[Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-11 Thread Louis Proyect

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On 2/11/13 12:45 AM, John Wesley wrote:

Ah...but when Castro sent troops to Ethiopia, or when he endorsed the
invasion of Czechoslovakiawasn't Cuba towing [on] the Moscow
line?



I think that Fidel's refusal to say anything about the repression of the 
student movement in Mexico around this time was far worse. But people 
have to remember that when a revolutionary government is facing a series 
of choices imposed on it by global imperialist hegemons, it will 
frequently act in a realpolitik fashion.


I just got a new copy of E.H. Carr's 3 volumes on the Russian Revolution 
to replace the one I sold to a comrade about 7 years ago. It is a very 
useful resource. From volume 3:


The indigenous Turkish movement of sympathy for communism which grew up 
in 1919 was mainly of peasant origin and was rooted in agrarian 
discontents. Its overt expression was the creation of a multitude of 
local Soviets which became for a time the effective organs of local 
government. The movement was fostered by Kemal, partly because its 
loyalty to the nationalist cause was fervent and unquestioned, and 
partly because an outlet was required for the real social and agrarian 
discontent represented by it. In the spring of 1920 it took organized 
shape in the creation of a Green Army which, recruited from the small 
and landless peasants, formed a major part of the national forces. The 
principal sponsors of the movement at this time, Hakki Behic and Hikmet, 
were ” easterners ” in respect of Turkish foreign policy and are both 
said to have been convinced Marxists. A somewhat farcical sequel of 
these proceedings was an officially sponsored Turkish communist party 
bearing the name of the ” Green Apple “. Hakki Behic was its leader; and 
according to a subsequent statement of a Turkish delegate to Comintern 
it was composed mainly of ”high officials and intellectuals “. Meanwhile 
the most successful leader of the Green Army was Edhem, a soldier of 
fortune who, while professing allegiance to Kemal, threatened to become 
a Turkish Makhno. The Green Army reached the summit of its success in 
the summer of 1920. But in September 1920 — the same month in which 
action against Armenia was decided on — Kemal felt strong enough to put 
his house in order by removing a potential source of rivalry or 
insubordination, and issued a decree dissolving it. The order was not 
obeyed, and Kemal temporized. In November he appointed as Turkish 
representative in Moscow Ali Fuad, an army commander whom he wanted to 
get out of the way, and made an offer to Edhem to accompany the mission. 
Edhem refused; and in December, when the campaign against Armenia had 
been success­fully concluded, Kemal finally decided to take action 
against the Green Army. On January 6, 1921, Edhem was routed and fled to 
the Greeks, and what was left of his movement was then quickly mopped up.


The suppression of Edhem was immediately followed by drastic steps 
against the Turkish communists. Suphi was seized by unknown agents at 
Erzerum, and on January 28, 1921, together with sixteen other leading 
Turkish communists, thrown into the sea off Trebizond — the traditional 
Turkish method of discreet execution. It was some time before their fate 
was discovered. Chicherin is said to have addressed enquiries about them 
to the Kemalist government and to have received the reply that they 
might have succumbed to an accident at sea. But this unfortunate affair 
was not allowed to affect the broader considerations on which the 
growing amity between Kemal and Moscow was founded. For the first, 
though not for the last, time it was demonstrated that governments could 
deal drastically with their national communist parties without 
forfeiting the goodwill of the Soviet Government, if that were earned on 
other grounds.


---

Of course, all of this was taking place during the time before the 
Comintern was tainted by Stalinism. Not only were the Turkish 
Communists sacrificed, so were the Armenians.


Now, for all I know, Wesley has about as much use for the early Soviet 
Union's foreign policy as he does for Cuba's. As I have so often noticed 
in my arguments with idealists in the Marxist left, they compare actual 
state powers against the Platonic ideal they have in their mind. Reality 
is bound to lose under such conditions.







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[Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-09 Thread Louis Proyect

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On 2/9/13 2:42 PM, audrada...@aol.com wrote

I have genuine exchange with my boss, too. He's a truly nice guy. He often 
listens to my suggestions and occasionally follows them.


And if I cross him in any serious way, he would fire me in a hot second. This 
is bullshit.


No, what is bullshit is wasting time with superficial jibes like this on 
a mailing list with 1500 subscribers worldwide trying to understand 
Cuban society, the politics of their own country, or problems facing the 
left generally.


One of the reasons I blog is that it allows me to organize my thoughts, 
do research, and write in the fashion of the Russian left of the early 
1900s. I don't say that I am the equal of a Preobrezhensky or a Bukharin 
but when I read their articles on www.marxists.org, I see how high a 
level their conversations and debates were conducted at.


I established Marxmail in 1998 with the hope that it would encourage 
serious debate among Marxists. The longer it is around, the more 
pessimistic I become.


I think comrades participate in these debates as if they were 
opportunities to wise off. I almost never see anybody writing anything 
of substance, or citing scholarly material. It is enough to make me 
consider flushing it down the toilet.


Edward Boorstein, The Economic Transformation of Cuba:

By October 1960 most of this administrative and technical personnel had 
left Cuba. The Americans and some of the Cubans were withdrawn by the 
home companies of the plants for which they worked, or left of their own 
accord: they found themselves unable to understand the struggle with the 
United States, unwilling to accept the new way of life that was opening 
up before them.


The Revolutionary Government had to keep the factories and mines going 
only with a minute proportion of the usual trained and experienced 
personnel. A few examples can perhaps best give an idea of what happened.


Five of us from the Ministry of Foreign Commerce, on a business visit, 
were being taken through the Moa nickel plant. In the electric power 
station--itself a large plant--which served the rest of the complex, our 
guide was an enthusiastic youngster of about 22. He did an excellent job 
as guide, but his modesty as well as his age deceived us and only toward 
the end of our tour did we realize that he was not some sort of 
apprentice engineer or assistant--he was in charge of the plant. I 
noticed that he spoke English well and asked him if he had lived in the 
States. Sure, he answered, I studied engineering at Tulane. As soon 
as he finished, he had come back to work for the Revolution and had been 
placed in charge of the power plant.


In another part of the complex, the head of one of the key departments 
was a black Cuban who had about four years of elementary school 
education. He had been an observant worker and when engineer of his 
department left he knew what to do--although he didn't really know why, 
or how his department related to the others in the plant. Now to learn 
why, he was plugging away at his minimo tecnico manual--one of the 
little mimeographed booklets which had been distributed throughout 
industry to improve people's knowledge of their jobs.


And so on throughout the Moa plant. The engineer in charge of the whole 
enterprise, who had a long cigar in his hand and his feet on the desk as 
he gave us his criticisms of the way our Ministry was handling his 
import requirements, was about 28 years old. His chief assistants were 
about the same age and some of them were obviously not engineers.


Yet Moa was made to function. Even laymen are struck with its delicate 
beauty--a testament to American engineering skill. 'Es una joya'--it's a 
jewel, say the Cubans. It is much more impressive than the larger but 
older nickel plant at Nicaro. Shortly after the nickel ore is clawed out 
of the earth by giant Bucyrus power shovels, it a pulverized and mixed 
with water to form a mixture 55 percent and 45 percent water. From then 
on all materials movement is liquids, in pipes, automatically 
controlled. The liquids move through the several miles of the complex, 
in and out of the separate plants, with the reducers, mixing vats, etc. 
Everything depends on innumerable delicate instruments, and on unusual 
materials, resistant to exceptions high temperatures and various kinds 
of chemical reaction. The margin for improvising in repairing or 
replacing parts is small-much smaller than in the mechanized rather than 
the automated Nicaro plant. Yet the Moa plant was in operation when we 
were there: two of the main production lines were going-and all four 
would have been going jf it had not been necessary to cannibalize two 
lines to get replacement parts for the other two.


Except that Moa was an 

[Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-09 Thread michael yates
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Louis decries the lack of analytical posts. This is true. People seem to have 
fixed positions and they use these to sledgehammer those with different fixed 
positions. Complexity, nuance, openness to different ways of thinking about 
things, etc. are often absent. But another problem is that posters go on and on 
about sectarian politics. What so and so said said sixty years ago in some sect 
is of no interest to most of us. You were in the SWP, for example, and the 
organization consumed your life, just as does religion when a person becomes a 
zealous adherent to a faith. Then you get disillisioned for one reason or 
another, but spend the rest of your life rehashing the past and pointing 
fingers at those who are now in the sect. Like a drug addict who can't get 
enough talk about drugs and using drugs, but then when he or she kicks the 
habit, the rest of life is spent going to meetings and reliving, in a way, the 
old drug life, except now as a former addict. This all gets boring beyond 
words. Life goes on, and most of the world's inhabitants are miserable. Going 
on endlessly about the sex abuse scandal in the British SWP seems a waste of 
time to me and to anyone who would like to see this misery end. One last point 
for all the Cuba bashers here. I'd say Cuba has done more to end misery in the 
world than just about any nation in the world, certainly in proportion to its 
size.  

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[Marxism] Empty Cuba blather,

2013-02-09 Thread michael yates
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I used the word you in my last post. This did not refer to Louis, but was a 
generic you. And I don't care if list participants comment on the British SWP 
controversy or about sectarian politics now or in the past. I am free not to 
read them, which I don't, except usually Louis's since his posts will keep me 
up to date on the topic at hand, and he is interesting. Anyway, no offense 
meant to anyone.  

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Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-09 Thread John Wesley
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Why do all these accounts overlook the fact that the Soviets, tired of all the 
Guevarist revolutionary romanticism, by 1968 gave Fidel the choice of either 
towing the Moscow line, or be left to the mercies of the US ?
 
El pueblo armado jamas sera aplastado!



 From: Louis Proyect l...@panix.com
To: Mr. Goodman godisamethod...@yahoo.com 
Sent: Saturday, February 9, 2013 1:53 PM
Subject: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather
 
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On 2/9/13 2:42 PM, audrada...@aol.com wrote
 I have genuine exchange with my boss, too. He's a truly nice guy. He often 
 listens to my suggestions and occasionally follows them.
 
 
 And if I cross him in any serious way, he would fire me in a hot second. This 
 is bullshit.

No, what is bullshit is wasting time with superficial jibes like this on a 
mailing list with 1500 subscribers worldwide trying to understand Cuban 
society, the politics of their own country, or problems facing the left 
generally.

One of the reasons I blog is that it allows me to organize my thoughts, do 
research, and write in the fashion of the Russian left of the early 1900s. I 
don't say that I am the equal of a Preobrezhensky or a Bukharin but when I read 
their articles on www.marxists.org, I see how high a level their conversations 
and debates were conducted at.

I established Marxmail in 1998 with the hope that it would encourage serious 
debate among Marxists. The longer it is around, the more pessimistic I become.

I think comrades participate in these debates as if they were opportunities 
to wise off. I almost never see anybody writing anything of substance, or 
citing scholarly material. It is enough to make me consider flushing it down 
the toilet.

Edward Boorstein, The Economic Transformation of Cuba:

By October 1960 most of this administrative and technical personnel had left 
Cuba. The Americans and some of the Cubans were withdrawn by the home companies 
of the plants for which they worked, or left of their own accord: they found 
themselves unable to understand the struggle with the United States, unwilling 
to accept the new way of life that was opening up before them.

The Revolutionary Government had to keep the factories and mines going only 
with a minute proportion of the usual trained and experienced personnel. A few 
examples can perhaps best give an idea of what happened.

Five of us from the Ministry of Foreign Commerce, on a business visit, were 
being taken through the Moa nickel plant. In the electric power station--itself 
a large plant--which served the rest of the complex, our guide was an 
enthusiastic youngster of about 22. He did an excellent job as guide, but his 
modesty as well as his age deceived us and only toward the end of our tour did 
we realize that he was not some sort of apprentice engineer or assistant--he 
was in charge of the plant. I noticed that he spoke English well and asked him 
if he had lived in the States. Sure, he answered, I studied engineering at 
Tulane. As soon as he finished, he had come back to work for the Revolution 
and had been placed in charge of the power plant.

In another part of the complex, the head of one of the key departments was a 
black Cuban who had about four years of elementary school education. He had 
been an observant worker and when engineer of his department left he knew what 
to do--although he didn't really know why, or how his department related to the 
others in the plant. Now to learn why, he was plugging away at his minimo 
tecnico manual--one of the little mimeographed booklets which had been 
distributed throughout industry to improve people's knowledge of their jobs.

And so on throughout the Moa plant. The engineer in charge of the whole 
enterprise, who had a long cigar in his hand and his feet on the desk as he 
gave us his criticisms of the way our Ministry was handling his import 
requirements, was about 28 years old. His chief assistants were about the same 
age and some of them were obviously not engineers.

Yet Moa was made to function. Even laymen are struck with its delicate 
beauty--a testament to American engineering skill. 'Es una joya'--it's a jewel, 
say the Cubans. It is much more impressive than the larger but older nickel 
plant at Nicaro. Shortly after the nickel ore is clawed out of the earth by 
giant Bucyrus power shovels, it a pulverized and mixed with water to form a 
mixture 55 percent and 45 percent water. From then on all materials movement is 
liquids, in pipes, automatically controlled. The liquids move through the 
several miles

[Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread Louis Proyect

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On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:


What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?


Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.


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Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread Daniel Rocha
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Huh, I actually support Cuba.


2013/2/8 Louis Proyect l...@panix.com

 ==**==**==
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 ==**==**==


 On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:


 What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?


 Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.

 __**__
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 Marxism@greenhouse.economics.**utah.eduMarxism@greenhouse.economics.utah.edu
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-- 
Daniel Rocha - RJ
danieldi...@gmail.com

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Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread John Wesley
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Allegedly, there were Cuban military  advisors present in Syria (and South 
Yemen) during the Cold war period.
 
El pueblo armado jamas sera aplastado!



 From: Louis Proyect l...@panix.com
To: Mr. Goodman godisamethod...@yahoo.com 
Sent: Friday, February 8, 2013 11:18 AM
Subject: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather
 
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On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:

 What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?

Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.


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Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread Ralph Johansen

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Louis Proyect wrote

On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:


   What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?


Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.



All through the past two years of backing and forthing on the middle 
east on the left, I have been trying to express something that Paula 
Cerni raised on Lou Levi's Ope-L list awhile back, about the 
contradictions of the notion of imperialism/subimperialisms, about the 
tribulations of the attempt at a socialist project within an isolated 
nation-state, how in the struggle to survive they must seek out allies 
wherever they find them, especially among other states which are trying 
to put in place nationalist projects, internal development independent 
of the dominant states, and being run off the planet for it; states such 
as Libya, Syria, Nasser's Egypt, the short-lived and often spurious 
populist efforts, People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, People's 
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Julius Nyerere's ujamaa project for an 
African socialist Tanzania, The People's Republic of Mozambique, 
Angola, the Congo; states which otherwise are at best 
nationalist/populist and often in the interests of national capital, but 
at least for the limited purposes of national self-determination, 
networks, trade preferences and access to resources probably, are 
allies; the USSR, China, Vietnam, Cuba, Venezuela, every state 
professing to be moving in a a socialist direction seems to have faced 
this dilemma; how that distorts their socialist credentials, as they are 
forced to oppose, publicly, the genuine people's revolts within those 
states in attempting to shore up that precarious base of small-state 
alliances.


The dominant states are of course able to profit from the 
inconsistencies and contradictions that this produces as they appear. 
They can intervene in the name of democracy or stability or 
anti-terrorism, pick compliant factions within such movements, and 
flummox and obscure the whole effort. The possibilities of an expression 
of genuine revolution by the base, of a real democratic overturning, are 
scotched and bottled up. To try to sort through the welter of 
conflicting, fragmented  reports as these events unfold is so difficult 
and depends so much on indigenous forces having articulate 
spokespersons, a viable program and access to broad outlets for 
publicizing their cause, and lacking this their allies elsewhere are 
just milling around to no good effect - as Lou says, like dogs racing 
around in the firehouse when they hear a siren.


Networks and organization, of course, but more than that a theoretical 
stance.


Maybe I haven't looked in the right places, but I haven't seen any 
substantive theoretical or practical treatment of this problem, which 
really should lend itself to a dialectical analysis in a more general 
way that helps steer through these shoals and helps to overcome this 
very real, very current problem; a study of this acute dilemma is sorely 
needed.


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