[L-I] Forwarded from Nestor (Moyano proposals)
Dear Louis, I am attaching the basic document of socioeconomic policies drafted by the Technical Department of the CGT - Moyano. This is an interesting document, both including points of advance and limitations, and it will be a good material for those interested in the policies of the Argentinian Labor movement. Could you please forward to your list and to L-I? Thank you. Principios Socioeconómicos consagrados en el Congreso de Renovación de Autoridades de la CGT 16/03/2000 (Resumen) 1. La Confederación General del Trabajo no combate contra ningún Gobierno democrático. Combatimos contra los verdaderos detentadores del poder, el capital financiero internacional, el Fondo Monetario Internacional, el Banco Mundial y la Organización Mundial de Comercio. Contra ellos lucharemos sin declinación. 2. El actual modelo socioeconómico es el causante de la aguda y prolongada crisis que nos afecta. Solo cambiándolo se podrán corregir los graves desequilibrios existentes. La sociedad Argentina ha sido profundamente degradada por una globalización unipolar y concentradora y por una generalizada recolonización de sus activos materiales y de su acervo cultural y espiritual. 3. No aceptamos la profundización de la flexibilización laboral, pues esto no hará mas que acentuar los desequilibrios en la distribución de la riqueza, precarizando las condiciones laborales, bajando el salario, destruyendo aun más el mercado interno y, en consecuencia, aumentando la desindustrialización, el desempleo, el subempleo, y el autoempleo precario y la caída de la recaudación pública. 4. Rechazamos la actual política de explosivo endeudamiento externo. Ante el recurrente déficit comercial, fruto de la avalancha importadora y de la impotencia exportadora, de la creciente remisión de utilidades de las empresas extranjeras y de intereses de la deuda el modelo apela al endeudamiento externo como único camino para afrontar esos déficits. La deuda externa -en gran parte ilegitima- crece, hipotecando el presente y el futuro de los argentinos, aumentando nuestra dependencia con los capitales especulativos y comprometiendo las decisiones soberanas de nuestros gobiernos. 5. Debemos refundar el Estado como principal salvaguarda de la Nación y su Pueblo, recuperando su rol activo frente a los desequilibrios e inquietudes sociales y económicas producidos por la gran concentración económico-financiera; reafirmando su función constitucionalmente indelegable de garantizar las condiciones para el desarrollo sostenido y sustentable y el pleno empleo, así como el acceso a la educación y a la salud gratuita, el derecho a la seguridad y previsión social, al trabajo y a un salario mínimo vital y móvil digno para todos los argentinos. En ese camino se debe alcanzar una independencia efectiva de la justicia y el libre acceso a ellos de todos los trabajadores activos y pasivos. 6. El movimiento obrero organizado aquilata una fecunda experiencia en la promoción de la cultura popular, la educación para todos y la formación profesional como herramienta estratégica para la dignificación del trabajo. No aceptamos la concepción cultural del actual modelo: elitista y transnacional. Para la CGT la cultura reside en la patria y "la patria son los trabajadores". Queremos que todos los argentinos puedan acceder a más y mejor educación y que nuestros niños y jóvenes avancen hacia niveles más complejos de conocimiento. Queremos una educación desarrollada sobre las bases del patrimonio cultural de nuestro Pueblo, continuadora de nuestras tradiciones y que consolide nuestra identidad nacional, basada en la idea de que sólo hay justicia social si existe educación de mejor calidad y para todos. Una educación fundante de un nuevo Humanismo Social para una sociedad más justa y solidaria asentada en la cultura del trabajo como sustento de una democracia legitimada en la dignidad de la persona humana y en tránsito hacia la integración en la Comunidad Latinoamericana de Naciones. 7. Afirmamos que la Seguridad Social es la hipoteca pendiente de los sucesivos ajustes neoliberales del 76 hasta hoy. La Deuda interna generada con el conjunto del pueblo argentino, que se ha visto expoliado de su ahorro interno genuino, producto de generaciones de compatriotas. Por lo tanto, rechazamos la nueva Ley previsional 24.241, la privatización de la higiene y seguridad y los riesgos de trabajo de la Ley 24.557 y el apropiamiento del INSSJyP por parte del presupuesto nacional, sumado al desfinanciamiento de la Obras Sociales, constituye el marco desbastador de la cara más salvaje del capitalismo concentrado en el sector financiero, hoy dueño de la decisión y los ahorros de los argentinos. El Estado debe garantizar la salud de la población. Las Obras Sociales Sindicales, a través de su sistema solidario, han contribuido a la atención de la salud cumpliendo una función subsidiaria del Estado; atendiendo hoy a más de doce millones de argentinos a
[L-I] Forwarded from Nestor
Lou,
See what has reached me, please!
One of the most intelligent ways to struggle against the murderers and
torturers of the oligarchic regime in Argentina is what we know as the
"escrache". This word comes from our Buenos Aires slang, a verb
("escrachar",
which means "to publicly expose, to put in evidence"). This tactics consists
in denouncing publicly, whether at their workplaces or at their homes,
conspicuous Argentinian political criminals and, most important, their
sponsors.
The foremost practitioners of the "escrache" are the HIJOS group. This
organization has been formed by children of disappeared, and their politics
is
far ahead from that of the Mothers and even the Grandmothers of Plaza de
Mayo.
They do not seek personal redress only, not even essentially. They act
politically. They do not concentrate on the executive arms of repression and
crime, the military, but permanently expose individual members of the
oligarchy who were the actual winners and the ones who fueled the whole
tragedy. In so doing, by the way, they are showing that they´re consequent
inheritors of the tradition of their parents. In a country so ravaged by
stupidity, they inject a strong wind of combativity, political clarity and
imagination that one cannot but admire.
The most recent "escrache" has been made on a conspicuous oligarch, Ms. Nelly
Arrieta de Blaquier, who either personally or through family connections is
responsible for the disappearance and sequestration of around 400 popular
militants in the province of Jujuy during the 1976-1982 regime. The
Blaquiers,
by the way, count among the largest landowners in Argentina (one of their
estancias, is located at Entre Ríos province, on excellent soils, and
measures
27,000 hectares; an acre= .44 hectares). They also own a sugar cane central,
in Jujuy, commercial companies, etc. etc...
Workers in the sugar cane trade are particularly exploited in Argentina, and
the central of the Blaquiers, the Ingenio Ledesma, has been historically one
of the most tremendous workplaces, one of the companies that has for many
decades resorted to murder of rebel workers as a matter of everyday life
(there is even a popular myth on this: up to very recently, sugar cane
workers
believed that the families of sugar cane planters owned a very peculiar pet,
the "familiar" -the "family pet"- which was a monstrous beast that killed
rebel workers in the dark of the high night).
This delicate lady, on the other hand, belongs to the closed circle of José
Alfredo Martínez de Hoz, the oligarch-by-definition who led the destruction
of
Argentina from 1976 onwards. She has, or believes to have, a gift for the
arts, and likes to be exposed as a "connoiseur". During the Menem years, and
as an important part of the oligarchic takeover, the actual management of the
National Museum of Fine Arts was returned to a Commission of Friends of the
Arts, presided by this Ms. Blaquier. The same social class which did not find
it problematic to hire some high class robbers to steal from the Museum the
extraordinary Santamarina impresionist art collection (there are links
between
the Blaquiers and the Santamarinas, by the way) considers itself, through
people such as Ms. Blaquier, authorised to rule on art and culture just as
they did during the Infamous Decade of the 30s.
At the same time, Menem -characteristically enough- named a very progressive
and intelligent director of the Museum, Miguel Glusberg, one of the avant
garde art critics of the 60s, and a man who kept a space alive for
experimentation during the last dictatorship, at his Centro de Arte y
Comunicación (CAYC). I happen to be in acquaintance with his son Martín, who
is living in Chicago with his wife and children, and this is not JUST gossip:
Martín and his wife had to flee away from Argentina due to their political
positions in the 70s, when they were hardly finishing their high school, BTW.
His father never recanted from his progressive points of view, and is in the
best terms with the son.
When Glusberg became its Director, there was almost no funding for the Museum
but that provided by the Asociación de Amigos presided by Nelly Arrieta de
Blaquier. Without this support, and officially starved to death, the Museum
looked like doomed. Glusberg managed to strike agreements with some private
enterprises, and now he has opened it up to general public (you pay no
entrance fees at all), he gave new breath to a large host of activities, and
of course clashed with the Asociación de Amigos presided by Ms. Blaquier, who
considered the Museum their own.
When De la Rúa came to power, he confirmed Glusberg (a reasonable idea, such
as that of the current major of Buenos Aires Ibarra -of the Alianza, of
course- to put a mild peronist who was Ambassador of Menem to Cuba, Jorge
Telerman, at the Secretary of Culture) in his post.
Glusberg came out victorious of his clashes, up to this day at
