[Marxism] Ilya Matveev: Austerity Russian Style

2014-11-22 Thread Thomas Campbell via Marxism
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Austerity Russian Style
Ilya Matveev
November 19, 2014
OpenLeft.ru

Reforms of the social sector in post-Soviet Russia have always had a very
important feature: their course has been completely confusing and opaque,
and everything connected to the reforms, even their strategic goals (!),
has been shrouded in mystery. This is partly a consequence of the extreme
fragmentation of the Russian state apparatus, unable to implement a
completely coherent reform strategy, but in many ways it is a quite
deliberate policy: a policy of disinformation.

The Russian authorities are confident that painful reforms are not
necessary to explain, let alone announce, sometimes. One can always give
journalists the shake, because who are they anyway? As for the public, it
suffices to blame them for not understanding the grand design, for
confusing reform and optimization, optimization and modernization,
modernization and business as usual. This “spy” policy towards reform
leaves wide room for maneuvering. It is always possible to note the level
of public indignation and pull back a bit (while making the obligatory
remark, “That was the way it was intended!”).

Read the rest here:
http://therussianreader.wordpress.com/2014/11/22/ilya-matveev-austerity-russian-style/
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[Marxism] Kobanê, Turkey and the Syrian Struggle

2014-11-22 Thread Michael Karadjis via Marxism

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Kobanê, Turkey and the Syrian Struggle
http://syriafreedomforever.wordpress.com/2014/11/19/kobane-turkey-and-the-syrian-struggle/

Posted on November 19, 2014

Joseph Daher interviewed by Riad Azar   November 18, 2014

An extended interview with Joseph Daher, a member of the Revolutionary 
Left Current in Syria, living in Switzerland, will be published in the 
forthcoming Winter 2015 issue of New Politics. Here we just post the 
questions dealing with Kobanê and Turkey. Daher is the writer and editor 
of Syria Freedom Forever, a blog dedicated to the struggle of the Syrian 
people in their uprising to overthrow the Assad authoritarian regime and 
to build a democratic, secular, socialist, anti-imperialist, and 
pro-resistance Syria. A Ph.D. student in Development, he works as an 
assistant at the University of Lausanne in Switzerland. He was 
interviewed in Geneva on October 22, 2014, by New Politics board member 
Riad Azar, with some email updates.


New Politics. Regarding the recent events in Kobanê, you have reported 
on a statement by the YPG General Command (the acronym for the People’s 
Protection Units, the currently recognized army of Syrian Kurdistan), 
and their fight against Islamic State (IS). The report details their 
determination to see the fight for Kobanê as the struggle for a free and 
democratic Syria. How do you read events in Kobanê and the struggle 
against IS, especially since the United States has not only been 
directly involved in airstrikes against IS, but has been sending 
supplies to Kurdish fighters?


Joseph Daher. Let me begin by saying, as a question of principle, that 
we as the revolutionary left current in Syria support the 
self-determination of the Kurdish people, not only in Syria but also in 
Iraq, Turkey, and Iran as well, where they have been oppressed for 
decades. Further, in Syria we should not forget that the Assad regime 
developed a policy of colonization of northern and northeastern Syria, 
where the Kurds are very much present. We strongly condemn this. At the 
same time, we say also that we would like the Kurdish popular forces to 
become an ally with us, with the democratic and progressive forces of 
Syria, to build, and to struggle for democratic, socialist, and secular 
Syria. We are happy to note that the statement of the YPG Armed Forces 
goes in this direction.


The latest events in Kobanê show once more that even though a U.S.-led 
coalition has recently strengthened its bombardments on IS forces, the 
intervention is still insufficient in many ways in protecting the 
Kurdish forces. The sending of arms is propaganda and solely to avoid a 
complete massacre of the Kurds. I think from the standpoint of the 
imperialist and sub-imperialist states, the issue of Rojava — which is 
the Kurdish autonomous region — is a problem and a challenge. These 
states only favor an autonomous region for Kurdish political forces that 
are submissive to imperialism, like Barzani in Iraq. Turkey does not 
want to see a challenge to the status quo that began with the 2013 peace 
process between the PKK and Turkey. If the PKK had bases in Syria, or 
ties with a sister organization — which is the YPG — it could challenge 
the status quo with Turkey. This is an important framework to think 
about when we speak about the U.S.-led intervention. Only now is the 
intervention taking a more direct form with some assistance given 
directly to the Kurdish forces by the United States. But it is very, 
very light. We will see what will happen. Of course, when Washington 
really wants to support an ally, like Israel — which is a surrogate of 
imperialism in the region — it really does work effectively.


We should put Kobanê into a framework of the U.S.-led coalition, and 
also remind ourselves that the Rojava administration is a direct 
consequence of the Syrian revolutionary process. There is no way Kurdish 
autonomy could have existed without that process. Kurdish autonomy would 
never be given by the Assad regime, which is chauvinist and Arab 
nationalist. The Assad regime has been oppressing Kurdish national 
rights for forty years. It was the Syrian popular uprising that pushed 
the regime to withdraw from regions where the Kurds are a majority. And 
some very good things are happening in these areas, although we should 
not fetishize them; there are also problems. As a principle we support 
the self-determination of the people of an oppressed nation, but we can 
also criticize the political leadership. Just as we support the 
self-determination of the Palestinian people, but we should criticize 
very much the Palestinian Authority or Hamas. This does not stop 

[Marxism] A young Canadian veteran of Afghanistan joins the Kurds

2014-11-22 Thread Marv Gandall via Marxism
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The secular Kurds are attracting both left-wing volunteer fighters and more 
conservative young males with military backgrounds like Dillon Hillier, 
profiled below in the Ottawa Citizen and other major Postmedia dailies across 
Canada. The leftists identify in particular with the revolutionary democratic 
Kurdish forces in Turkey and Syria who have become widely admired 
internationally because of their inspiring defence of Kobani. Veterans of the 
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan appear to be attracted to the fight against the 
vague menace of “Muslim terrorism” promoted by Western politicians and the 
media and most graphically represented by ISIS. Such political views as Hillier 
holds, for example, are undoubtedly derived from his experience in the military 
and from his father, Randy, a Conservative member of the Ontario provincial 
parliament from a rural riding. 

Such are the contradictions of the Kurdish struggle, led by militias attached 
to left-wing parties who trace their origins to Marxism, heavily dependent on 
the military and political support of the US, itself a close NATO ally of the 
Turkish state which describes these militants as “terrorists” and has tried to 
crush them. In any case, it’s principled and necessary for the besieged Kurds 
to draw support from wherever they can get it.  And in the case of Hillier and 
other volunteers like him, idealists at heart, their engagement with the 
Kurdish struggle is more likely than not to have a positive effect on their 
political understanding.

http://www.ottawacitizen.com/news/calgary/Canadian+volunteered+fight+with+Kurds+against+ISIS+says+right/10402040/story.html


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[Marxism] Former Washington Post editor describes old age in poverty

2014-11-22 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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http://www.iasc-culture.org/THR/THR_article_2014_Fall_McPherson.php
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[Marxism] Fwd: In Response to Pending Grad Strike at U. Oregon, Administration Urges Faculty to Make Exams Multiple Choice or Allow Students Not to Take Them | Corey Robin

2014-11-22 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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http://coreyrobin.com/2014/11/21/in-response-to-pending-grad-strike-at-u-oregon-administration-urges-faculty-to-make-exams-multiple-choice-or-allow-students-not-to-take-them/
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[Marxism] Extolling Moderation to Get Cubans Talking About Politics

2014-11-22 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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NY Times, NOV. 22, 2014
Extolling Moderation to Get Cubans Talking About Politics
By VICTORIA BURNETT

MEXICO CITY — FROM a lectern covered in a lacy, white cloth at a 
provincial Cuban church center last month, Roberto Veiga González and 
Lenier González Mederos took turns talking before about 60 intellectuals 
and activists about the value of political dialogue.


Not, perhaps, the most electrifying topic, but if politics is the art of 
the possible, it is a skill that the pair hope Cubans can master after 
wearying years of bombast and vitriol.


“A plurality of views can coexist,” said Mr. Veiga, a lawyer and former 
magazine editor who, with Mr. González, has come to represent an 
emerging, less confrontational, approach to Cuban politics.


Looking over his reading glasses at the opening of a two-day seminar on 
Cuban sovereignty, he added, “It is possible to think differently but 
work together.”


If that is a difficult view to peddle in Washington, it is an even 
tougher sell in Cuba, where the state has, for decades, stifled debate 
and the government and its opponents are bitterly divided.


“We Cubans are the enemies of moderation,” said Mr. González, a former 
journalist, by telephone from Havana.


Mr. González, 33, and Mr. Veiga, 49, have been criticized as too timid 
by some in the opposition. But their dogged efforts to get Cubans 
talking have won them a strong following in Cuba’s tiny civil society.


They are leading figures in an incipient culture of debate that has 
taken root in recent years, largely as President Raúl Castro has allowed 
greater access to cellphones and the Internet, and lifted some 
restrictions on travel, but also as the United States has lifted 
restrictions on Cubans’ visiting their relatives.


The pair reflect a breakdown of the binary politics of pro- and 
anti-Castro Cubans that dominated for decades, and the development of a 
more diverse range of opinions, especially among younger Cubans, as they 
look to the era that will follow the Castros’ deaths.


As editors, until recently, of a Roman Catholic magazine, the pair have 
created a space where dissidents, dyed-in-the-wool communists, artists, 
exiles, bloggers and academics can discuss national issues, both in 
print and at seminars held in a Catholic cultural center in Old Havana.


Their new project, Cuba Posible — part forum, part online magazine, part 
research organization — aims to do the same, and will test the 
government’s threshold for debate as well as Cubans’ appetite for 
finding a third way.


Serious and circumspect, Mr. González and Mr. Veiga lack the caustic 
eloquence of Yoani Sánchez, whose blog Generation Y has millions of 
readers, and the daring of some dissidents. They tread carefully, 
advocating political change without rupture and keeping some distance 
from the Castros’ most outspoken adversaries.


THE two have become a double act, hosting debates together, traveling 
together for conferences and studying together in Italy for doctorates 
in sociology (Mr. González) and political science (Mr. Veiga).


Both are Roman Catholics. Mr. González was raised in a religious family, 
and Mr. Veiga joined the church as an adult. Their faith, they say, 
fuels their quest for solutions.


“We saw that there was a whole range of people who didn’t have anywhere 
to express themselves,” Mr. González said, adding, “We have a Christian 
calling to try to mend something that is broken.”


Still, their styles are different: Mr. Veiga, a lawyer from the city of 
Matanzas, about 60 miles east of Havana, is preoccupied with issues like 
constitutional overhaul and chooses his words carefully.


Cuba Posible does not advocate democracy, he said in a telephone 
interview, but promotes dialogues that incorporate “discernment of the 
question of how to advance toward fuller democracy.”


Mr. González, who studied media and communications at the University of 
Havana, is more direct than Mr. Veiga and, acquaintances say, less patient.


Cubans and political analysts say the pair are trusted and respected, 
even by those whose posture is more confrontational. Katrin Hansing, a 
professor of anthropology at Baruch College, who has known both men for 
years, said they were thoughtful and courageous.


When they took over Lay Space, the Cuban Catholic magazine, in the 
mid-2000s, Mr. Veiga and Mr. González refocused it, to include essays 
from academics, economists and political scientists. They wrote 
editorials on the timidity of the government’s economic overhauls and 
the options for a transition to democracy.


Their debates drew a spectrum of voices that Philip Peters, president of 
the 

Re: [Marxism] Highway 61 Again--A Book Review

2014-11-22 Thread Gulf Mann via Marxism
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Me and my best buddy hitched from DC to Nuevo Laredo towards the end
of the Summer of 1958, likewise inspired by Kerouac. We wanted to have
a life adventure (we did), meet interesting people (we did, including
one solo driver that picked us up who may have been Paul Newman),
smoke Mary Jane (we did), get laid (we did), drink (we did), and have
bragging rights and cred in our college-bound circle (accomplished).
I, too, wish I'd kept a journal or used a camera.

On 11/21/14, Louis Proyect via Marxism marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu wrote:
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 On 11/21/14 3:07 PM, Ron Jacobs via Marxism wrote

 http://stillhomeron.blogspot.com/2014/11/going-down-highway-61-again.html

 I hitchhiked from Dallas to Baltimore on Highway 61 in August 1965. It
 is a miracle I made it in one piece. I was trying to emulate Jack
 Kerouac, it had nothing to do with civil rights. Had many incredible
 encounters including a ride with some guy in Maryland driving a hot-rod.
 I wish I had kept a journal.

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[Marxism] Fwd: Who’s Afraid of Democracy? | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

2014-11-22 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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A guest post by Reza Fiyouzat

The engineers know better, but the common story about Edison finally 
finding the one filament that did work suggests that it took more than a 
thousand tries. The social project of building a socialist society must 
surely be more complicated than that, and therefore will require many 
tries. So, let’s not be disheartened. We do know what does not work. 
That is a good continuing point; not a starting-from-scratch point, but 
a point of progress.


In the Manifesto, Marx draws a comparison between the transitions from 
feudalism to capitalism to the epoch of the transition from capitalism 
to socialism. In other words, for Marx, there would not be one major 
event that would bring about world socialism, but a series of events and 
a long period of class struggles that would eventually overthrow 
capitalism as the dominant mode of production and social relations.


Looking at it as a historical process, we must then assign 
characteristics to this process, so that we can determine at what stage 
of the historical process we stand today, and where to go from here. 
Traditionally, it has come to a few choices; one way to look at the 
transition to socialism is as a two-stage revolution with two 
historically distinguishable stages, the first ‘democratic’ and then 
‘socialist’, with strict rules to be followed at each stage, in some 
prescriptions with experts at the helm of a revolutionary command center 
directing the revolution, deciding all the important decisions. Or, we 
can see it as a dynamic historical process with ups and downs for both 
sides of the class struggle, yet a process that can be influenced by the 
wise tactical and strategic interventions of revolutionaries, yet a 
process that has to be moved from below. Or, you can just characterize 
it as an uninterrupted process (as some do), or as the Trotskyist school 
suggests, a permanent revolution. If I were a Trotskyist, I would 
propose a reformulation in favor of a permanent 
revolution/counterrevolution.


full: http://louisproyect.org/2014/11/22/whos-afraid-of-democracy/
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[Marxism] K. Le Guin's fiery speech, and the overwhelming reaction to it

2014-11-22 Thread Ralph Johansen via Marxism

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Books, you know, they're not just commodities. The profit motive often 
is in conflict with the aims of art. We live in capitalism. Its power 
seems inescapable. So did the divine right of kings. Any human power can 
be resisted and changed by human beings. Resistance and change often 
begin in art, and very often in our art—the art of words...I think hard 
times are coming, Le Guin continued, when we will be wanting the 
voices of writers who can see alternatives to how we live now and can 
see through our fear-stricken society and its obsessive technologies to 
other ways of being, and even imagine some real grounds for hope. We 
will need writers who can remember freedom. Poets, visionaries — the 
realists of a larger reality.”


Full at: 
http://www.oregonlive.com/movies/index.ssf/2014/11/ursula_k_le_guins_fiery_speech.html



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Re: [Marxism] [Pen-l] NYRB review of Naomi Klein

2014-11-22 Thread Marv Gandall via Marxism
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 On Nov 22, 2014, at 9:59 AM, Louis Proyect l...@panix.com wrote:
 
 On 11/22/14 9:31 AM, Carrol Cox wrote:
 
 The fact that former Mayor Bloomberg could join the climate march ought to
 generate some caution.
 
 I agree with Carrol. We need a communistic climate change movement led 
 by fighting detachments of an aroused proletariat.

Not to mention, on a more serious note, that not all capitalists outside the 
coal, gas and oil industries are wedded to fossil fuels and unconcerned about 
their disruptive and potentially catastrophic effects. Bloomberg is a prominent 
spokesperson of this growing wing of the bourgeoisie. If solar and other 
alternative energy prices continue to fall in line with advanced technology and 
more widespread adoption and become more cost-effective and safer than 
environmentally destructive forms of energy, there's no reason to suppose 
today's capitalists would not do what previous generations of capitalists have 
done and move to superior forms of energy. It's not an inevitable development,  
but neither can it be ruled out.

By Carrol's logic, leftists should never have thrown themselves into the great 
struggles of our time waged by trade unionists, blacks, gays, women, and 
opponents of the war in Vietnam because in each case liberal politicians and 
clergy were invited to march with demonstrators, who were, in the main, 
supporters of the Democratic Party. I think Carrol's tendency towards 
abstention flows from what is, IMO, his underlying view of the ruling class as 
diabolically monolithic and all powerful, with the more perniciously clever 
Democrats the greater evil. Go back and read his many posts on any number of 
subjects and you will see this theme expressed again and again. 



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[Marxism] Defending science, opposing capitalism

2014-11-22 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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Science and the Retreat from Reason review:
http://rdln.wordpress.com/2014/11/14/9889/

Liberating science:
http://rdln.wordpress.com/2014/11/18/science-capitalism-and-human-liberation/

Phil
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[Marxism] State of class struggle: Ireland, New Zealand

2014-11-22 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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Living in New Zealand can be extremely depressing.  Although protests here
still take place, and once in a while there's even a big one, the protests
are generally disconnected from each other and from any wider questioning
of society.

Very different from youthful years as a high school kid, when  went up to
the city centre one Friday night to a mass anti-Vietnam War march, a few
Fridays later there would be a march on something else, organised by some
of the same people, often belonging to the old Socialist Action League,
then there'd be an all-Saturday anti-Vietnam War educational and planning
conference, then a week or two later, a women's liberation picket, then a
socialist educational gathering and on and on and on, interspersed with
industrial pickets, workers' struggles. . .

Now workers here hardly ever resist anything, even the loss of their own
jobs.  It's hard to predict exactly what the ruling class would have to do
to provoke any sort of significant response.

In Ireland meanwhile, where I spent a significant part of my political
activity, recent years have seen massive mobilisations against austerity
and against new taxes in the south such as the household tax and, now, the
water tax.  Hundreds of thousands have been out on the street, more refused
to pay these taxes, although the Dublin government got round this with the
household tax by declaring they'd take it out of people's pay packets.
 (They can't do this with the water tax, because they need to know how much
water any household has used and part of the resistance is sabotage of the
meters.)

It's interesting how different capitalist countries have quite distinctive
working class reactions to things.  In the case of Ireland and NZ, it isn't
just now that things are different.  Both countries had very significant
labour disputes in 1913 - in Ireland the 1913 lockout in Dublin is the most
famous industrial dispute in the island's history; the waterfront dispute
of 1913 in NZ led to the numerically largest number of workers in dispute
with the government.

In both cases, workers' protests were attacked by cops and people got badly
beaten - in Dublin two workers were killed.

The response was entirely different, however.  In NZ, workers and militant
unionists complained about police violence; in Dublin, the workers formed
their own militia to put manners on the police, got arms and became what
Lenin called Europe's first 'red army'.  Uniformed and tooled up, they
marched around Dublin over the next few years and just three years later
were a key component in a revolutionary uprising.

Ireland, of course, has a revolutionary tradition - republicanism - whereas
NZ has none.  There was some armed resistance by Maori to what was
effectively the annexation of the country by Britain, but those who took
part in armed resistance were a very small minority and never established
any ongoing movement, least of all with roots in the working class, the way
republicanism grew and developed as a 'lower orders movement' in Ireland.

Armed poor people in Ireland were not commonplace, but they certainly
weren't especially unusual either.  And suggesting workers get armed was
not way, way beyond popular consciousness.

Similar differences exist in Europe - for instance, southern Europe (and to
some extent France) have revolutionary traditions which make factory
occupations, set-tos with the state, fighting in the street and so on, part
of how the working class and radical middle class youth do business.

It might to time to migrate to one of these places!!!


http://rdln.wordpress.com/2014/11/08/working-class-resists-water-tax-in-south-of-ireland/
http://rdln.wordpress.com/2013/09/03/1913-ireland-and-new-zealand-when-workers-fought-back/

Phil
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[Marxism] Class struggle, Ireland

2014-11-22 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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Btw, I maintain a modest little blog about Irish politics, from a
socialist-republican (Marx and co; Connolly, Costello) viewpoint at:
http://theirishrevolution.wordpress.com/

On it, you'll find the chapters of my old (120,000 word) MA thesis, which
was on political movements in Ireland and the national struggle in the
first three decades of the 1900s, a lot of material written by Constance
Markievicz (which has subsequently gone up on the MIA, thanks!), some very
interesting interviews done by my friend Mick Healy with republican
veterans, stuff from groups such as the IRSP, RNU and eirigi. (I'm
sympathetic to all three and also to the 32CSM; however, it was eirigi that
I eventually chose to specifically hook up with and work with.)

2016 will be the 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising, and a great time
for Marxmail readers to visit Ireland; there will be heaps on and there is
already a political struggle both within the establishment and between the
establishment and the folks who really do share the aspirations of the
women and men of Easter Week.

Phil
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