Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-09 Thread John Wesley
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Why do all these accounts overlook the fact that the Soviets, tired of all the 
Guevarist revolutionary romanticism, by 1968 gave Fidel the choice of either 
towing the Moscow line, or be left to the mercies of the US ?
 
El pueblo armado jamas sera aplastado!



 From: Louis Proyect l...@panix.com
To: Mr. Goodman godisamethod...@yahoo.com 
Sent: Saturday, February 9, 2013 1:53 PM
Subject: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather
 
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On 2/9/13 2:42 PM, audrada...@aol.com wrote
 I have genuine exchange with my boss, too. He's a truly nice guy. He often 
 listens to my suggestions and occasionally follows them.
 
 
 And if I cross him in any serious way, he would fire me in a hot second. This 
 is bullshit.

No, what is bullshit is wasting time with superficial jibes like this on a 
mailing list with 1500 subscribers worldwide trying to understand Cuban 
society, the politics of their own country, or problems facing the left 
generally.

One of the reasons I blog is that it allows me to organize my thoughts, do 
research, and write in the fashion of the Russian left of the early 1900s. I 
don't say that I am the equal of a Preobrezhensky or a Bukharin but when I read 
their articles on www.marxists.org, I see how high a level their conversations 
and debates were conducted at.

I established Marxmail in 1998 with the hope that it would encourage serious 
debate among Marxists. The longer it is around, the more pessimistic I become.

I think comrades participate in these debates as if they were opportunities 
to wise off. I almost never see anybody writing anything of substance, or 
citing scholarly material. It is enough to make me consider flushing it down 
the toilet.

Edward Boorstein, The Economic Transformation of Cuba:

By October 1960 most of this administrative and technical personnel had left 
Cuba. The Americans and some of the Cubans were withdrawn by the home companies 
of the plants for which they worked, or left of their own accord: they found 
themselves unable to understand the struggle with the United States, unwilling 
to accept the new way of life that was opening up before them.

The Revolutionary Government had to keep the factories and mines going only 
with a minute proportion of the usual trained and experienced personnel. A few 
examples can perhaps best give an idea of what happened.

Five of us from the Ministry of Foreign Commerce, on a business visit, were 
being taken through the Moa nickel plant. In the electric power station--itself 
a large plant--which served the rest of the complex, our guide was an 
enthusiastic youngster of about 22. He did an excellent job as guide, but his 
modesty as well as his age deceived us and only toward the end of our tour did 
we realize that he was not some sort of apprentice engineer or assistant--he 
was in charge of the plant. I noticed that he spoke English well and asked him 
if he had lived in the States. Sure, he answered, I studied engineering at 
Tulane. As soon as he finished, he had come back to work for the Revolution 
and had been placed in charge of the power plant.

In another part of the complex, the head of one of the key departments was a 
black Cuban who had about four years of elementary school education. He had 
been an observant worker and when engineer of his department left he knew what 
to do--although he didn't really know why, or how his department related to the 
others in the plant. Now to learn why, he was plugging away at his minimo 
tecnico manual--one of the little mimeographed booklets which had been 
distributed throughout industry to improve people's knowledge of their jobs.

And so on throughout the Moa plant. The engineer in charge of the whole 
enterprise, who had a long cigar in his hand and his feet on the desk as he 
gave us his criticisms of the way our Ministry was handling his import 
requirements, was about 28 years old. His chief assistants were about the same 
age and some of them were obviously not engineers.

Yet Moa was made to function. Even laymen are struck with its delicate 
beauty--a testament to American engineering skill. 'Es una joya'--it's a jewel, 
say the Cubans. It is much more impressive than the larger but older nickel 
plant at Nicaro. Shortly after the nickel ore is clawed out of the earth by 
giant Bucyrus power shovels, it a pulverized and mixed with water to form a 
mixture 55 percent and 45 percent water. From then on all materials movement is 
liquids, in pipes, automatically controlled. The liquids move through the 
several miles 

Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread Daniel Rocha
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Huh, I actually support Cuba.


2013/2/8 Louis Proyect l...@panix.com

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 On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:


 What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?


 Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.

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Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread John Wesley
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Allegedly, there were Cuban military  advisors present in Syria (and South 
Yemen) during the Cold war period.
 
El pueblo armado jamas sera aplastado!



 From: Louis Proyect l...@panix.com
To: Mr. Goodman godisamethod...@yahoo.com 
Sent: Friday, February 8, 2013 11:18 AM
Subject: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather
 
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On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:

 What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?

Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.


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Re: [Marxism] Empty Cuba blather

2013-02-08 Thread Ralph Johansen

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Louis Proyect wrote

On 2/8/13 12:08 PM, Daniel Rocha wrote:


   What is Cuba's party position on Syria's ongoing conflict?


Cuba supports al-Assad, as it supported Qaddafi.



All through the past two years of backing and forthing on the middle 
east on the left, I have been trying to express something that Paula 
Cerni raised on Lou Levi's Ope-L list awhile back, about the 
contradictions of the notion of imperialism/subimperialisms, about the 
tribulations of the attempt at a socialist project within an isolated 
nation-state, how in the struggle to survive they must seek out allies 
wherever they find them, especially among other states which are trying 
to put in place nationalist projects, internal development independent 
of the dominant states, and being run off the planet for it; states such 
as Libya, Syria, Nasser's Egypt, the short-lived and often spurious 
populist efforts, People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, People's 
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Julius Nyerere's ujamaa project for an 
African socialist Tanzania, The People's Republic of Mozambique, 
Angola, the Congo; states which otherwise are at best 
nationalist/populist and often in the interests of national capital, but 
at least for the limited purposes of national self-determination, 
networks, trade preferences and access to resources probably, are 
allies; the USSR, China, Vietnam, Cuba, Venezuela, every state 
professing to be moving in a a socialist direction seems to have faced 
this dilemma; how that distorts their socialist credentials, as they are 
forced to oppose, publicly, the genuine people's revolts within those 
states in attempting to shore up that precarious base of small-state 
alliances.


The dominant states are of course able to profit from the 
inconsistencies and contradictions that this produces as they appear. 
They can intervene in the name of democracy or stability or 
anti-terrorism, pick compliant factions within such movements, and 
flummox and obscure the whole effort. The possibilities of an expression 
of genuine revolution by the base, of a real democratic overturning, are 
scotched and bottled up. To try to sort through the welter of 
conflicting, fragmented  reports as these events unfold is so difficult 
and depends so much on indigenous forces having articulate 
spokespersons, a viable program and access to broad outlets for 
publicizing their cause, and lacking this their allies elsewhere are 
just milling around to no good effect - as Lou says, like dogs racing 
around in the firehouse when they hear a siren.


Networks and organization, of course, but more than that a theoretical 
stance.


Maybe I haven't looked in the right places, but I haven't seen any 
substantive theoretical or practical treatment of this problem, which 
really should lend itself to a dialectical analysis in a more general 
way that helps steer through these shoals and helps to overcome this 
very real, very current problem; a study of this acute dilemma is sorely 
needed.


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