nearly two decades after the state
was formed in 1960. Then, slowly and surely, the Congress appeal diminished.
If Narendra Modi survives the next term to 2012, Hindutva will have become
the mainstream ideology in the state.

 

Many liberal Gujaratis have become disenchanted with the Congress; an editor
told me: We don't want Modi, but where is the Congress? Gujaratis are not
going to throw up a Mulayam Singh Yadav or a Mayawati because they want
stability. We are rich and have good infrastructure, long before Modi got
here.

 

Modi has tapped into the Gujarati disillusionment with the Congress. To
begin with, they have no time for socialism and nonalignment; in 2002, they
challenged the Congress on its secular ideology. In handing Modi a
significant electoral triumph, they have begun to question the idea of
democracy, preferring an authoritarian leader. Gujarat has revolted against
the four pillars of Indian nationalist ideology: socialism, secularism,
democracy and nonalignment.

 

These are the norms the Congress propagated during the nationalist movement
and then after Independence. Trouble is, socialism became an excuse for the
license-permit Raj; secularism mutated into a pandering to a Muslim vote
bank; nonalignment became an anti-American ideology and democracy became a
family business. Gujaratis would have none of it; they turned first to JP;
now they are willing to take their chances with Modi.

 

The people of Gujarat are decent and hard-working and try to get along;
typically they would support a party like the Congress. Over the years, they
came to see the Congress as an elitist and Stalinist organization in which
regional leadership was not encouraged. Instead, the party's leaders in the
state had to be anointed by the High Command.

 

Even today, young leaders in the state, as on the national stage, are sons
and daughters of veterans of the party. This is not true of the BJP. Thus,
even sensible people in the state chose to support the nasty and dangerous
Hindutva ideology over the feudal setup of the Congress.

 

It's not just in politics, but in business as well. The scions of the old
mill-owning families in Gujarat are now reduced to living off their parents'
wealth; my friend Sanjay Lalbhai, who presides over the growing Arvind
empire, is a notable exception. Gujarat recognises and rewards only
entrepreneurship and hard work; while they respect the old generators of
wealth, they have no time for their progeny. Today's big business names in
Gujarat were unknown a decade ago. Perhaps that's why the Gujarati diaspora
has done so well all over the world, despite their obvious and severely
limiting insularity.

 

So we must realise that Modi's success is a vote against the elitism of the
Congress. And against the lack of new ideas in the party of Mahatma Gandhi
and Sardar Patel, the most revered icons of Gujarat politics. The general
feeling in Gujarat is that the two were given short shrift in
post-Independence politics.

 

The widespread belief is Gujaratis rarely joined the civil or the defense
services because of their proclivity to business. On the other hand, many
middle class Gujaratis believe they remained outsiders because of their
problems with Hindi, English and Western ways. This is the cause of the
dangerous Modi whirlwind we are reaping today.

 

 

This column appeared in DNA, December 26, 2007.

 
http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/comment_reaping-the-modi-whirlwind_1141526
 Reaping the Modi whirlwind


 



[Goanet] The US poll battle: race vs gender

2012-06-12 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


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FRIDAY, JUNE 8, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/06/us-poll-battle-race-vs-gender.html
The US poll battle: race vs gender


 

Now that the US presidential race is a straight fight between Barrack Obama
and Mitt Romney, your correspondent revisits his 2007 column.

 http://www.blogger.com/ 

 

A bright 20-something who lives in New York City captured the essence of
political debate in the US.

 

If you back Obama, the feminists will get you; support Hillary and risk
being branded a racist, she said. As voters turned up to select nominees
for both parties, Republican and Democratic, it was evident that the contest
in the Democratic Party between Senators Barack Obama (Illinois) and Hillary
Clinton (New York) drew most ink.

 

On the face of it, Democrats must decide their nominee on 'primordial
considerations' of race and gender. But there's some rational selection
criteria.

While the Republicans appear to have settled on John McCain as their
presidential candidate, the Democratic aspirants are running neck and neck.
With most states having completed their primaries, no clear winner seems to
have emerged.

 

Analysts say the race may not be decided until April and most agree that the
balance is now tilted in favour of Obama, an African-American with a Kenyan
father and a mother from Kansas.

 

Brought up in Hawaii and having lived in Indonesia, Obama's curriculum vita
is a sparkling record at Harvard Law School and as a community organiser in
Chicago. Hillary Clinton's resume is as glittery: Yale Law School and eight
years in the White House as First Lady.

In the achievements department, both candidates sort of cancel each other
out. Obama's campaign seems to be more sophisticated and better-financed.

 

His message of change has a subtext in which is an acknowledgment that the
days of the 'boomer generation' are over. This refers to Americans born
between 1946 and 1964, during which a post-war boom saw the US emerge as a
global superpower.

 

During the time it dominated public consciousness, in politics, in business,
in the arts and in the academy, this generation also came to be known for
what the critic Christopher Lasch called 'the culture of narcissism'. The
term was a catchall for a set of beliefs and fears including worship of fame
and celebrity, fear of aging and aversion to commitment and lasting
relationships.

 

Obama is 46 and can be considered a late boomer. He first perked my interest
when he was quoted as saying that turn-of-the-century America was dominated
by the rule of two major boomers, Bill Clinton and George W Bush; that the
dorm-room debates of the '60s and '70s over ideology and lifestyle had
carried over into national and global politics.

 

Stirred by the Vietnam War, these differences have polarised America as
never before, especially with the 'shock and awe' invasion of Iraq ordered
by President Bush.

 

Phrases such as 'coalition of the willing' and 'either you're with us or
against' sharpened the divide. Obama wants to change that, bringing
Democrats, Independents and some Republicans together to restore America's
standing in the world and to bridge the rifts at home.

 

With this central theme, Obama challenged Hillary Clinton, whose candidacy
at the start of the primaries seemed to be a shoo-in. Now that he's managed
to overtake her, the Hillary camp appears to have panicked.

 

Campaigning in Wisconsin, a top Hillary aide accused Obama of plagiarism,
claiming he used words from a 2006 campaign speech by Massachusetts governor
Deval Patrick.Obama was quick to dismiss the charges as a 'desperate' effort
to stay in the race.

 

The Democratic race is now a fight devolving on character. Both candidates
have turned to economic populism posing against the wealthy bankers, oilmen
and corporate executives, who amassed huge fortunes under the benign Bush
regime and its free-market policies.

 

As the primaries draw to a close and one of the candidates, woman or black,
secures the nomination, he or she will have to contend with the effective
dirty tricks lobbies of the Republican underbelly.

 

It could get down and dirty. In the end, we will have the answer to the
crucial question: Is America ready to elect a non-white or non-male
President?

 

 

This column appeared in DNA, February 20, 2008


 
http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/comment_the-us-poll-battle-race-vs-gender_
1151984 The US poll battle: race vs gender



[Goanet] Bombay Journal

2012-03-29 Thread Comma Consulting

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THURSDAY, MARCH 29, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/03/bombay-journal.html Bombay Journal


 

Deja Vu All Over Again...

 

Three friends, 45 years later, sit in a palatial Khar apartment in this
siren city, enjoying the cocktail hour. Dinner is a couple of hours away.
This is the first time that I can remember that Yogi, Mirchi and I have sat
together since our Baroda days. Sure, we've met en famille...in Bombay, in
New York, in New Jersey. In Baroda, we met every day, largely because we
were roommates at different times. So this evening was special.

 

In the course of the evening, we exchanged a few desultory comments about
Baroda and the people we knew then. Mostly the conversation was about today
and things happening in our lives. Mirchi regaled us about his fumbles with
remote controlled curtains in his bedroom; Yogi about how he has given up
his crusade against honking and rash driving in Bombay; I showed them
pictures of my freshly-minted granddaughter. It was wonderful to be
interested in each other's lives today and not go into a nostalgic shoosha
about the good old days and what have you.

 

Even if I do say so myself; I am mostly the guy who makes the effort to keep
in touch with old friends.  In the past few decades, I have connected with
friends from the 1950s, 1960s and onward. It's been marvelous because they
responded with enthusiasm. The key to sustaining renewed relationships is to
eschew stuff like: remember the time and get with the modern day program.
Most renewals have succeeded in the sense that we catch up with great
eagerness from time to time; the ones that have fallen by the wayside were
the ones that could not get beyond the magic of the old days.

 

What was remarkable about the reunion was that the nostalgia was about the
established friendship, not about what we did when we were in our twenties.
We were all engineering students enrolled in the Faculty of Technology at
the MS University in Baroda; we were from Bombay and in love with the city.
In Baroda, we were inseparable, together every day: dinner, movies, late
night chai; living in a world of our own. It wasn't always smooth; there
were ups and downs. But we were young and sure to have our way.

 

Then the busy years went rushing by us; as the Baroda experience came to an
end, we drifted apart. For more than a decade, we lost touch, making our way
in the world: establishing careers, building families. The bond apparently
survived. I reached out to them and they were happily receptive and over the
years, we built a whole new relationship that peaked with the dinner in
Bombay this week.

 

We laughed, ribbed each other and were comfortable together as though 45
years were a blink of the eyes. If you could rewind to Baroda, you'd see the
three guys, now in their sixties, really hadn't changed much, except they
were older and definitely wiser. There was much familiar laughter and in our
hearts, the dreams were still the same.

 

In the sixties, we defined friendship; 45 years later, we were redefining
nostalgia. No syrupy memories of the past; no obsessive recall of the days
gone but robust conversations about today, secure in the feeling that our
friendship had withstood the test of time. There was no looking back, only
hope we could do this again whenever we had the chance. Our lives are
different but the bonds hold firm. We don't really need to see each other
every day; just to get together every opportunity we can get.

 

It really doesn't get better than this. My trip in life is to link up with
old friends, to establish new ties based on old camaraderie. In that, I am
the luckiest person in the world: reviving old friendships is to renew life
and to keep you young and fun loving. On that score alone, I may have a
ticket to the place where angels play harps and it is always springtime.
That evening in Bombay, it felt like I was there already.

 

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[Goanet] Something In the Way She Smiles...

2012-03-16 Thread Comma Consulting

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THURSDAY, MARCH 14, 2012


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.in/2012/03/something-in-way-she-sniles.html
Something In the Way She Smiles...


 

A Glimpse of Immortality

 

Yeah, yeah, we've all heard that: a guy who gushes about his grandchild.
This is different.

 

I had the most amazing opportunity of spending four days with my
granddaughter Kiara at our house, Imagine, in Goa. It rang true to its name.
Imagine: Goa had a cool Spring; even in March, people wanted wraps sitting
out on our patio; unusual weather to herald Kiara's first trip to Goa.
Imagine: she is just two months old.

 

Her presence at Imagine blew away my routine: newspapers, tea, bread and
cheese, figs and pineapples for breakfast. The papers were left unread and
between bites of poi (fabulous Goan bread) laden with butter, goat cheese
and blueberry jam, I sat in the patio with her. Granddad or whatever, I am
her personal physical trainer, working her arms and legs, lifting her up and
down, turning her side to side, getting her in training for whenever
Olympics.

 

She seemed to love it. Her smile was to die for. And that sort of works:
when the sixties refer not to Beatles generation but to the candles on your
birthday cake.

 

The deal is everyone smiles with their eyes. Kiara's bright black eyes were
fascinating. Shining like full-beam headlights, they dazzled me. I kept
staring at them and she looked back unblinking. Dude, her eyes seemed to
say, Look into my eyes. I am your glimpse of immortality.

 

Whoa! That's intense coming from a child that is younger than the vintage of
the plonk they serve as Indian wines. I stared harder. And in them, I saw
several films, only one of which I could understand.

 

This was the story of a guy born in Surat, grew up in Bombay and made his
home in Chicago, where one cold, snowy winter his daughter (Kiara's mother)
was born. After a complimentary steak and champagne dinner in my wife's
hospital room, we brought the baby back next day to our condo in Oak Park
and doted on her and continue to do so three decades later.

 

Hanging with Kiara on our patio in the cool of a Goa morning, I thought of
every morning in Chicago, horsing around with her mother and she also
smiled. Months later, the baby, at the smallest provocation, laughed like a
certified lunatic and we have a cassette (remember those?) of her in
hysterical gales of laughter. We hope to present that to Kiara when she is
older; which is why I am saving my old school but slick Nakamichi cassette
player.

 

When our daughters were born, we were too busy to think philosophy. We had
to attend to them and love them; no time for bigger issues. As a
grandparent, and mostly because I am so much older, I can look into Kiara's
eyes and see a continuity, once removed. It sounds weird but I see in her
eyes an assurance that my life has not just been wasted making a living. Her
look tells me: Yo, 20th century man, you did well!

 

In my mind, she is the Nobel Prize my daughter awarded me.

 

 

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[Goanet] Power, Not Principles

2012-01-11 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


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WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 11, 2012


 
http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Default/Scripting/ArticleWin.asp?From=Archiv
eSource=PageSkin=TOINEWBaseHref=CAP/2012/01/10PageLabel=14EntityId=Ar01
400ViewMode=HTML Power, Not Principles


 


Anti-Congressism is the common plank of those motivated by short-term
political gain.

Peeling the onion of political ideology in India is an assault on reason.
You have Hindutva rabble-rousers who held sway from 1998 to 2004. Then there
is the intellectually bankrupt Left that met its Waterloo on the India-US
strategic partnership agreement. Sitting on opposition benches, their
one-point agenda is to defeat - which is difficult - or cause problems -
which is easy - for the Congress. It is a matter of wonder how closely these
two so-called inimical forces, the BJP and the Left, have combined time and
again to oppose the Congress for short term political gain. 

 

There are also 1960s-style anarchic groups that include the Anna Hazare
autocratic clique and Mamata Banerjee's socially and intellectually
challenged Trinamool Congress. Plunk into the mix the personality cults of
Mayawati; the dynastic set-up of Mulayam Singh Yadav, Karunanidhi and Naveen
Patnaik; the slippery appeal of Jayalalithaa and the holier-than-thou stance
of Nitish Kumar. These are mercenary formations that will sway whichever way
the wind blows, depending on the political advantage they can derive. 

It is not clear what any of these groups stand for except opposition to the
Congress. In 1974, the great anarch Jayaprakash Narayan talked of total
revolution and called on the army to revolt against the Indira Gandhi
government; today Anna has subverted his fight against corruption into an
anti-Congress political movement. Talk about deja vu. 

The foolishness of the Anna band of civil society buccaneers was exposed
when the moving spirit, Arvind Kejriwal, was forced to issue a statement
that they are not anti-Congress. Earlier, when cornered by thinking people
on a television show, he said thatIndia's muchadmired parliamentary
democracy is a fraud. Such increasingly shrill utterances suggest he is
completely out of depth on the national stage. 

Meanwhile, BJP leader L K Advani led a rath yatra against money in Swiss
banks in a nonetoo-subtle bid to cash in on Anna's storm in a teacup against
corruption. Of classic RSS vintage, he believes no one remembers his other
1990 Ram temple effort which led to communal riots. So where is the
glorious temple he promised? He served as home minister and deputy prime
minister for the six years the BJP-led coalition was in power. Advani's
confusion was complete when he went to Karachi and lauded Mohammed Ali
Jinnah as a secular leader. 

There are many ideological fig leafs that political formations wear in their
relentless grasp for power: socialism, casteism, social justice, identity,
chauvinism, Hinduism. Scratch the surface and it all turns out to be an
anti-Congress position. As such, political analysis in India is best
conducted on a dyadic presumption: there is the Congress and there is
everyone else. 

So let's look at the Congress record. It has been the default option for the
electorate. In the past quarter century, it suffered seminal defeats in the
elections of 1989 and 1996. In each case, it was voted out of power on
allegations of corruption. Each time, a coalition of parties was hastily put
together that stood for nothing except opposition to the Congress. In both
those defeats, any objective analyst could conclude the Congress lost
because its governments undertook significant reforms that hurt the status
quo. 

In 1989, an agglomeration of forces came together to restore the status quo
of inequity and discrimination that
http://www.blogger.com/post-edit.g?blogID=7537489380457243489postID=297443
1450053907549 Rajiv Gandhi had challenged. The motley crew of political
parties that formed the opposition put together a makeshift government that
did not last the full term; nor did they pursue the charges of corruption
that brought them to power. 

In the ensuing decade, the BJP's unbridled appeal to communalism brought it
to power: first, for 13 days in 1996; then in two desperate coalitions in
1998 and 1999. The saffron dispensation lasted until 2004 and was then
showed the door because of its misplaced nationalism that saw India conduct
nuclear tests that were replayed tit-for-tat byPakistan and because of its
insensitive India Shining hype. 

Since then, the Congress has held sway. The key difference is the Congress's
approach to social harmony and economic development: the phrase inclusive
development was introduced to the political vocabulary. In the interim,
India, warts and all, grew to be a big player in the global dialogue. Most
important, economic growth was accompanied by the 

[Goanet] Setting the Record Straight

2011-12-27 Thread Comma Consulting

---
 Annual Goanetters Meet 
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  in January 2012. Details to follow.

   If you plan to attend, send an email to eve...@goanet.org with contact
details so we could reach you once the details are finalized.

---


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TUESDAY, DECEMBER 27, 2011


Setting the Record Straight


 

A mature response by the UPA government put an end to the disruption of
Parliament led by the BJP. In a passionate statement, Pranab Mukherjee said,
I may be the most illiterate man in the House, but I fail to understand
what purpose is served by dividing the House on a motion that seeks
adjournment over black money in foreign banks. We have no conflict of
interest on the issue.

We are with you on the need to curb the menace. So why have a division? 







Involving as it does international tax treaties and laws of privacy;
extracting information on Indian holdings in foreign banks is difficult, the
finance minister said. The Mukherjee speech rates, in my mind, among the
better interventions in the 60-year history of Parliament. 

 

Mr Mukherjee said there are enough laws on the books to deal with black
money squirreled away in tax havens but they have not been effective. No
banks will violate their secrecy code. Warming to his theme, he asserted
that the BJP was in power for six years and had plenty of time to persuade
foreign banks in tax havens to divulge their Indian secrets. 


In his forceful speech, Mr Mukherjee implied that the BJP is not a serious
player and simply obstructs Parliament with a view to showing the government
does not enjoy majority support. In the event, the adjournment motion was
soundly defeated, leaving the BJP with egg on its face. 


The BJP's assault on foreign holdings is meant to reinforce the canards they
have spread for several decades that Congress leaders, especially the Gandhi
family, have money stashed away abroad. It is of a piece with Anna Hazare
not inviting the NCP's Sharad Pawar to the muchhyped debate on the Lokpal
Bill issue simply because they believe he is corrupt. Mr Pawar is the leader
of a major political party that has a sizeable presence both in Parliament
and in the Maharashtra state assembly. It has ministers in the Union Cabinet
and in the state government. 


Two decades ago, V P Singh played the same game. He campaigned in 1989 with
a piece of paper saying he had the Swiss bank account numbers of various
Congress leaders and their friends. He promised he would reveal names once
he was voted into power. It turned out that with the support of the BJP and
the Left, he did become Prime Minister and all he did was to unleash the
Mandal mayhem. If we must talk of public life and political leadership, you
have only to look at Mahatma Gandhi, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, three
tall leaders who were assassinated by fanatics. Then there is Sonia Gandhi,
who suffered the slings and arrows of the BJP propaganda machine for being
Italian by birth; she stepped back when she was entitled to become the Prime
Minister in 2004. 







Since then, the BJP has pushed the line that Mrs Gandhi is the real power
and Manmohan Singh is a mere puppet. The BJP leader, L K Advani, has been
voluble in seeking to portray Dr Singh as a weak leader. I served on the
Congress media committee for seven years and can say, having seen it at
close hand, the relationship between Mrs Gandhi and Dr Singh was one of
immense mutual respect. 


The question needs to be asked: did Mr Advani, home minister in December
1999, display great strength and resolve when the government cravenly
succumbed to the demands of the hijackers of Indian Airlines flight 814?
Could the Congress have accused him of being weak? The answer is yes, but
they did not. It was a matter of national security and the Congress lent its
support. 







The hijackers sought the release of three militants including Ahmed Omar
Saeed Sheikh, a British-born terrorist with ties to al Qaeda, who was
implicated in the murder of Daniel Pearl, a reporter for the Wall Street
Journal. 







The BJP had its chance from 1998 to 2004. It started out with nuclear
explosions in May 1998 that altered the balance of power in the subcontinent
negating the conventional edge that India enjoyed till then after Pakistan
responded by staging its own nuclear tests. The curtains came down on BJP's
rule in 2004 when, turned off by an insensitive India Shining poll campaign,
voters turned away. 


Also, we must never forget the 13-day BJP government in 1996. That 

[Goanet] American Life: Washington Journal

2011-12-20 Thread Comma Consulting

This article is from the blog res gestae (www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com
http://www.rajivndesai.blogspot.com/ )


you can reach the person managing the list at i...@comma.in


 

Capital Letter December 10, 2011

American Life: Washington Journal

Liberalism...

A Saturday afternoon at the Ronald Reagan National Airport in Washington DC:
I am waiting for my bag. It shows up and so do my hosts Gautam and Rita and
with them the promise of a fabulous weekend plus. 

Gautam is the most insightful person I know. You really have to read his
book, The Intolerant Indian, to know how perspicacious this man is. Yet, I
have always thought of him a rock star, never mind he's been the editor of
The Times of India and founding editor of DNA. His book, however, leads me
to believe there is so much more to Gautam than his editor persona or his
Elvis singsong.

So there he was with his wife Rita, wheeling my bag to the parking lot. We
drove to his house in Chevy Chase, savoring the prospect of the next few
days. As soon as we got in his car, Gautam was all about business. And his
business was about pleasure. We're going here, there and everywhere, he
says, in his Beatles-besotted way as he pulls his car out of the parking
lot. 

He makes me sit shotgun while Rita sits in the back; she is the chopdi
(book) aunty, as a friend christened her once in Goa, for her encyclopedic
knowledge about everything. That afternoon, she was leading the charge
against these reactionary Republicans. In his wry way, Gautam reminds her
that I am the only one in the car who had shaken hands and had a picture
taken with George W Bush, the hate figure for American liberals.

We make our way through this gorgeous city and I can't help but marvel at
the stuff that flies by the car window; stuff we see all the time on
television: this monument, that government building, whatever. It is truly a
beautiful city and whether you like it or not, it is the capital of the
world.

Driving through the city, we cross into Maryland's Chevy Chase, where Gautam
and Rita reside. The place has an air of understated class; which also
describes my hosts.

Through the stay, I spent time with their friends and loved every minute of
it. What was remarkable was these friends were as comfortable with me as I
was with them; as though I'd known them forever. More likely, it was the old
any friend of Gautam and Rita's syndrome. Conversations were enlightened
and at times, enlivened by my minor intrusions into their liberal
groupthink.

They seemed to be all McGovern liberals. I gave up that ghost a long time
ago when it became clear unadulterated American liberalism is about class
and privilege, on the one hand; on the other hand, it has a streak of
populism: a patrician dislike of business and commerce. Bill Clinton was not
about that and W was a foaming-in-the-mouth response to classic American
liberalism.

In the several salon-type interactions Gautam organized, it became clear the
hatred for W and the Republicans among liberals is entrenched and ultimately
as divisive as the agenda of their hate object, George W Bush. Equally
puzzling is their lukewarm support for Obama, who has brought to the
national scene the art of compromise and negotiation that is part and parcel
of state and city politics in this admirable country. 

The flight of liberals from Obama's camp is, dare I say it, an expression of
disappointment. They seem to be saying: we elected you, our first black
president; you were proof of our liberal credentials and you compromise with
all manner of people and policy positions that are anathema to us?

Much like in India, the ruling dispensation here seems to have lost its way
between the assaults from the religious right and indignant liberals. The
fate of Obama and Dr Manmohan Singh in India will determine the future of
democracy and liberalism in the world. The EU crisis, as always with the
Europeans, is about money. 

On the way back to Delhi, at Dulles, I contemplated the stentorian
arbitrariness of the Homeland Security system that stalks all American
airports. Struggling through the gauntlet of not-so-bright people, who may
have been recruited from the American jail regime or street gangs, I thought
to myself: America national security state and India anti-corruption zeal
are probably the two greatest threats to liberal democracy.

At American airports and in Indian media, it appears as though the
regimentation and anarchy are on the rise. At Dulles, O'Hare, Kennedy and
various points of entry, agents of the emergent national security regime
evoke fear and awe, largely because they have the power to whisk you away
and throw you in jail and keep you there for months without framing charges.
In India, prodded by anarchists and their anti- corruption protests, the
judicial system can do much the same.

###

This article appeared in The Times of India on December 17, 2011.

 


---

  

[Goanet] Evergreen Optimism

2011-12-05 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, December 5, 2011


Evergreen http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/12/evergreen-optimism.html
Optimism 


 

As I stood there shaking hands with him when he came to receive the Dada
Saheb Phalke award, the years seemed to melt away. It was as though I was in
my pre-teens, having just watched Nau Do Gyarah , Munimji , Paying Guest or
whichever film I first saw starring Dev Anand.

 

I can remember going straight into the bathroom, wetting my hair and trying
to work up the stylish pompadour. Dev Anand was my absolute favourite screen
personality and I religiously caught every single film he ever made.

 

My friends say I am an inveterate optimist, that's why I came back to India
after nearly two decades in the US. The optimism has its roots in my early
exposure to Dev Anand's films.

 

Since the late 1950s and through the early 1960s, he was my favourite hero,
not necessarily because he was a good actor but because he stood for hope.

 

While Dilip Kumar represented the tragedy of the Indian condition, Raj
Kapoor the misbegotten ideology that messed up India, Dev Anand stood for
what India could be, smiling and stylish with a song on the lips.

 

Dev Anand represents the most modern of all creative idioms: Find talented
people and let them grow. Through his organisation, Navketan, we were
introduced to Guru Dutt, S D Burman and dozens of others, who entertained
generations with movies and music that today are part of our memories.

 

About the time Dev Anand began to be recognised as an entertainer, the
operative mood in Indian films was down-in-the-mouth, a victim of the
colonial experience. The theme song was Duniya mein hum ayein hain to jeena
hi padega, jeevan hai agar zahar to peena hi padega .

 

Along came Dev Anand with his worldview expressed best in the song from the
film Hum Dono : Barbadiyon ka shok manana fuzul tha, har fikr ko dhuein mein
udata chala gaya .

 

His films filled me with hope, the ultimate global value that was in short
supply in India at that time.

 

Congratulations on the Dadasaheb Phalke Award, and thank you Dev Saheb, you
instilled me with optimism about India before I reached my teens.

 

In the words of your immortal song: Jeevan ke safar mein raahi... de jaate
hain yaadein . Indeed, you have given me, a fellow traveller in the world, a
rich lode of memories, never mind your lyricist's other lines, which I have
left out in the ellipsis.

 

 

 

This article appeared in The Times of India on February 16, 2004.

 

I am posting it as a tribute to my personal hero, Dev Anand, who died on
December 4, 2011.

 

  


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[Goanet] India at the limits

2011-11-18 Thread Comma Consulting
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and Draftsmen, proficient in AutoCAD, for their new office in Goa

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 Selected candidates will be sent to Brazil for 2 months training

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Tuesday, November 15, 2011


India at http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/11/india-at-limits.html  the
limits 


 

Command-and control system failure

 

  

If you ever needed evidence that socialist ideology, political populism and
the utter lack of governance holds India to ransom, all you have to do is to
study the power crisis gripping India. For the past several weeks, the
country has reeled from outages that last so long that they have become the
norm; the few hours that power is available are the unusual occurrence. The
gap between supply and demand is thought to be in excess of 15 percent on
the average: ranging for zero in the case of Lutyens Delhi, home of the
ruling class, to more than 50 percent in rural areas.

 

India's power crisis bears examination because it highlights the sheer
inability of the public sector edifice to meet the demands of a rapidly
growing economy. 

 

Let's start at the source. The predominant fuel used in power generation is
coal. The mining of the material is in the hands of a government monopoly,
Coal India Limited, widely regarded as inept and corrupt. Faced with demands
for increased production, the company actually told the coal ministry it is
lowering its production target for 2011-12 by four million tons. Most
analysts believe when March 2012 comes rolling around, the company will
report a much bigger shortfall. In the first half of the year, ended
September, Coal India fell short by 20 million tons.

 

Among other fuels, the government has been unable to secure assured supplies
of natural gas or alternative fuels to mitigate the coal deficit.

 

Power generation is also largely a government monopoly run by similarly
inept and corrupt public sector companies. Despite grandiose plans to
increase power generation, the government achieved only 50 percent of its
targets in the 20 years ending 2012. A Planning Commission official was
quoted as saying that if the power ministry had succeeded in meeting its
targets, the coal shortages would have been worse.

 

One of the key risks in the generation of power is environmental pollution.
The agency in charge of ensuring that the risk is mitigated is the ministry
of environment and forests, which in recent years has become a hotbed of
populism. The ministry, in 2009, announced a ban on mining in forests and
tribal areas. It also opposed hydroelectric projects in various parts of the
country. Its views on nuclear power are also skeptical, led by fears of
accidents.

 

Beyond that, because power supply is a concurrent subject, state governments
are in charge of the distribution of power to citizens. Mostly, provincial
governments supply electricity through state electricity boards (SEBs).
Again, corrupt and inept, the utilities are bankrupt entities. A 2001
Planning Commission report on the working of these utilities says, It may
be noted that the information provided in the report is not always based on
audited reports of the SEBs as the accounts of many SEBs are audited with a
considerable time lag.

 

In certain cities like Bombay and Ahmedabad, where the generation,
transmission and distribution of power in the hands of private companies,
the costs of power are higher but the supply is reliable. I have lived in
both cities and thereafter in the US, so my first experience of a power cut
was in Delhi. Things improved dramatically in the capital after 1998 when
the Sheila Dikshit government privatized power distribution. Just the
drastic reduction in the huge (nearly 50 percent) transmission and
distribution losses (theft) made more power available. 

 

India's power conundrum provides a snapshot of the challenges policymakers
faces as they try to cope with the demands of a new India. The Socialist
command-and-control system simply does not work. As its hold diminished,
businessmen and entrepreneurs showed that without the dead hand of
government bearing down on the economy, they could work wonders. 

 

But what the noted German social psychologist Erich Fromm called the
freedom from moment has passed; the freedom to moment of the modern
economy calls for bold political leadership such as greater, crony-free
privatization; it demands better-trained, more responsive and 

[Goanet] European Odyssey: Swiss Journal

2011-11-11 Thread Comma Consulting
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and Draftsmen, proficient in AutoCAD, for their new office in Goa

   Those interested can email enescil@gmail.com by 15 November 2011

 Selected candidates will be sent to Brazil for 2 months training

---




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Thursday, NOVEMBER 10, 2011


Capital http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/10/capital-letter_20.html
Letter 


 


European Odyssey: Swiss Journal  



 

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/capital-letter/entry/european-odyss
ey-swiss-journal-theme-for-a-gandhian-dream 


Theme for a (Gandhian) dream...

 

Milan's Malpensa airport is a bit like Ahmedabad airport before it was
modernized. We arrived there on a hot and sultry day and waited forever to
retrieve our bags. I was a bit grumpy; who would expect this in Milan, the
world's fashion hot spot? What next, I asked my wife? Rickshaw guys milling
about the exit? I want my money back!


Within minutes of emerging into the arrival area, my frown disappeared. We
were greeted with warm smiles by Beat (pronounced 'bey-ut' though our
daughters often say his name to rhyme with neat) and Raul, the Swiss
component of our family. As we loaded our bags into Beat's Audi, I looked
forward to the drive that skirted the city to take us into the hills of
Switzerland, headed for Tessin, aka Ticino.


The picturesque Ticino canton is spread across mountainous country and is
the southernmost part of Switzerland. Called Italian Switzerland, the
region, I am surprised to learn, is, after Zurich and Geneva, the third
largest financial center in the country. 


It took us all of 90 minutes, including a stop in a farm with a tumble down
barn where we bought fresh fruit and vegetables, to get to Al Ruscello, the
house by the brook, in the heavenly little village of Gordola in the Locarno
district. With a view of the northern tip of Lago (Lake) Maggiore, the house
is Beat and our niece Lisa's family home. On the northern side, it is
surrounded by vineyard slopes that grow the local Merlot grapes. Ticino is
the warmest part of Switzerland. 


Lisa and Beat come here to get away from the hustle and bustle of Zurich,
where they live.


Really? They need to get away from a picture-postcard city that is
consistently voted the most livable city in the world? I guess it takes all
kinds. Maybe the civilized 400,000 residents; maybe the smooth flowing
traffic; perhaps the quiet neighborhoods and the picturesque lakefront get
to them and they want to go rough it out in Ticino. But it's just more of
the same: quiet, easy, beautiful...only on a much smaller scale; Gordola's
population is just 5,000.

 

Even for just 5,000 people, there is a wealth of local infrastructure. Some
of it is evident from  the balcony of Al Ruscello, which offers a view of
local trains, commuter railroads, private boats and ferries, civilian planes
and helicopters for medical emergencies. And it's not just in Ticino; it's
all over the country: a display of civic extravagance that towers above the
fabled wealth of Swiss banks and the affluence of its citizens.


Meanwhile, the superstructure is unobtrusive: the grocery store, the butcher
shop, the bakery, the fruit and vegetable store appear modest and innocuous
but are lavish with an abandonza of local products. It was this local
aspect that also struck me when we visited Ticino five years ago. 


In a column for a national newspaper,  I wrote:  ...isn't this what
Mohandas Gandhi said when he talked about...villages being self sufficient?
'Every village will be a republic... (It) has to be self sustained and
capable of managing its affairs even to the extent of defending itself
against the whole world,' he wrote in the Harijan, some 65 years ago, on
July 28, 1946. So while the Swiss people exult in their village republics,
they also have a global presence with world beating companies in
pharmaceuticals, chemicals, machine tools, textile machinery and also in
lifestyle brands like Swatch, Omega, Mont Blanc and even ultimately the
Swiss Army.


Sadly, in India, villages are dens of filth and inequity; major stumbling
blocks to progress. As far as global brands, India now finally boasts some
companies like Infosys, Wipro and Tata. In political terms, self sufficiency
in India means cronyism and a seller's market. But the Swiss version, which
I experienced in Tessin, was modern and enlightened. I thought to myself:
isn't this exactly what Gandhi advocated?


In reviewing Amartya Sen's book, The Argumentative Indian, the 

[Goanet] European Odyssey: Paris Journal

2011-10-27 Thread Comma Consulting
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Thursday, October 20, 2011


Capital http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/10/capital-letter_20.html
Letter 


European Odyssey: Paris Journal


http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/capital-letter/entry/european-odyss
ey-paris-journal

 

C'est si bon... 

 

It grows and envelopes you, this city. You feel like you belong here. You
understand, mostly, the language. Give me a month here and I will speak the
language fluently. Whenever I come here, I feel the language on the tip of
my tongue but somehow can never get myself to speaking it. One way is to
talk in English the way my friend Cedric Labourdette taught me. I have
learned to do the inflections and the expressions so my English is French
enough that people can understand.

 

We must to continue. We came in the old Orly airport and take some taxi to
Rue de Fondary, where lives our friend, the family Labourdette, in the 15th,
close to metro station, Emile Zola. Though our ticket-plane said it would
arrive at five pm, the flight was late and it took forever to get our
baggage. We reach in time for dinner.

 

Not so late, like in India, says Cedric as I suggest an aperitif; the
flight was a nightmare and the traffic on the Peripherique was bad. I don't
really care, I told Cedric, You must to give me some wine.

 

Cedric is the only French person I know who does not drink wine. He points
me to the bar and says, I must to watch Dominique Strauss Kahn interview on
TV. DSK admits he had consensual sex with his accuser. Much difference
from Indian TV, n'est ce pas? Cedric was referring to Claire Chazal, the
businesslike anchor, who did the interview. He has spent a lot of time in
India since 2001; he knows that Indian television journalism is infantile.

 

We sit in his garden and savor his Dad's Beaujolais from the Cru village
of Morgon, made from the famed Gamay grapes of the region.

 

That is how starts our Paris trip. We are old Paris hands. The joy of
walking and hassle-free public transport is a bigger highlight for me than
the Eiffel Tower or the Louvre or Montmartre. We walked everywhere, nipping
into neighborhoods, darting into churches, sitting by the Seine, listening
to church bells heralding the eventide Angelus.

 

Braving tourist hordes, we wended our way into Notre Dame Cathedral to hear
the mass and the soaring Kyrie. We walked around Le Marais, the old
aristocratic quarter on the Right Bank, marvelling at the renewal that kept
the grace of the old and infused it with the excitement of the new.

 

Paris seems to me to be beyond liveability; it is about an innate sense of
lifestyle. From mere shop attendants to artists and writers and
intellectuals and politicians and executives and businessmen, they casually
exude a je ne sais quoi sensibility that is difficult to explain. Old and
young, men and women and children, good-looking or not, they make a
statement with their personality. 

 

The scarf is a classic example. From elaborate wraps to a casual
throw-it-around- your-neck insouciance, Parisians walk the street as though
they are walking the ramp at a fashion show. Except that they appear not to
be dressed by a fashion designer; it's just the fiendishly stylish way they
wear their clothes. The overall impression is not of narcissism but of
immense self-esteem drawn from good food, good wine, good clothes and a
cradle-to-grave social security blanket.

 

But we were not in Paris as mere tourists. Cedric and his folks are our
extended family. Whenever we go in Paris, his brothers must to come and say
hello and various nephews and nieces and family friends. It is a warm and
wonderful feeling that I treasure. That is why Paris is so special.

 

We visited Cedric's grandmother, a regal woman in her nineties, perfectly
coiffed and attired, with great social skills. Sitting in the drawing room
of her majestic apartment that offers vistas of the Eiffel Tower, Michelin
Faure talks to us about Algeria, where she was born. There was in her
conversation, even nearly 50 years after Algeria won its independence from
France, a sense of betrayal that Charles de Gaulle called the election in
which the Algerians voted for independence. She was part of a million-strong
community, the pied noir, evacuated to France following the election.

 

The same day, we went to dinner at the apartment of Dominique Charnay. A

[Goanet] European odyssey: Barcelona journal

2011-10-18 Thread Comma Consulting
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Tuesday, October 18, 2011


Capital http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/10/capital-letter.html
Letter 


European odyssey: Barcelona journal

 

http://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/capital-letter/entry/european-odyss
ey-barcelona-journal

 

How many streets must a tourist walk...

 

Wrong shoes. Bad mistake. Barcelona knocked the stuffing out of my back. We
walked and walked and walked and walked. Mostly in celebration of the
freedom to walk the streets, which you can't do in Delhi. BCN is a wonderful
city, as we all know. A bit like Paris. Indeed the French were early
settlers. Nice buildings, great cafes, superb metro, the buzzing waterfront,
museums, surprisingly nice beer, awesome food and drink Sangria till the
sunrise. 

 

Thought of the word anomie in trying to describe a tourist's jaunt through
this comely city. All the other times I've been here, it's been on a
mission: a junket, a conference, and several meetings. This was the first
time I came here at a loose end. A quick search of the web told me my first
instinct about the word was right. Wikipedia says that in common parlance,
the word anomie is thought to mean something like 'at loose ends.' 

 

And you don't get much more common than a tourist, tramping the streets of
this city of creative geniuses including Picasso, Miro, Dali and Gaudi. So
anomie is the word.  Gilded somewhat from the Wikipedia definition, I
extended it to mean footloose and fancy free. 

 

From our apartment in the upscale Eixample district, we walked everywhere or
took the Metro. We went to the Cuitat Vella (Old City) and meandered through
the byzantine streets of Barri Gothic (the Roman Quarter), spilling onto the
tourist-infested Las Ramblas to the Paral-lel metro station and up the
funicular to the Miro museum atop Montjuic hill. We wandered the narrow
street of La Ribera to the Musee Picasso. Just north of Eixample past the
Sagrada Familia, Gaudi's famous church into trendy Gracia and beyond that
into Placa de l'Angel, considered home to the finest of the numerous urban
renewal projects the city is famous for.

 

But how much can you walk? With my bad shoes and my spasmodic back, I was
often reduced to debilitation. Had to sit and down a beer, eat some tapas.
So how much tapas can you eat? How much Sangria can you drink? Judging from
my own record, a lot. It became sort of addictive; every hour my back would
act up and I had to sit. A beer or glass of wine, grilled meat and all was
well again. Back to the trudge. This worked the first day; after that my
traveling companions, my wife and my New York daughter, got wise to it. And
so I had to walk hours before relief. 

 

At times, my daughter, clever young woman, would back my complaint of
deathly pain and sit down and have a beer with me. It was all very
democratic. Sometimes two-to-one against me; sometimes in my favor. Sat in
more cafes, I did, than even in Paris. Ate more, drank more, walked more.
The only time we didn't sit in a café and chose instead to look at a map to
find a recommended restaurant, we stood under a tree at the entrance to a
park right beside the Miro museum on the Montjuic hill, a tourist trap in
the southeast part of the city. We were all three of us, sprayed with what
appeared to be bird poop. 

 

As we reeled from the violation, a woman ran out from the park and said,
Come, water to clean. Gratefully, we followed her. But there was no water.
A man appeared with tissues to help us clean the crap; another man appeared
from the bushes with a bottle of water. Such nice people, my wife said.
And asked where they were from. Portugal, the woman replied.

 

But the poop spill was substantive, so we hopped a cab to go back to the
apartment to get cleaned up. Obrigado, said my Goan wife in farewell to
the threesome. But clearly they had no idea what it meant.

 

In the apartment, I discovered I had been pick-pocketed. Fast forward to
when we recounted this to our friends. Chechens, they said. Despite my
sheer despair at losing all my credit and debit cards, money, driver's
license and what have you, I could not help marveling at the slickness with
which the threesome had diddled us.

 

As if that was not enough, thanks to my research on my phone, we chose a
Basque restaurant for dinner. The street number suggested it was close to
our apartment, so we 

[Goanet] Bangladesh and Our Foreign Policy Elitism

2011-09-23 Thread Comma Consulting

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Friday, September 16, 2011


India
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/09/india-journal-bangladesh-and-our_16
.html  Journal 


Bangladesh and Our Foreign Policy Elitism

 

http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2011/09/15/india-journal-bangladesh-and-o
ur-foreign-policy-elitism/ 

  

 

When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced he would visit Bangladesh,
there were great expectations. It appeared as though ties between the two
nations were finally on the right track, backed by diplomatic and political
goodwill. Many believed that during his visit, the Prime Minister would make
a game changing policy shift in the matter of the international border,
trade and especially shared river waters.

 

Such issues have crimped relations between the neighbors. Mr. Singh's visit
was to herald a new dawn. His timing was impeccable. Bangladesh's Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina is much more India-friendly than the previous regime.
Her father, Mujibur Rahman, the leader who challenged and triumphed over
Pakistan, could not have done so without massive Indian support. It seemed
as though as the ducks were lined up and Indo-Bangladesh ties were headed
north.

 

However, one of the Congress party's major allies, the Trinamul Congress led
by Mamata Bannerjee, chief minister of West Bengal, pulled out from Mr.
Singh's delegation at the last minute. Her pique apparently was over the
amount of water the government proposed to divert from the Teesta River,
which also runs through her state, to Bangladesh.

 

The mercurial Ms. Bannerjee was concerned that her Communist political
rivals could make the deal into a political controversy and cause her to
lose the support of the farmers in the northern parts of the state.

 

Ms. Bannerjee's decision caused heartburn in the Ministry of External
Affairs. In foreign policy circles, many termed the chief minister's
behavior unwarranted, obstructionist and downright petty.

 

The tendency of the foreign affairs establishment to disparage local
political sensibilities stems from a belief that foreign policy is a
highbrow pursuit best handled by the Oxbridge lot. The corollary is that
they would allow no moffusil (local) interests to get in the way of Delhi's
international relations agenda.

 

Similar thinking pushed Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi into a misadventure in
Sri Lanka. Between 1987 and 1990, Delhi sent an Orwellian-named Indian
Peace Keeping Force to fight the Tamil Tigers, who had fought a long and
violent war in pursuit of Eelam, an independent state in northern Sri Lanka.

 

Faced with an unexpectedly fierce guerrilla challenge from the militants,
the IPKF eventually withdrew. At that time too, local politicians in Tamil
Nadu had advised against supporting the Sri Lanka government.

 

The elitist mindset that led to India's misadventure in Sri Lanka and the
subsequent assassination of Rajiv Gandhi survives two decades later. It is
evident from the reaction to Ms. Bannerjee's intervention in the river
waters issue.

 

Neither Ms. Bannerjee's recalcitrance nor the protest of the Dravidian
parties in Tamil Nadu against the IPKF had merit. Dravidian parties support
for the Tigers never did get much political traction; Ms. Bannerjee, as
always, has very narrow political concerns.

 

The issue, however, is not about the limited perspective of state
politicians. It is about the inability or unwillingness of the Indian
foreign policy establishment to take into account domestic sensitivities
before they decide what they are going to do.

 

In 1955, the story goes, Jawaharlal Nehru conceded to China the United
Nations Security Council seat offered to India. With his fabled vision and
ideals, Nehru realized quickly that India, with high levels of poverty and
illiteracy as pressing domestic concerns, was in no shape to take on global
responsibility.

 

Even after 56 years, the Internet chatteratti rant and rave about Nehru's
decision, arguing that his naïveté cost India a place in the UNSC.

 

Nehru was right. The British government of India was a powerful force, whose
writ ran from Afghanistan to Burma. The newly independent government that
inherited the colonial mantle faced insurgencies in Kashmir and the
northeast as well as the perils of poverty, disease and illiteracy. In
addition, while the wealthy colonial government of India played a huge role
in the British Empire, the newly independent entity was poor and powerless
in the international arena.

 

Many in India and those who live abroad wrongly believe Nehru lost India a
Security Council seat because of his arrogant idealism. The more important
issue is that any concern for India's standing in the world, and its
relationships with other countries, has to take into consideration domestic
realities.

 

This is especially true today. With the Indian 

[Goanet] The Politics of Destabilization

2011-09-10 Thread Comma Consulting

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Sunday, August 28, 2011

The Politics of Destabilization



Failed Protests Targeted Reformist Government

The “India against Corruption” campaign focused somewhat obsessively on 
corruption in high places. Accordingly, politicians and bureaucrats were 
labelled corrupt. As such, they have to be brought under the purview of 
an ombudsman; a body whose powers have to be decided by civil society 
activists, justices of the various high courts, eminent citizens and 
whoever else Hazare and his cohorts feel should be included.


The campaign attracted members who work in the modern Indian economy and 
are among the most obvious beneficiaries of economic reform. Bright and 
educated, they nevertheless overlooked Hazare’s unconstitutional 
political demand to override Parliament’s law-making powers, preferring 
to focus on the larger, more romantic objective of fighting corruption. 
These are men and women, incensed by reports of corruption and hungry to 
hitch their wagon to a messiah; much like the programming code they 
write or use at work to provide quick and effective solutions to 
problems; never mind that they are complex such as rural poverty, urban 
squalor, entrenched corruption, inflation, economic growth and poor 
infrastructure. The messiah will deliver!


Now the drama has ended, the question we must put to Hazare and his 
supporters is this: isn’t the bribe giver as culpable as the taker? 
Shouldn’t bribe givers also be brought under the ombudsman? In that 
case, private sector business and individual citizens will need to be 
included. Thus the agency would be given powers to haul up citizens, 
executives, boards of directors, owners. Such a sweeping empowerment 
holds in its own constitution the possibility of abuse.


Creating a super agency that can be abused or run amok is hardly an 
effective way to investigate and penalize corruption. If you look at 
recent allegations of corruption in the allocation of mobile spectrum, 
in infrastructure development, in mining…you will find these are sectors 
which are still under government control. To deal with this, the 
government introduced several bills in Parliament. Of the ones that got 
passed into law, there is the hugely successful example of financial 
sector regulation. The rest have been stalled because of the paralysis 
caused by the Opposition’s questionable tactics of stalling proceedings 
in Parliament.


As the Prime Minister said, these “second stage” reforms need political 
consensus. These have to do with land acquisition, environmental 
protection, financial regulation, education, judicial changes and a 
series of other difficult tasks in sectors like mining where vested 
interests hold sway and power, where the entire state-run system is 
bankrupt.


Hazare's handlers demanded their version of the “Lokpal” bill be adopted 
by a certain date. This was clearly not in the government’s power to 
promise because the bill must go before a parliamentary committee. The 
demand militated against compromise, leave alone consensus. It was 
divisive and corrosive and seemed to target a duly- elected government. 
In doing that, the Hazare protest revealed its ultimate goal: to 
destabilize the UPA government. The agenda seemed to be: create an 
anarchic situation that the government is unable to control it without 
resort to force and is thus forced to agree to mid-term elections.


What started out as a political demand to carve for themselves a role in 
drafting an anti-corruption bill appeared to have grown in scope. 
Clearly buoyed by incessant and uncritical media coverage that attracted 
crowds, Hazare's supporters raised the ante: derail the government.


Meanwhile, after initial missteps, the government managed to put a 
strategy in place to deal with the protest. Aware there was a sizable, 
perhaps dominant, segment of the population that wanted nothing to do 
with the Hazare campaign, the government moved to rally support. More 
and more voices spoke out, on television, in print and online, against 
the strong-arm nature of the agitation and its “with us or against us” 
stance. Anyone who challenged, as a respected television anchor did, the 
demands raised by the agitators, was branded as “pro corruption.”


Faced with adulatory fans in designer T-shirts and Gandhi caps, Hazare’s 
rhetoric became more self-congratulatory, more truculent and even 
abusive. He has called the Prime Minister names; the people at his rally 
used foul language to abuse UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi, fuelling 
renewed suspicion that the RSS may be behind the protest. The crowds 
also attracted gaggles of hoodlums and petty criminals, resulting in 
instances of sexual harassment and theft.


Also people started looking into the antecedents of this new messiah. On 
Facebook, a post quoted from an article on Hazare that appeared 

[Goanet] Breaking News: Drowning Out a Tragedy

2011-07-27 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, July 25, 2011


Breaking
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/07/breaking-news-drowning-out-tragedy.
html  News: Drowning Out a Tragedy 


 

Bombay Blasts Show Up Television News

 

 

What exactly were the television news crews after when they fanned out in
the broken precincts of Bombay on the evening of the serial bomb blasts?
They were intrusive, unmindful of the privacy of injured citizens and the
grief of relatives of dead victims. Screaming and shouting, they collared
eyewitnesses to ask them what they had seen. Worse, they tramped into
hospital emergency rooms to focus on blood and gore. The result was a jumble
of accounts. Piecing the fragments together, the picture that emerged was
distorted, like looking at a high definition satellite television picture in
a rainstorm.

 

As the news spread via television, the confusion seemed to grow. The jumbled
pictures and stray, disjointed comments from shell-shocked citizens did
little to reveal the dimensions of the tragedy. Amid the hysterics, rumors
emerged to heighten public anxiety. Emergency services took time to get to
the blast sites; police officers at the venues appeared clueless and the
government response hesitant. 

 

The next day, July 14, the focus changed completely. News channels seemed to
have decided to go a step beyond reporting the news. Instead, they came up
with an angle: enough of praising Bombay's resilience; time to hit out at
politicians, bureaucrats and policemen for failing to prevent the attacks.
Their reporters waded into trains, scoured the city, looking for the man in
the street. They ambushed hapless citizens and made them perform to a
script.

 

There are two problems with this: one, can journalists in reporting an event
come to it with a premeditated slant? Can editors accept their reporters
passing off opinions as facts? Man-on-the-street interviews are useful as
local color but they can't be the story. Or chasing celebrities for their
views on the tragedy? This latter approach can only be in pursuit of
ratings. 

 

Two, what does it mean when you say Bombay is resilient? A city can have a
character and Bombay certainly does have a business-like approach to life.
Residents of this city carry on efficiently despite crumbling
infrastructure, slums, the underworld, housing shortages, milling crowds and
a general sense of decay. That is resilience but it is on display everyday,
not just at times of crisis. 

 

It appears that the day after the blasts, the channels decided that
resilience was an old bromide with no traction among viewers. You would
have thought they would have upbraided their reporters for hyping the
tragedy. Instead, they sent them, armed with a line, to barge into the
tragedy once again: hectoring citizens to read from their script. The crews
set out afresh to interview citizens in different parts of the city, asking
leading questions. The story angle was clear: left to its own devices,
resilient Bombay was angry.

 

This city has been the victim of many terrorist blasts. Aren't you angry
and tense? Aren't you tired of being called resilient and left to fend for
yourself? Aren't you tired of being taken for granted by the government?
The questions flew thick and fast as did the changing headlines on
television screens. Resilient, tired, angry, they screamed. The television
news channels seemed to have decided on the line; their field reporters
goaded citizens into confirming the story in front of the cameras. 

 

The journalistic practices of the television news media could be the subject
of scholarly analysis some distance from breaking news. What is of
immediate concern is that such ambulance-chasing tactics stoked public
insecurities. Television reporters instigated citizens to berate the
government in prime time. 

 

This is not to suggest that criticism of the government is unacceptable.
Indeed, authorities must be held answerable if they fail or are slow to
respond. To do this, reporters need to ferret out hard facts. The analysis
can only be effective at some distance from the events. Instant judgments
spread fear and rumor at a time when public anxiety is running high.

 

Where they had a chance to calm things down, bring people together in the
face of a major terrorist attack, the news channels took a lowly road. They
hyped the events and indulged in the worst kind of speculation and rumor.
Sensationalism reigned supreme.

 

In the face of shrill attempts by news channels to show up its inadequacies,
the government response was restrained. The home minister and the prime
minister winged their way to Bombay within 24 hours of the incidents. The
prompt steps by the leadership blunted the edge of the media's hysterical
coverage. 

 

Finally, Maharashtra chief minister Prithviraj Chavan made an appearance on

[Goanet] English: An Indian Language

2011-07-14 Thread Comma Consulting

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Thursday, July 14, 2011


English:
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/07/english-indian-language.html  An
Indian Language 


 

So here we go again. Language chauvinists in Goa have launched disruptive
protests against the state government's proposal that will allow primary and
secondary schools to offer English as a medium of instruction. This is in
addition to Marathi and Konkani.   

 

A bunch of rabble, associated with the Hindutva forces, stopped traffic in
Panjim and threatened to hold the state hostage to their misbegotten
worldview. It's not just about Goa, it's all over India. Same people who
protested against the screening of the film Slumdog Millionaire; same people
who assaulted women coming out of a bar in Mangalore; same people who
renamed the airport and the railway terminus in Bombay; same people who
renamed Bombay, Madras and Calcutta.

 

English, both the language and our cultural heritage, is a convenient horse
to flog. Increasingly, though, the burgeoning middle class is embracing it
as the key to success in a modernizing country. Thus, while politicians go
on renaming sprees, Indianizing names of city streets and entire cities,
real estate developers across the country sell their projects with
Western-sounding names such as Provence, Belvedere and what have you. In
Ahmedabad, Gujarat, I have actually seen commercial and residential
properties called Manhattan or White House.

 

Coming back to the Goa language disturbances, even the normally rational
Manohar Parrikar, opposition leader and erstwhile chief minister, backed the
obscurantist protest. He said if children are educated in English, they look
down on their parents who don't speak the language. He is right.

 

The problem with the English language is it subversive. To accept it is to
accept the cultural and philosophical worldview of the Enlightenment. For
example: reason, courtesy, egalitarianism and dissent. In the Hindutva
worldview, these are not values that are accepted. Instead the focus is on
superstition, indulgence, exclusivity and conformism. Children schooled in
the English language do not easily buy into backwardness.

 

If you look around today, journeyman classes that offer students
English-language proficiency are burgeoning everywhere. Parents and their
children know that to make their way in the world, English is essential.
They have no time for chauvinist arguments against the language. They just
want their children to get ahead and like all solid middle class Indians
place their faith in education. 

 

This is why the Goa government's bold move is admirable. Clearly, the state
government understands that people want the choice to choose English as a
medium of instruction. Given the state's high level of literacy and per
capita income, the pro-English segment is sizable and has rallied behind the
government.

 

English has always been an Indian language. In recent years, the number of
people who use English as the lingua franca has increased exponentially. A
new form of the language has taken shape that incorporates Indian idioms. We
are like this only. And it is increasingly accepted. R K Narayan is an early
example; Salman Rushdie thrived on it.

 

Today global literary salons celebrate Indian writers in English bringing
Indian cultural flavours to the world. I can name at least a dozen and their
number is probably in the hundreds. So it is bit of madness for people in
India to dismiss English as a foreign language. Supreme Court judgments are
in English as are government policies. They may be translated into various
languages but in the first draft they are written in English.

 

Vernacular chauvinists, who disparage the use of English in India, are
products of a feudal mindset that portrays India as a long-suffering victim
of colonial oppression. They draw inspiration from the jingoist ranting of M
S Golwalkar in his aptly titled book, Bunch of Thoughts and amazingly
enough also from the Luddite fulminations of Mohandas Gandhi in Hind
Swaraj. Their India is a closed and diffident victim of unchaste
foreigners. Today, such postures appear ridiculous and out of touch with the
new, resurgent India. 

 

Protests like the one in Goa flare up now and again, led by fringe groups
that are communal and chauvinist. But they fly in the face of what citizens
want. The protestors assume that the vast majority of the Indian population
has no use for English. They are right; only a small section of the
population use English in their lives. However, English is the language of
aspirations. Even a semi-literate family in the rural areas knows that for
their children to get out of the rut, the passport is proficiency in
English.

 

Unlike yesteryear, when the language of Milton and Shakespeare was a mark of
elite status, in the new India, 

[Goanet] The Anxiety of Freedom

2011-05-06 Thread Comma Consulting

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Wednesday, May 4, 2011


Goa Journal http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/05/goa-journal.html  


The Anxiety of Freedom 

 

Panjim: The beginning is mundane. You arrive at a jetty on this capital
city's iconic waterfront, tumble out of the car, make an awkward climb to a
floating jetty and jump into the boat. After that, it is a liberating
experience.

 

 
http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-v-FXiefOPCk/TcD8Es4TDKI/AsI/y57om3akRc8/s
1600/IMG00137-20110426-1741.jpg 

Within minutes, the speedboat set off to explore the Mandovi River and its
backwaters. We flitted in and out of waterways and their littorals, the
mangroves that seemed to eat into the river as our boat maneuvered past
overhanging branches through the twisting, winding backwaters. A calm
descended on us; the outside word ceased to exist.

 

For a fleeting moment of schadenfreude, we thought about friends in Delhi
and Bombay, stuck in traffic jams and all manner of urban discomfiture. As
we floated through the backwaters, it seemed to me we had chanced upon an
undiscovered world. And as we emerged from this mysterious water world back
into the mainstream, we were confronted by sweeping vistas on offer by the
mighty Mandovi.

 

Rivers play an important role in the life of India. They are considered
sacred but modern India treats them as sewers, dumping waste and poisons in
them. Most rivers in India are dirty and dying. The Mandovi is, in stark
contrast, clean and is used for commerce and transport. Now, it is being
increasingly used for pleasure.

 

 
http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-jmiRvgqOmNY/TcJP93qyVKI/AsQ/6HzYwPnKoS0/s
1600/IMG00154-20110426-1858.jpg 

And so it was for pleasure that we found ourselves rolling on the river.
With the wind upon our faces and wonder in our eyes, we floated in the
waters and saw a Goa that is mind-boggling; away from the beaches and the
tourist spots. Time stood still here and the two hours stretched to an
eternity.

 

The Mandovi tidal basin is an intricate system of wetlands, marshes and
paddy fields, intersected by canals, dykes, bays, lagoons and creeks. The
river and the backwaters are governed by regular tides that reach up to 20
miles upstream.

 

Our two-hour long experience on the Mandovi filled us with reverence for the
majesty of nature. The river seems eternal; I use the word seems because
it is impossible to grasp and define eternity in terms of years, centuries
or millennia. And understanding this, the use of seems, puts you face to
face with spirituality and its temporal offshoots: faith and communion.

 

Herman Hesse in his book Siddhartha wrote about the restless departures and
the search for stillness at home; the diversity of experience and the
harmony of a unifying spirit; the security of religious dogma and the
anxiety of freedom.

 

 
http://2.bp.blogspot.com/-gKaDjBkgvoQ/TcJQDzOeTiI/AsY/moo0oouKOUY/s
1600/IMG00152-20110426-1858.jpg 

Over the years, I have come to celebrate diversity, to value harmony. Now I
am concerned about religion and its effect on, the anxiety of freedom.
These imponderables have occupied my thoughts. I have often wondered,
wouldn't it be so much simpler to be a man of faith? 

 

But where do you place your faith?

 

Of all the religions, I have always been intrigued by Catholicism and its
celebration of faith and communion, week after week; generation after
generation; across communities, nations and cultures. Each Sunday, believers
go to church and reaffirm the dogma that Christ was born of Immaculate
Conception; He was crucified and rose from the dead. This they call
proclaiming the mystery of faith. They receive the wafer and wine believing
them to be the body and blood of Jesus Christ, which they call the Holy
Communion, the Eucharist, the thanksgiving.

 

That afternoon on the boat, contemplating the majesty of the river and its
various branched waterways, I began to get a glimmer of the spirituality of
faith and the mystery of communion.

 

And no, I have not found religion. I still remain firmly a skeptic. But that
experience on the Mandovi will make me a tad slower to challenge matters of
faith. Call it the anxiety of freedom.

 

 
http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-gGPVih8a_IA/TcD6BJ7pPqI/Arg/Vz8cPO5__i8/s
1600/IMG00148-20110426-1822.jpg 

On our way back to the dock, we stopped midstream for a libation and a view
of Panjim as the lights came on. It was a spectacular sight; the neat
laidback city on the estuary came alive with its nocturnal personality. It
was not Manhattan or Chicago but from the darkness enveloping the river, it
was a sign of civilization. In the end, despite the majesty of nature, the
lights of Panjim were comforting, a sign that in the end, civilization is
what this world is about.

 

As we returned to shore, we were forced to contemplate 

[Goanet] A Thoughtful Budget

2011-03-07 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, March 7, 2011


A http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/03/thoughtful-budget.html
Thoughtful Budget

Media Don't Get It

 

Except for The Wall Street Journal and the very thoughtful program anchored
by Prannoy Roy on NDTV, the budget got short shrift everywhere else in the
media. The general assessment was it was a mediocre or bad budget. Which is
as far from the truth as Alaska is from India.

 

Hours on television and pages in the newspapers were full of meaningless
analyses. Some said there were no major reform announcements; others moaned
about the tax provisions. One particularly egregious businesswallah, member
of the tribe that shows up on television each February 28, ranted about the
tax on centrally air conditioned hospitals. 

 

The growth brigade was out in full force lamenting this, that and the other.
The Left and jholewallahs also dismissed he budget as a continuation of the
neoliberlal conspiracy to sell India to the West. The BJP, its credibility
waning by the minute, made its usual noise.

 

The media, civil society groups, the Left and the Hindu nationalists
couldn't have got it more wrong. The media are ill-informed and incompetent.
The activists are naysayers; the Left works on a discredited economics model
and the BJP, aka the Hindu nationalists, are clueless.

 

Consider the following ten points taken straight out of the finance
minister's speech:

 

1. Food prices are high despite improved availability. The finance
minister said this was because of shortcomings in the marketing and
distribution system. Held in thrall by the government and random retailers
and middlemen the marketing and distribution system is a problem. So the
signal is they will open up to organized retail marketing.

 

2. Inflation management calls for a focus on agriculture. The need is to
improve productivity. The finance minister's message was to improve the
quality of inputs including mechanization, nutrient-based fertilizers and
biotech applications.

 

3. Also addressed in the budget was the need to remove bottlenecks in
value-added farming, including horticulture, dairy, poultry and meat. This
is of a piece with the findings of the S S Johl committee that was formed in
the 1980s and recommended that at least 20 percent of farm land be given
over to value-added crops.

 

4. The finance minister announced the formation of a public debt
management agency. The idea is to depoliticize debt and curb populist
spending.

 

5. Disinvestment of public sector units is a huge problem. Calling it
the need to increase people's ownership of these government owned companies,
the minister said the government looked to raising 40,000 crore from the
sale of their shares in the stock market.

 

6. Amendment of the banking regulation act is a major announcement. In
its purview, private sector banks will be allowed to open more branches. As
such, the so-called aam aadmi will not have to battle for banking services
that are a problem in the nationalized banks.

 

7. Also announced was a plan to modernize the stamp and registration
administration and the setting up of a central electronic registry for
immovable properties. It is a strike in the heart of darkness because real
estate is the major source of black money.

 

8. This is perhaps most important. The government will now do direct
cash transfers to people below the poverty line. It's a brilliant move to
stop leakages from welfare schemes.

 

9. On the taxes front, the finance minister has left most levies
untouched but has given a break to the bulk of taxpayers by increasing the
exclusion amounts.

 

These are a few, and there are many more, of the budget's highlights. It is
abundantly clear the government knows what it's doing.

 

The budget is beyond is beyond partisan politics and is a sophisticated
response to the globalization of India's economy.

 

It is clear that this government understands the issues and the problems. It
is, as the finance minister said, a transition to a more transparent and
result based economic management system.

 

I think it is a great budget for an increasingly sophisticated economy.

 

What do you think? Write me.

 

 

Copyright Rajiv Desai 2011

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[Goanet] India: Hostage to a Demented Culture

2011-02-13 Thread Comma Consulting

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Wednesday, February 9, 2011


India:
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/02/india-hostage-to-demented-culture.h
tml  Hostage to a Demented Culture

 

 

My father, who is in his 90s, suffers from dementia. As such, he has no
memory of the past and no idea of the future. He lives in the here and now. 

 

Just the other day, he fell and hurt his head. We took him to the emergency
room at a local hospital, where the doctor examined him and declared him
fit. 

 

The nurses cleaned the superficial cut on his head and released him. In the
interim, I was heart broken to hear him utter the words, internal sorrow,
not once but twice.

 

As I got to thinking about his condition, I couldn't help marvel how closely
it parallels the state in which India finds itself: without any wisdom from
the past, without any vision of the future; just the here and now. 

 

The words internal sorrow are often expressed and lived out in the myriads
of petty conflicts and self-centered postures.

 

India is in a state of dementia, largely because of the here-and-now culture
that has taken hold since the turn of the millennium. It is hard to discern
if there is anything learned from the past or if there are any plans for the
future. And let's not blame just the government or politicians; the
citizenry has a lot to answer for. 

 

At a recent lunch in the Delhi Golf Club, I saw the unseemly spectacle of a
child fooling around with the lawn umbrella, changing its incline in
dangerous ways while his mother shoveled food into his mouth; or on a
Spicejet flight a few weeks ago, where a mother, diverted her bawling son's
attention by allowing him to play with the call button that summons a
stewardess.

 

Both taught their sons to be oblivious of other people who might be
disturbed and diverted their attention rather than discipline them.

 

Such children grow up to be inconsiderate adults, rich or poor, educated or
illiterate, who have no restraints on public behavior and the need to be
alive to the privacy and wellbeing of others. Thus, on an automated walkway
at Delhi's dysfunctional Terminal 3, a couple, obviously well educated and
affluent, walked abreast, not giving way, unmindful of me right behind them,
in a hurry to get to the gate where my flight had been called. 

 

These child rearing practices have bred a uni-dimensional culture. Such
cultures are demented in the sense that only a self-serving present matters;
there is no learning from the past, no dimension of a better future other
than instant gratification. Barbaric rituals and hypoglycemic hypocrisy are
the hallmarks of such a culture.

 

In the grip of this demented culture, India is increasingly rich but less
modern; increasingly powerful but less civilized. And government and
politics and corruption and inequity have little to do with it.

 

Some years ago, I complained to a senior police official about the inability
of his force to ensure the smooth flow of traffic. He looked me squarely in
the eye and said, I could have five million traffic cops on the streets but
still you will not have order; the culture seems to breed chaos.

 

More recent: another senior policeman told me last week the problem is that
despite clear-eyed laws, we are told to encourage consensus even in the
face of flagrant violations. In other words, adjust!

 

Yet, civil society groups, the media, the business elite and the
intellectual set would have us believe that the system works but is
subverted by corrupt businessmen, politicians and bureaucrats. The arguments
are essentially messianic based on a belief that ascetic figures like Medha
Patkar and Anna Hazare; brand ambassadors like Sachin Tendulkar and Amitabh
Bachchan or soothsayers like Sri Sri Ravi Shankar and Satya Sai Baba could
restore values and bring order into public life

 

Messianic zeal in Indian public affairs is the legacy of Mohandas Gandhi,
who acquiesced in his lifetime to the title, Mahatma. He was indeed a
great soul who challenged and ultimately defeated the British Raj.

 

Trouble is Gandhi had a lifelong problem with modernity. His book, Hind
Swaraj, was a diatribe against modern culture, which he equated with
Westernization. His retort on Western civilization, (I think it would be a
good idea) remains in my mind the tipping point in his conversion from
political strategist to the Mahatma.

 

In that flippant remark, Gandhi dismissed the Renaissance and the
Enlightenment that brought modernity and economic prosperity to the West.
Gandhi's view of the West still has acolytes in 21st century India.

 

That is one reason why economic prosperity is there for all to see in India
today; but modernity, defined as civil values stemming from a concern for
others, is a long way away.

 

The key to India's modernization is education. Today, 

[Goanet] American Life 10

2011-01-21 Thread Comma Consulting

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Wednesday, January 19, 2011


American http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2011/01/american-life-10.html
Life 10 

Hatemongering...

 

New York: It was a jaw-dropping piece of news. Gabrielle Giffords, a young
Democratic member of the House of Representatives from Tucson, Arizona was
shot in the head by a crazed assassin in a parking lot as she did her
regular meeting with her constituents on Saturday January 8. 

 

The shooting shocked America. Since March 1981, when John W Hinckley Jr took
a shot at Ronald Reagan, I can recall no other such event. The Reagan
shooting precipitated a national debate on gun control; this latest one
raised issues about the polarization in politics that took hold when George
W Bush was president.

 

For me, the news harked back to the night of May 21 1991 when I got a call
informing me that Rajiv Gandhi was killed in Sriperumbudur in the southern
state of Madras. My heart went out to the family, friends and staff of
Giffords. 

 

Giffords' immediate supporters probably feel today as I felt on that stormy
night in May 1991: the dream was over; political violence has a way of
putting paid to ideals. I worked with Rajiv for many years and was
devastated at the news of his death.

 

When Rajiv was assassinated, I told an interviewer from The Times of India
that he was killed because of the hate atmosphere that was created by his
opponents in politics and in the media.

 

Amazingly, this was among the issues being debated 30 years later in
America. In a television discussion on January 12, David Remnick, editor of
The New Yorker, told the host Charlie Rose that hate mongering is an
important determinant of political assassinations.

 

It brought to mind the assassinations of Abraham Lincoln, Mohandas Gandhi,
John Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Their
opponents had launched a relentless and visceral hate campaign against them.
In his cool, scholastic way Remnick endorsed what I told the Times in a fit
of emotion some two decades ago.

 

Among the many stories that emerged from the Giffords shooting, one was
about Sarah Palin's website on which she had marked targeted constituencies
for her yet-unspoken campaign in 2012 with cross-hair targets and one of
them was Giffords' 8th congressional district in southern Arizona.

 

In the middle of the reasoned debate about how a polarized hate atmosphere
can move deranged people to target public figures, Sarah Palin, the
erstwhile Republican vice presidential candidate, the Narendra Modi of
American politics, weighed in; she accused the media of blood libel. 

 

In turn, her detractors pointed out that her phrase blood libel was
anti-semitic. The phrase has been used since Biblical times to reinforce the
fundamentalist Christian view that Jews are the killers of Jesus Christ.
Like Gujarat's Modi, she lacks sophistication, preferring the use of
propaganda to work up her constituents; like Modi, she uses insulting and
intemperate words to score over her opponents.

 

A recent example of this was in her tweet: So how's the hopey-changey thing
working out for ya? 

 

Contrast Palin's tilt in the debate to the much anticipated speech that
President Barack Obama gave after the shooting. Rising above the clamor, he
said that political differences are real but should not be allowed to become
the source of violence. He reached out to his opponents and asked for a
compact of civility that would foreswear hate.

 

Watching television coverage and debates on the shooting of Congresswoman
Giffords, I was struck by several things. One, the coverage was
wall-to-wall. Two, there was a liberal slant to it in that most reporters
and commentators pointed discreet fingers at the right-wing cable and radio
mafia for hatemongering. Three, they got Sarah Palin embroiled in it. 

 

It's much like what the Indian media do except the Americans did it in a
sophisticated, understated and well-researched fashion. No screaming and
shouting and rumor-mongering, just well-reasoned arguments. 

 

Conversations on public affairs in India are sophomoric with opinions based
on prejudice rather than facts; debates are in the nature of high school
encounters; the discourse as a result is usually twisted and misses the
point. Indeed, if America is a post-doctoral democracy, India is still to
get into college.

 

Though it may be not the most politically correct thing to say, fingers can
be pointed at Mohandas Gandhi's jibe. Asked what he thought of Western
civilization, he said, It would be a good idea.

 

In that one smug remark, Gandhi dismissed the Renaissance, the Reformation
and the Enlightenment movements that raised the West to unprecedented
heights of prosperity and civility.

 

Consider 21st century India: people urinate and defecate in public; female

[Goanet] Imagine there's a Heaven

2011-01-07 Thread Comma Consulting

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Thursday, January 6, 2011

Imagine there’s a Heaven

It Was Easy Because We Tried


Goa: Think about it for a minute. It’s New Year’s Eve at our house, 
Imagine. It’s easy if you try. And because we’re dreamers, our daughters 
and our entire extended family deigned to spend the evening with us. It 
was about 20 degrees Celsius officially but in the village where we live 
it was a little colder. Actually, we’ve rarely seen Goa as cold as to 
need sweaters. Anyway, we let it out and let it in with mirth and 
merriment; we made our world a little warmer. We shrugged off the cares 
that were upon our shoulder and sang and danced as though this eve was 
forever and a day.


We gave little thought that night to the busy years that had gone 
rushing by us because we still had our starry notions. And spending the 
end of the first decade of the millennium with the extended family was a 
treat that all in the world would devoutly wish. Though many who came 
were friends, the operative thing was they were all family: from New 
York, London, Zurich, Washington, Bombay, Ahmedabad and of course 
locally in Goa. It was a global celebration in a village that does not 
even appear in any map of this haven.


Arriving here on December 29 on an afternoon flight on our favorite 
IndiGo Airlines, we drove straight home and landed up at our favorite 
Cavala restaurant and rocked for many hours to the band Abracadabra into 
the wee hours of the night. There was this little girl Jessica, not even 
10 years old, who jived with her father to the old time rock and roll. 
She was so good, I asked for her autograph, which she shyly wrote on a 
coaster. I will treasure forever despite the fact I may never see her again.


Tell me: how can you beat this anywhere else in nerve-wracking India? Is 
it any wonder that I believed it when a guy, who runs a beach shack in 
Morjim in the northern part of Goa, told me that nearly 250,000 people 
were expected in Goa on December 31? For the record, the population of 
Goa is just 1.5 million.


Goa lives and dies on tourism. This year because of the bad weather in 
Europe (few Americans come), many charter flights were canceled. The 
slack has been taken up by free-spending Indians. As such, the Goan 
tourism infrastructure that is geared to low-level European tourists is 
trying to adjust to domestic tourists, who demand what they can get in 
Thailand or Malaysia. Local demand will improve infrastructure in Goa. 
In the end, as in America, domestic demand makes for a more egalitarian 
economy.


Indian tourists are known worldwide to be big spenders. You now see in 
Goa the big Indian brands like Fabindia and hotels like Vivanta and 
Fortune that cater to the new middle class. They are better and more 
professional than the cramped little resorts that cater to British truck 
drivers in Calangute or the illegal purple, green and yellow resorts for 
Russian mafia and drug dealers in Morjim. In the end, the growth of 
high-end domestic tourism may be the savior of this gorgeous haven. 
Again for the record, there is no McDonald’s outlet in Goa.


The fear in Goa is that domestic tourists will bring the Indian sickness 
to their home, spitting paan, urinating in public, driving rashly and 
recklessly. Also the new thrust of domestic tourism is a more affluent 
class of tourists. The question remains: are hippies and backpackers, 
dubious Israelis and Russians better than high-end Indians from Delhi, 
Bombay and Bangalore?


Meanwhile, as I sit in my verandah outside my bedroom in our house, 
annoyed at the buzz of crickets and cicadas late at night, I realize it 
is all an academic wonder for now. These problems are all about the 
beaches and the “happening” strips. I’m happy to stay in my house and 
imagine ours is a haven; to be with family is very heaven.


Love, indeed, is all you need. And the love of family and friends is a 
treasure.



Copyright Rajiv Desai 2011


Posted by Rajiv N Desai at 3:42 PM
Labels: ahmedabad, america, bombay, delhi, Goa


[Goanet] On the Need for Citizenship Education

2010-11-24 Thread Comma Consulting

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Tuesday, November 16, 2010


On
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/11/on-need-for-citizenship-education_1
6.html  the Need for Citizenship Education 


 
When our older daughter began to attend elementary school in the United
States, I was struck by two things: first, the school day for all students
began, hand over heart, with the Pledge of Allegiance, which was effectively
a solemn declaration of loyalty to the republic. Second, on the very first
day, the teacher taught them the golden rules: think before you speak and
treat others the same way in which you would expect them to treat you.

Thus, the first lesson learned in the school was a civic one: respect for
the constitution and a rule-based way of dealing with fellow citizens of the
republic. In fact, the American community-led public education system
started out as a citizenship training program; the idea was to enable and
empower citizens in the discharge of their civic obligations and in their
quest for economic opportunity. It was a simple idea that drove elementary
public education in America: an informed citizenry, compliant with the laws,
is the best guarantor of liberty and justice.

Some years later, I was dropping my daughters off at one of Delhi's better
schools to which they had been admitted after we moved from the US. The
picture couldn't have been more radically different. First, it was a school
for girls only; students wore a hideous uniform and the ambience was
chaotic, with girls running around, pushing and shoving, unmindful of the
safety or convenience of others. Later, we discovered that it was a
tyrannical place, subject to the Victorian whim nuns who ran it.

Our daughters were traumatized; on the academic front as well the school was
a zero. The curriculum as dictated by the Central Board of Secondary
Education and the National Council of Education Research and Training was
lame. The faculty did very little but race through a rote method of
teaching; it was clear our daughters were not learning much and that added
to their misery. We withdrew them from the school to the disbelief of many;
the school was among the most sought after in the city.

Far from teaching students the virtues of citizenship, all that the school
did was to prepare their students to take board examinations in which only
very high scores can ensure admission to an even more dysfunctional
university system. The psychological costs that students have to pay are
never addressed, simply dismissed by teachers and parents alike as
collateral damage in the race to succeed at examinations. We pulled them out
of the twisted system and enrolled them in an international school, where
they blossomed.

In the current debates over education policy, the focus has centered on
reforms at every level: elementary schools, institutes of higher education,
vocational training. Issues of private ownership versus government control,
entry of global education providers, certification and accreditation are
among others that have been raised. What seems to have been missed
completely is the civic aspects of education. Respect for you neighborhood,
your city, your state, your country needs to be instilled at a very early
age without crossing the line to become chauvinism.

Sadly, most political parties, especially the Bharatiya Janata Party, have
fallen into the trap of jingoism. The Congress, for its part, has a version;
let's call it patriotism in which there is still a chip on the shoulder that
prevents a realistic assessment of the Indian situation. Chest thumping or
moaning and groaning about inclusive growth is hardly the way to instill
civic values in the citizenry. The so-called youth dividend can only
succeed if the education system instills a sense of civil values in the
populace, beginning right from primary school.

The proposition is not that difficult to grasp. Civic authorites cannot
prevent people from urinating, defecating or spitting paan on the streets;
they cannot keep people from driving like lunatics, blowing their horns or
jumping a line or being smelly because they have never heard about
deodorants. But they can teach their children to respect public spaces.

In Delhi, for example, the Metro is a big hit as are the new low-floor sleek
buses; new flyovers, expressways and underpasses, even parks and landscaped
streets and slick new bus stops. In the next decade, a whole generation will
grow up used to these public goods. What schools need to teach them is how
to use these and not be vandals.

Amazingly, none of this is part of the academic agenda. On the right, people
talk about India shining with its economic growth. On the left, people talk
about hunger, poverty and disease. Smack dab in the middle, we need to teach
young people, increasingly more exposed to the world through the 

[Goanet] The Monsoon Magnificence

2010-07-25 Thread Comma Consulting

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Thursday, July 15, 2010


Goan Journal http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/07/goan-journal.html  


The Monsoon Magnificence

 

You've got to be a hardy soul to come to Goa in the Monsoon. It rains
incessantly and does drumbeats on the roof; the percussion is as good as
anything Max Roach did, especially on his album, Money Jungle, with Duke
Ellington and Charles Mingus. Still, as Credence Clearwater Revival sang,
the rain keeps falling. And I don't really wonder, amid the sophisticated
Roach-style beat of the rain on my roof, who'll stop the rain. 

 

Goa in the rains is a sight for sore eyes and a balm for troubled minds. It
has a calming effect: nothing really matters, except the drain of stress. We
start from the chaotic airport. You can deal with it because in minutes you
can get in the car and leave India behind. Goa is our foreign destination
where people are civilized, traffic is orderly and everyone looks out for
others. The skies open up with huge rainfall and all you want to do is stop
the car, jump out and let yourself be drenched in the Monsoon rains.

 

We arrived in Goa on an afternoon in July and later that evening drove to
Chicalim in the north to celebrate a friend's birthday. His place is
approximately in the middle of nowhere. I may be wrong but even the
Portuguese didn't venture there. And so we're in our car, negotiating the
twist and turns to get there. Once we reach his people-friendly house with
its inviting come, hang out charm, we forget the world. The only bummer
was Germany destroyed Argentina in South Africa; the South Americans were
the team I picked to win the Cup.

 

Goa in the rains is a magical mystery tour. Green is the operative color;
moss is your ground cover and the world stands still. Here, you add years to
your life. Time is stretched out. Read a book, listen to music, and drench
yourself in the rain: you can do stuff you wish you could do in the stressed
out reality of India.

 

In the rain-lashed season, Goa can also be an adventure. There are few
places open for lunch or dinner; all the beach shacks are closed; in fact,
even the beaches are run over by the sea. You have to be resourceful and
find spots that are open. You may have to travel a fair distance or
experiment with all manner of local places. But the best thing is to eat at
home and then find a rock on a beach, sit on it and watch the thunderous
majesty of the sea in the rains. 

 

We've had a place here since the turn of the century. More important, this
is my sasural; my wife's family is from Goa and our place is just 15 minutes
away from her family home. Also, we have other family here in Chicalim and
Aldona and good friends in Panjim, Anjuna and Colvale. For us, this emerald
haven is not a vacation spot; it is our second home. We feel we belong here.


 

Plus Goa is full of random surprises. At dinner one evening at a local
diner, a bunch of people showed up. There was this handsome guy sitting in a
chair right next to me. He pulled out a bottle of scotch and offered to
share it. We demurred but he was insistent. So we had a drink from his
bottle. He said his name was Kumar Gaurav, son of the famous Bollywood
tragedy king, Rajendra Kumar. He said he was married to Namrata Dutt,
daughter of Sunil Dutt and Nargis. As such he is the brother-in-law of Priya
Dutt, the Congress MP and Sanjay Dutt, the actor of Munnabhai fame.

 

We struck up a conversation in this diner called Starlight and he was
insistent to take us to his house in Parra, a suburb of Mapuca. It turned
out to be a gorgeous place, slick and breathing of wealth. He showed us
around and when we left after 15 minutes, we drove away impressed. In the
end, we marvelled that something like this could happen in such an impromptu
fashion. But that's Goa for you. You meet some guy in a restaurant or in a
market or a grocery store and you become friends.

 

That's the social part of Goa. And it's wonderful. What is equally
spectacular is the majesty of nature here, especially in the Monsoon. As I
sit in my verandah, surrounded by a cathedral of coconut trees and watch and
hear the rain falling, I am struck by the bounty of nature. As the rain
stops, the garden is awash with fireflies everywhere, lighting up, for a
brief moment, the darkness of the clouds. 

 

My friend Aasif, an architect, who lives here, having come from 30-plus
years in London, tells me that the glow in the fireflies is about sex. It's
their penis that lights up with a view to attract to females, he says. He
also added that fireflies are rapidly becoming extinct with growing
urbanization. Because of city lights, their glow doesn't show and they
cannot mate.

 

Aasif can identify bird calls, butterflies and constellations in the sky. He
lived for 30 years a busy life in London but now he is a 

[Goanet] American Life 5

2010-07-02 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, June 21, 2010

American Life 5

Washington DC: A New Home



The five-day-long party that was DC began in New York City’s West 
Village on a Saturday afternoon. My daughter and I stood outside a café, 
waiting for our friends Gautam and Rita and their daughter Brinda and 
her husband Peter. Suddenly, amid the general noise of revelry that 
envelops this oh-so-cool segment of Manhattan, I heard someone call my 
name in the distance. I looked around because my name is not a common 
one in these parts. And there across the street, I saw Gautam waving at me.


We crossed the street to join them and to begin what turned out to be 
five rollicking and fulfilling days. Gautam has served as the senior 
most editor in The Times of India and is the founding editor of Bombay’s 
newest daily, DNA. Above all, he is a rock star whose rendition of Elvis 
Presley’s Hound Dog can get even a lead-footed person to do gyrations on 
the dance floor. In his days in India, he was a regular at our house; 
all our friends took to him and he became part of our family.


So there we were on the brink of a raucous evening in Manhattan. We went 
to a blues bar and ate dinner in a French bistro before traipsing home 
with a song let out of our heart. It was a memorable evening, even if we 
had too much wine. When good friends get together in a happening place 
like the West Village, you can be sure it will be a highlight (dare I be 
unsubtle and say: yes there were lights and yes we were high).


So after an evening in the Village, Sunday morning we hit I-95 en route 
to Washington DC. For all the 229 miles of the way, I luxuriated in the 
company of Gautam and Rita. I was excited to be going to DC after too 
many years. The plan was to arrive at their place in Chevy Chase in the 
early afternoon and then head out to the home of their friends for 
dinner and singsong with guitars. These are friends whom we’d met last 
summer at the wedding in Vermont where Brinda and Peter took their vows 
in a gorgeous farm in Vermont.


Can people talk to each other for five straight days and never once be 
bored? With Gautam and Rita, it’s not only easy but enjoyable. We talked 
about the whole world, about rock’n roll, The Beatles, Indo-US 
relations, and what have you. The most amazing thing about being with 
them is you can talk about foreign policy, international relations, and 
world economics but also about music, going back to the good old days of 
Hindi film music and classic rock.


A friend christened Rita “chopdi (book) aunty,” given her voluminous 
knowledge of just about everything under the sun, starting from 
education to Bollywood. You want to know about the latest issues on 
education? About the lives of Bollywood stars? About the story behind 
the Oscar awards? About the buzz in DC, New York, Boston, Bombay or 
Delhi? Rita’s got it all down pat. She is the source: wire service, book 
of quotations, thesaurus and encyclopedia, all rolled into one. What she 
doesn’t know is not worth knowing.


Coming into Washington after a long gap was an immensely interesting 
prospect for a public affairs junkie like me. This is the capital of the 
world, where leaders from all nations come to get things done. It’s also 
the first time I came to DC where Martin Luther King’s dream had come 
true in the election of Barack Obama to the presidency. Obama is from my 
hometown, Chicago.


As we drove around the city, I was struck by the small-town beauty of 
the place. There were flowers everywhere and people were dressed in 
their spring best: linens and cottons. To read the newspapers and to 
watch television, you’d expect a sense of doom and gloom. I saw none of 
it. The cafés were full; restaurants were abuzz and people were walking 
about with a spring in their step.


“There’s John Podesta,” said Gautam as we drove around the downtown 
area, close to the White House. He was crossing the street. Podesta, 
another Chicago boy, served as White House Chief of Staff for three 
years under Bill Clinton. As you drive around the stressful streets of 
Delhi, you are not likely to see any person of any consequence, 
surrounded as they are by security and minions. And walking? What a 
contrast!


There is an understated elegance about Washington. The city seems to 
know it is the center of the world. It doesn’t have to pretend. Economic 
upturns and dips have little impact on it. Everyone seems to be 
confident about their jobs and income. True, there are neighborhoods in 
the city where America’s recession-hit economy is playing havoc. But to 
walk the streets, you feel the sense of power and stability.


While it seems not to have the buzz of New York or the vitality of 
Chicago or the laid back sophistication of San Francisco or the 
in-your-face character of Los Angeles, Washington stands for stability. 
It 

[Goanet] American Life 4

2010-06-18 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, June 14, 2010
American Life 4

Chicago, My Kind of Town


On a bright beautiful spring morning, I landed in Chicago, where I have 
a family of friends. The airport, the city, the drive to River Forest is 
full of fond memories. This is the town that I’ve come back to, over and 
over again. It’s just gotten better and better. What more can I say: I 
love Chicago.


As I lug my bag across the street and wait in the vestibule for my 
friend Prakash to pick me up, I wonder about my past life in this city 
of broad shoulders. Usually, it was my wife and two excited kids, who 
would welcome me back from wherever. “Love ya, Dad,” my daughters would 
trill as I kissed my wife. What a warm comforting feeling it was!


In the event, Prakash pulls up to the sidewalk and gives me a hug. I am 
back home, I think to myself as I snap the seatbelt on, en route the 
familiar way to the Oak Park-River Forest area, where we lived. As we 
drive to Prakash’s house in River Forest, I look out the window and go 
into a reverie of my happy days in Chicago.


It’s my town, the toddlin’ town; I ask myself: why did you ever leave 
here? The existential question was in my mind as we drove through the 
familiar streets. What I looked forward to was a wonderful week with 
friends and the sheer joy of being there. This is the city where I got 
my first job, bought my first house; where my daughters were born. I 
lived here in the heady days, when my fellow columnist in the Chicago 
Tribune newspaper invented the word “yuppie.” It is the city of jazz and 
blues but also the Chicago Symphony, one of the finest orchestras in the 
world.


Chicago is where I grew up and learned the lesson of self sustenance. It 
wasn’t easy but the city permeated me with a sense of optimism: tomorrow 
will always be better than today. You can do anything, do what you want: 
that was the city’s ethic. And it has become better and better, leaving 
me breathless with wonder. This is a city that has transformed itself 
from the Rust Belt blues into a shining example of urban renewal. On 
hindsight, it seems to be obvious that Chicago would throw up a Barack 
Obama.


The reveries came to an end as Prakash pulled into his driveway. We got 
my bag out and I settled myself into the bedroom that his wife Alice 
reserves for me. Then I came down and waited over a beer for our fiends 
to show for the traditional pizza party when I arrive.


We had the pizzas and the beer and talked late into the night. My family 
of friends was keen to know about India and its ways. They wanted to 
talk to me about politics, the economy and every other aspect of India; 
they had many questions. For my part, I was just grateful to be there in 
the city that I love and the friends whom I miss fiercely.


Clearly though, there was no escaping the questions. I had to answer. 
But my message was clear: I’m here to escape from the loud ineptitude of 
India. Nevertheless, development issues like jobs, equity, education and 
health care are important to my friends. This goes back many decades to 
the 1970s when we had formed India Forum to discuss and debate the issues.


Among the members of India Forum in Chicago was Satu “Sam” Pitroda, in 
whose office we held our Sunday morning meetings. In the early 1980s, 
when Rajiv Gandhi appeared on the scene; many of us, including Sam, 
moved to India in the hope of changing things. What we did not reckon 
for was the strange ways of politicians and the slimy ways of 
bureaucracy. They opposed us tooth and nail. Our optimism was singed by 
the relentless cynicism of the bureaucracy and the political establishment.


In the end though, we succeeded beyond our wildest imagination. From 
being a basket case, India is now regarded as an engine of global 
growth. We have “development” in India now but it is subverted into 
mediocrity by the knot of ignorant politicians and venal bureaucrats. 
The Indian system is simply unable to deal with growth and the 
concomitant demands for fairness and transparency.


That evening in Chicago over pizza and beer, old friends met and talked 
about the issues. As the evening wore on and I was steeped in being 
there; it was almost as if I had never left. Dreamy as I was, I felt it 
was late and I had to go home. Our house was barely a mile away from 
where my friends live. It may have been the beer. I lost track and 
thought I had to go home to my wife and daughters.


It is so easy within hours of arriving in Chicago to believe I had never 
left. I know how to get around, driving myself. I know where to shop, 
where to eat, where to drink. I know the city like the back of my hand. 
It is a city I proudly call my home. It’s a place where the ordinary 
citizen can enjoy music, plays, festivals…all free; all in celebration 
of the citizen.


Back in Delhi, I find the city only 

[Goanet] Bureaucratic Subversion

2010-06-14 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, June 7, 2010


Bureaucratic
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/06/bureaucratic-subversion.html
Subversion 


The Bane of New India



When the government steered the Right to Education bill through Parliament,
those of us who had fought for it through two decades were pleased. The
important thing, however, is how the act would be notified. The language of
the bill leaves a lot of gray areas. And well it might because bureaucrats
wrote it and they will fully exploit the obfuscation. For example, they will
come down heavily on private schools that cater to the poor in urban slums
and rural areas and impose impossible conditions that such enterprises
simply cannot fulfill.

There are too many vested interests: the government school system; the
high-end private schools that have bribed their way into existence and above
all, the alternative NGO schools that survive on government subsidies. With
such firepower arraigned against it, the RTE bill will go the way of every
well-meaning initiative of the government such the NREGA or the Sarva
Shiksha Abhiyaan. The net outcome will be zero. And so everything will come
to naught.

If this sounds cynical, then you should listen to my story about a small
community on the outskirts of Delhi. This is an upscale community of
successful professionals that includes about 30 houses. It is an oasis in
the chaos of Delhi, with trees and birdsong. It's a wonderful community
where neighbors meet frequently to have a drink or dinner and to discuss
issues of India's development. The people who live there are respected
professionals whose interests span public health, wildlife conservation,
media, law and what have you.

The community came into being in the early 1990s. Because it was part of
rural Delhi, it was offered no municipal services like water, sanitation or
roads, never mind street lighting. Like pioneers, residents made their own
arrangements: people built septic tanks, drilled bore wells and got their
own garbage collection. Power was an issue until distribution was
privatized, when the resident association petitioned the distribution
company. Realizing these were high-end customers, the company quickly
ensured that power cuts and fluctuations were minimized.

On the roads issue, the resident association petitioned the Delhi government
arguing from a taxpayer viewpoint; so the road was built: badly but still
motorable. It took several years including the fact that the first allotment
of several crores was swallowed by the pirates of the Municipal Corporation
of Delhi. Now this community faces water a problem because the bore wells
have dried up. This is precious real estate but more important it represents
the single major investment for most of the residents. Without water, their
homes are worth nothing.

The association applied to the Delhi government for permission to drill a
community bore well. It seemed a logical and eco-friendly thing to do. But
between the local water authority, the local police and several residents
who had bribed their way into deepening their bore wells, the application
has been kicked around from pillar to post.

So here you have this huge Indian-style standoff: members of the community
paid bribes to the water authority and the police to deepen their wells. As
a result, other residents found their bore wells running dry. When the
association sought to build a community well, some residents and recipients
of their bribes in the water authority and the local police struck a
dissonant note.

Between corrupt citizens, bureaucrats, police officials and local
politicians, this pleasant community is caught in a cleft. It needs the rule
of law to be enforced but the local government: the municipality and the
police, are locked in various corrupt projects. Residents of the community
are not without influence but stand divided because several members, who own
houses there, are compromised because the deals they did to buy their houses
don't stand up to scrutiny.

This is a small localized community problem, to be sure. But its
implications have a larger footprint. Even though the union government has
introduced various enlightened policies, local governance is caught in a
medieval time warp. In the matter of schools as well: a sweeping and
enlightened law stands to be subverted on the rocks of bad governance. In
notifying the RTE act, many activists fear the education bureaucracy will
not let private schools for the poor flourish.

Then there is the issue of the RTE-mandated 25 percent quota for poor
children in private schools. The vast majority of private schools, however,
cater to the poor. So how will the quota be enforced? Clearly, framers of
the bill were thinking of the elite private schools with no acknowledgment
of the private schools for the poor.

Whether it 

[Goanet] We Are Also Part of India's Democracy

2010-05-27 Thread Comma Consulting

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Friday, May 21, 2010


We
http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/05/we-are-also-part-of-indias-democrac
y.html  Are Also Part of India's Democracy 


Keynote Speech at the Exchange4Media PR Summit
The Oberoi Hotel, New Delhi
May 21, 2010


Good morning,

Thank you, Anurag and your team, for organizing this PR Summit. I hope that
over the years it grows and becomes a major platform for dialog within our
profession.

I have titled my remarks: We Are Also Part of India's Democracy.

I have stated my SOCO up front. As PR professionals, we are as much a part
of India's democracy as we are of its economy.

But PR is also about telling stories. So I'm going to tell you a story that
I hope will give you a perspective on how our business has grown and
developed and the challenges it faces.

Many years ago, when I came to India to set up IPAN, I used to tell the
story of how PR became the world's second oldest profession. We all know
what the oldest profession is.

It has to do with Moses, who led the chosen people out of Egypt with the
Pharaoh hot in pursuit. They found themselves stranded on the banks of the
Red Sea. This was a huge problem. So Moses got his core strategy team
together to look at the options.

There seemed to be none. His defense guy said they should stand and fight.
His finance guy, who understood the salubrious impact of money, suggested
the possibility of buying them out. But in their heart of hearts, his key
advisers knew only a miracle could save them.

Don't worry, said Moses, I will part the sea and we will walk across to
liberty. At that point, his PR guy spoke up, Sir, if you can do that that I
will get you ten pages in the Old Testament.

So Moses performed the miracle and got his ten pages in the Old Testament.

I told this story 20 years ago, when PR consulting was a little known
business. Times were simpler but mindsets were rigid. The press (and it was
just the print media those days) did not entertain any releases or
information from the corporate sector. For its part, the corporate sector
saw PR as a free advertising.

Meanwhile clever operators like the public sector and some private sector
firms managed to play the press like a fine-tuned fiddle. Just think, the
public sector delivered very little but no questions were asked. It was the
holy cow. I can remember the PR strategy of a Calcutta-based public sector
firm: Kill the story and I'll get you two tickets on the Rajdhani.

Some private entrepreneurs also cultivated friends in the press to oppose
liberalization and reform. The notorious Bombay Club fought tooth and nail
against foreign investment and against any changes in the license-permit
raj.

Fast forward two decades and we find that the media are friendlier; our
profession is recognized in its own right and is a significant player in the
fast growing economy.

Recent developments have however cast a shadow that could affect our
standing. I am referring to the current media attention on the role of PR
firms in influencing choices in public policy. It is not at all surprising
that the telecom sector is the source of stories about corporate sleaze and
government corruption.

Why do I say it is not surprising? Let me digress a little: to the early
1980s, when I lived in the US. We had formed a group called India Forum that
met weekly to consider developments in India. All of us were struck by the
emergence of Rajiv Gandhi. In the event, many of us including my good friend
Sam Pitroda took our first tentative steps to engage with India.

Our focus was on telecom because that was Sam's field. At the time, the
sector was in a primitive state. There were not enough phones and existent
phones rarely worked. It was a project to make long distance calls,
impossible to get connections. In fact, it was said that the entire telecom
bureaucracy made money from providing out-of-turn connections.

We took the matter up with Rajiv Gandhi. The task was to convince him that
the sector was vital to economic growth and to change political mindsets
that held telephones to be a luxury. As such, Rajiv put his heft behind our
recommendation that India should go in for digital rather than analog
technology.

The rest is history. But the baggage is still there. The telecom sector
seems to be a magnet for sleaze and murkiness as the recent controversy
shows. And our profession risks being stigmatized unless we make some
forceful interventions.

In a recent email interview to a leading financial paper, I was asked about
lobbying and what the reporter saw as concomitant sleaze. She did highlight
my responses in her front-page story and I believe I may have even helped
her re-look at the lobbying controversy in which it was alleged that a PR
firm tried to influence the choice of telecom minister and subsequently
telecom policy.


[Goanet] Good Policy

2010-04-21 Thread Comma Consulting

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Wednesday, April 21, 2010


Good Policy http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/04/good-policy.html  


Need Governance


In many ways, the government has embarked on a path breaking route, in terms
of both domestic and foreign policy.

To begin with, there is the issue of fertilizer subsidies. In one fell
swoop, by targeting subsidies on the basis of nutrients, the government has
changed the game. Now farmers will look to nutrients other than urea. This
will increase yields dramatically. Urea-based fertilizers were good and
government policies championed their use. Over the years, it became clear
that they had passed the point of diminishing returns. Everywhere in the
world, governments promoted suplhur-based and other nutrients in the mix to
increase yields and protect the soil.

With all the noise about food inflation, the government has pointed to the
exploitative role of middlemen in the journey that farm products make from
the fields to the market. The finance minister made several references to
the need for organized retail in the grocery business, most recently at the
CII national meeting in Delhi.

Coming to taxes, the finance minister, in his budget speech, cut individual
taxes while increasing some indirect levies. The idea is sterling: put more
money in the hands of middle class families and let them decide what they
can or cannot afford. If I am considering buying a car and it costs a few
thousand rupees more, it is my call. By putting economic decisions in the
hands of citizens, the government has made a major paradigm shift.

On internal security, the government has made major moves. It has taken on
the Maoist movement in central India with force. The most recent incident in
Dantewada only underscored the Prime Minister's six-old assessment that
Maoists pose the most significant threat to national security. True, there
are complaints of security forces riding roughshod over the militants. But
then, Dantewada showed that the Maoists are not known for their grace and
diplomacy either. This tough approach seeks not only to contain the
insurgents but to send a clear message that this is a hard government that
will not stomach violent agitations.

On the national security front, the government has embarked on a new course.
While initiating talks with Pakistan, it authorized a major Air Force
exercise in the desert of Rajasthan to demonstrate its fighting
capabilities. It was a brilliant move to invite most defense attaches of
diplomatic missions and to leave out the representatives of China and
Pakistan. The idea clearly was to exhibit hard power.

To reinforce the government's hard line, the Prime Minister went to Saudi
Arabia and urged the authorities there to weigh in with Pakistan to control
the various terrorist groups that operate from there. It's clear the
Pakistan government has neither the wherewithal nor the will to reign in
various terrorist groups that have a free run within its borders. A Saudi
nudge could go a long way to boost the crippled Zardari government and the
rogue elements within its army and the intelligence agency.

The emphasis on infrastructure is a key feature aspect of the government's
priorities. Roads, ports, airports, railroads are being built. The trouble
is that corrupt and inept government agencies are in charge and its users
are citizens, who lack civic consciousness. Thus it gets caught up in the
bottlenecks caused by lackadaisical enforcement and scofflaw citizens.

Many cities now have modern airports; they are like white elephants because
the minute you step outside there is total chaos. It's the same thing for
the highways. We recently traveled to Chandigarh from Delhi. The road is a
work in progress and there are significant flyovers and wide pavements. But
there is total traffic chaos. Even as you rev to the top speed of 90
kilometers an hours, you find yourself having to deal with vehicles going
the wrong way, underpowered trucks, three-wheeled vehicles, bullock carts,
cycle rickshaws, handcarts, herds of cows and sheep and scariest of all,
daredevil pedestrians trying to cross the highway. There is simply no
policing, no signage or any other accoutrements that go with modern
highways. It's almost as though modern amenities are made available to
people with a medieval mindset.

Tragedy is the police have no authority to enforce the law. Even worse, they
don't even know the law. Just recently, I stopped a police car on the
spanking new expressway that connects Delhi and Gurgaon to the airports. I
told the police officer that the unchecked use of the expressway by two- and
three-wheeled vehicles was a major traffic violation. I told him there were
signs that these vehicles were not allowed. He told me to mind my own
business. The government needs also to show its hard self here as much 

[Goanet] RTE: The Devil in the Detail

2010-02-11 Thread Comma Consulting

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Tuesday, February 9, 2010


 http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/02/rte-act-bedeviled-details.html
RTE: The Devil in the Detail 


 


Parliament recently passed the Right to Education act that is intended to
provide universal and compulsory education for children from eight to 14.
For those of us who have been in the vanguard of this nearly two decades
long effort, passage of the act was a historic vindication. In the early
1990s, UNICEF led the effort to convince lawmakers that universal and
compulsory primary education was India's ticket out of poverty. As adviser
to the resident representative, I helped develop an advocacy campaign to
reach members of parliament, business leaders, members of the academy and
journalists.

With evident satisfaction, I looked closer at the act and found there were
several problems that could complicate the implementation of this admirable
initiative of the UPA government. There are the usual issues of definition;
plus, there are plenty of grey areas that could subvert its intent. In the
end, the goals of this laudable law could become obscured and it could
degenerate into a tangle of rent-seeking opportunities for bureaucrats and
politicians.

Thus in section 12, the bill mandates that schools shall admit in class I,
to the extent of at least twenty-five per cent of the strength of that
class, children belonging to (the) weaker section and disadvantaged group in
the neighborhood and provide free and compulsory elementary education till
its completion. Here's the problem with this otherwise beneficent
provision: who will define the weaker section and disadvantaged group in
the neighborhood? It has the potential of turning into slippery scams like
BPL cards and ration cards.

The act goes on to say that the school in question shall be reimbursed
expenditure so incurred by it to the extent of per-child-expenditure
incurred by the State, or the actual amount charged from the child,
whichever is less. According to most estimates, the government spends less
than 3,000 rupees per child per annum or about 250 rupees a month. According
to the government's own NREGA scheme, the minimum wage is 100 rupees per day
for 100 days a year. That's the rub: if the government can pay 10,000 rupees
a year to help a rural laborer keep his body and soul together, why is it so
miserly when it comes to primary school children?

These are but two examples of how the devil in the detail could sabotage a
noble-minded effort. There are other such minefields in the draft that the
small band of officials who are transcribing the act into law ought to be
aware of and ensure that the notified law closes all possible loopholes. As
such, the new law will overcome the threat of poor draftsmanship. It is
important to abide by the letter, yes; but it is crucial to uphold the
spirit of the RTE act. However, some of the spirit behind the act may
already be vitiated. In framing the new law, the government may have left
itself open to the charge of bureaucratic thinking.

Accordingly, the universe of primary schools is divided into several
categories: the first broad distinction being government and private
schools. Then, it further subdivides the former into the category of
ordinary schools and special schools like Kendriya Vidyalaya, Sainik
School, Navodaya School, etc. Under the provisions of the act, these
special schools will be subject to Section 12, which mandates that at least
25 percent of students admitted in class I must be from the weaker sections.

In the government's thinking, private schools also come in several avatars:
aided and unaided, recognized and unrecognized. The biggest chunk of
students can be found in the unrecognized category. These are essentially
private schools based in urban slums and rural outposts; stepchildren of the
government dominated education system, simply because they are for-profit
private ventures run by entrepreneurs focused the weaker sections of urban
slum dwellers and rural poor.

The notion that only the government can provide education and other services
for the poor is an outdated concept, dating back to the colonial raj. It is
a relic of the white man's burden, a cousin of racism and imperialism. In
making government recognition the touchstone of its education policy,
lawmakers in India simply perpetuate the colonial tradition of imperial
government and missionary charity. For all the names of cities and streets
they change to demonstrate their anti-colonial credentials, the ruling
elites are nevertheless inheritors of the white man's burden.

Socialism, central planning, nonalignment were all part of the same burden.
Today the economy and foreign policy are largely directed by the public
interest; the economy has been broadly privatized; foreign policy is free
from ideological blinkers. 

[Goanet] Trick Or Teach?

2010-01-26 Thread Comma Consulting

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Monday, January 25, 2010


Trick Or Teach?

Here is an incontrovertible fact: the majority of children between the 
ages of eight and 14, rich or poor, attend private schools. Even poor 
families shun government schools and willingly pay fees to enrol their 
children in private schools. To cater to this demand, private schools 
are flourishing, not just in cities and small towns but in villages as 
well. These schools have been established as commercial ventures. They 
are of two kinds: recognised and unrecognised by the government. To 
obtain recognition, private schools have to fulfil impossible criteria 
including infrastructural demands and have to pay teachers according to 
the government-appointed Pay Commission's recommendations. Thus, 
teachers must be paid upward of Rs 20,000 a month as entrants and the 
scale rises with experience.


Of course, schoolteachers should be paid well and the new scales are 
welcome. These salary standards, however, are daunting for private 
schools except elite institutions securing funds from trusts and alumni. 
In the end, most private schools are commercial ventures that need not 
just to balance their books but also make a profit. There is a limit on 
the fees they can charge. And yes, in order to sustain themselves, they 
must have money to pay their bills and provide a return to investors. 
Most people are aghast that schools can be run as commerce. Actually, 
all schools are: the recognised ones are eligible for government grants; 
the elite ones depend on trust funding; government schools eat up 
taxpayers' money. Any which way, schools are an enterprise and cannot 
indefinitely sustain themselves without government funding, alumni 
benefaction or fees.


Parents shun government schools because these don't function. Government 
schoolteachers are political factotums who must perform election duty 
and schools are closed because they are venues for the vote. Politics 
always get the right of way. In my neighbourhood, i have to cast my vote 
in the local government school that is truly a beautiful setting, with 
huge grounds and trees. But when I go into the classrooms where the 
voting booths are, I find the rubble of broken desks, splintered 
blackboards and a general aura of decay. One election agent told me very 
few teachers actually attend class; they mostly have a side business as 
private tutors. It makes me wonder: what are the children in these 
schools learning?


The government school system is broken beyond repair and everybody knows 
that, including the poor. Yet the new Right to Education (RTE) Act turns 
a blind eye and instead seeks to impose impossible burdens on private 
schools, not just elite institutions but others catering to the common 
man. Recognised or not, these schools are filling the gap that 
government apathy and ineptitude has created.


Recently I attended a conference in which participants debated the 
newly-enacted RTE Bill. The focus of the discussion was Section 12 of 
the legislation, which mandates: For the purposes of this Act, a 
school, specified in sub-clause (iii) [special schools like Kendriya 
Vidyalaya, Sainik School, Navodaya Vidyalaya, etc] and (iv) [private 
unaided] of clause (n) of section 2 shall admit in class I, to the 
extent of at least twenty-five per cent of the strength of that class, 
children belonging to (the) weaker section and disadvantaged group in 
the neighbourhood and provide free and compulsory elementary education 
till its completion..


Also, the school specified in sub-clause (iv) [private unaided] of 
clause (n) of section 2 providing free and compulsory elementary 
education as specified… shall be reimbursed expenditure so incurred by 
it to the extent of per-child-expenditure incurred by the State, or the 
actual amount charged from the child, whichever is less (sic)...


Talk about obfuscation. Who is to decide who this weaker section and 
disadvantaged group in the neighbourhood is? And what is the extent of 
per-child-expenditure by the State? The answer to the first question 
is: state-level bureaucrats and local politicians will decide who 
qualifies. It sets up one more opportunity for milking the poor and 
holding private schools to ransom. In addition, the government's 
per-child-expenditure is about Rs 3,000 a year, based on an 
extrapolation from figures provided by the standing committee on human 
resources development. That's Rs 250 a month! Under the NREGA, the 
government pays Rs 100 a day for the poorest of the poor to dig ditches. 
Even that is low. In Goa, the mandated rate for manual labour is Rs 200 
a day.


The RTE Act is poorly framed. It is currently being translated into 
policy under the ministrations of half a dozen bureaucrats. Like all 
well-meaning legislation, it will only create more problems. Government 
schools will 

[Goanet] In the Early Hours of 2010.

2010-01-05 Thread Comma Consulting
---
  http://www.GOANET.org 
---

Happy New Year Twenty-Ten

---


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Saturday, January 2, 2010


In http://rajivndesai.blogspot.com/2010/01/in-early-hours-of-2010.html
the Early Hours of 2010...


A Family Celebration


Breathes there the man with soul so dead whose children are alienated from
him? When the hurly burly's done, my daughters seem actually to enjoy time
spent with me. Nothing is more fulfilling; nothing so soulful.

And so it was on New Year's Eve in Goa, we ordered several bottles of
champagne while awaiting 2010. There was music and dancing and much
merriment. I felt lucky to be me. Those assembled that night were an
incestuous mix of family and friends. Above all, it was a raucous lot.

 

Noise somehow seems to be directly proportional to the fun you are having.
And our noise started before even the first glass was poured. If a bunch of
stone-cold sober people can stir up the pot, what happens after a couple of
bottles of champagne?

 

Answer: it does not get maudlin or sentimental or nostalgic, only much more
fun as people yell and smile and nod at each other to communicate over the
loud music, without really hearing what anyone's saying. They happily pour
themselves that extra glass of champagne that teeters between enhancement of
reality and oblivion.

 

So what's the big deal about this particular midnight? I think it is a
generic birthday celebration when we all get older by the calendar year,
never mind specific birthdays. It's not as though human existence can be
subsumed by accurate accounting: no, I'll be 50 only in March; or 65 in
September or 21 in July and 40 in April.

 

On January 1, everyone is a year older, give or take 365 days.

 

New Year's Eve is a communitarian birthday celebration and as such
egalitarian. Random strangers come up and wish you with a smile in their
eyes and good cheer in their heart. And you think to yourself, what a
wonderful world! You think about new beginnings, rather than endings; of
spring, not fall. The key message is renewal, not decay.

 

There's no denying, for many of us, more such celebrations are behind rather
than ahead of us. Growing older is a complicated process. At once, you are
wiser, more sure of yourself. You realize clearly you will never run a
four-minute mile or do a breakdance. The real issue is whether you find
value in your life or moan the years that have flown

 

My wish for New Year's Eve is we will continue to have fun with family and
friends, not just on mankind's common birthday but on every occasion we can
grab.

 

Happy New Year!

 

Copyright Rajiv Desai 2010

 

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