America’s Excessive Nuke Arsenal
http://consortiumnews.com/2013/05/10/americas-excessive-nuke-arsenal/

May 10, 2013
Slashing the U.S. nuclear stockpile – and still having plenty of bombs left 
over for “deterrence” – would represent a huge saving to the American 
taxpayers and could help leverage more cooperation on nuclear 
proliferation in other countries, writes ex-CIA analyst Melvin A. 
Goodman.
By Melvin A. Goodman

The nuclear imbroglio with North Korea has cooled off considerably, 
and the nuclear issues with Iran remain on the back burner. At home, 
however, there is a new nuclear concern that involves the removal in 
April of 17 Air Force officers assigned to stand watch over 
nuclear-tipped Minuteman missiles at Minot Air Force Base in North 
Dakota.
In a blunt memorandum, the deputy commander of the missile unit 
described a “crisis” that involved “rot in the crew force.” In view of 
the lack of career opportunities for Air Force officers in the missile 
field, it should not be surprising that there has been loss of 
discipline, sloppy performance, and even the intentional violation of 
nuclear safety rules.
Tomahawk Block IV cruise missile photographed during a U.S. Navy flight test in 
2002 at China Lake, California. (Navy photo)
This incident raises serious questions about the need for the intense alert 
status at the missile base where two officers are on constant 
alert at all times inside an underground launching control center, ready to 
launch an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) upon 
presidential order.
Since it is impossible to imagine any foreign policy objectives that 
would be served by launching these missiles and, moreover, impossible to 
calculate the level of fatalities and devastation that would accompany a 
nuclear attack at any level, it is certainly past time for the nuclear 
powers, including the United States, to surrender the overwhelming 
majority of their nuclear weapons.
In order to stop nuclear proliferation and reduce the risk of any use of 
nuclear weapons, the United States must examine its own nuclear 
inventory and find a way to reduce its nuclear forces.
One of the best-kept defense secrets of the past 60 years has been 
the high cost of producing and maintaining nuclear weapons, somewhere 
between $5 trillion to $6 trillion, which represents one-fourth of 
overall defense spending. The total is roughly equivalent to the total 
budget spent on the Army or the Navy since World War II. The staggering 
cost of maintaining bloated nuclear programs over the next decade will 
amount to $600 billion.
When the United States initially began to develop and deploy nuclear 
weapons, the military-industrial complex stressed that the huge 
investment in nuclear systems would be an overall savings because it 
would allow for a smaller army and navy.
The United States has built more than 70,000 nuclear weapons since 
the end of World War II and, at the arsenal’s peak in 1967, there were 
more than 32,000 weapons in the stockpile. Even in the post-Cold War 
era, the cost of maintaining and deploying nuclear weapons is more than 
$25 billion a year. Contrary to the military’s promise, our army and 
navy have gotten costlier for taxpayers.
Two decades after the end of the Cold War, the United States still 
has 2,500 deployed nuclear weapons as well as 2,600 nuclear weapons in 
reserve, along with thousands of warheads in its inventory.
In 2011, two U.S. Air Force officers wrote an authoritative essay 
that pointed specifically to 331 nuclear weapons as providing an assured 
deterrence capability. Other important nuclear powers such as Britain, 
France, and China appear to agree, deploying 200 to 300 nuclear weapons 
as sufficient for deterrence. The key non-signatories of the 
Non-Proliferation Treaty (Israel, India, and Pakistan) have similarly 
focused on 200 nuclear weapons as the appropriate size for deterrence.
The United States should consider ending its dependence on the 
nuclear triad, which consists of ICBMs, submarine-launched ballistic 
missiles (SLBMs), and strategic bombers. The elimination of nuclear 
weapons from strategic bombers would reduce the nuclear triad to a more 
than sufficient dyad, and would bring savings of more than $40 billion.
The current fleet of 14 nuclear-armed submarines could be cut in 
half, which would still leave the United States with 875 nuclear 
warheads at sea. An end to production of the D5 SLBM and the retirement 
of hundreds of Minuteman ICBM missiles would bring huge savings in 
operating and maintenance costs.
If the United States reduced its intercontinental ballistic missiles 
from 500 to 300, it would save $80 billion over the next ten years. Sen. Tom 
Coburn, R-Oklahoma, supports such reductions as well as delaying 
the purchase of additional strategic bombers for another decade.
In July 2011, General James Cartwright, then deputy chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff, favored reassessing the role of nuclear weapons 
in today’s international environment. President Barack Obama wanted to 
appoint General Cartwright as chairman of the JCS, but then-Defense 
Secretary Robert Gates blocked the appointment and lobbied successfully 
to be succeeded by then-CIA Director Leon Panetta, who opposed nuclear 
reductions.
Fortunately, current Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel has ordered a 
review of all U.S. forces in order to find areas for reductions and 
savings. The United States and its allies have thus far not found a 
negotiating card for controlling the nuclear programs in Iran and North 
Korea, but the Obama administration could easily find reductions in the 
U.S. strategic arsenal either unilaterally or bilaterally with Russia.
This could lead to negotiations with other key nuclear powers (China, Britain, 
and France) for reductions in their nuclear inventories. U.S. 
and Russian reductions as well as U.S. participation in the 
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty could be used to enlist India and Pakistan in the 
Non-Proliferation Treaty.
It has been largely forgotten that 27 years ago, President Ronald 
Reagan and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev came very close to 
abolishing their nuclear inventory at their summit in Reykjavik, 
Iceland. President Reagan was unwilling to abandon his Strategic Defense 
Initiative, which President George W. Bush actually began to deploy ten years 
ago.
Today, a majority of former secretaries of state and defense, both 
Republicans and Democrats, including George Shultz, William Perry and 
Henry Kissinger, support a world free of nuclear weapons, and a 
remarkable number of new government and civil panels have embraced the 
goal of a world without nuclear weapons.
President Obama supported this goal in a speech in Europe in April 
2009, but he has given no indication of a willingness to accept any 
political risk in exchange for nuclear peace and no endorsement of 
President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s pledge to rule out waging nuclear war 
against non-nuclear states.
Despite the end of the Cold War two decades ago and the realization 
of the illusion of “limited” nuclear war or the suicidal aspects of 
“mutual assured destruction,” there is still no comprehensive approach 
toward nuclear disarmament.Melvin A. Goodman,a former CIA analyst and professor 
of international security at the National War College, is the author of 
National Insecurity: The Cost of American Militarism. [A version of this 
article previously appeared at Counterpunch and is re-posted with the approval 
of the author.]

http://consortiumnews.com/2013/05/10/americas-excessive-nuke-arsenal/


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