Re: [Marxism] Communists and black liberation

2016-02-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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Again, Gerald Horne, a tenured professor that writes about black history and 
labor history has said something quite different from what you have. I advise 
you to take it up with him and do some actual scholarship.

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 

> On Feb 20, 2016, at 5:22 PM, Louis Proyect  wrote:
> 
>> On 2/20/16 4:17 PM, hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com wrote:
>> If that is the case, my discussion and research on the topic with
>> Gerald Horne and several others who are involved in the scholarship
>> indicated that theoretical nuances is far different than how the
>> public reaction in America developed.
> 
> This is the Marxism list. If you don't want to be criticized, don't post 
> links to articles that make the case for Stalin. I know that this might sound 
> like ancient history but I was educated in Marxism by Trotsky's bodyguard Joe 
> Hansen.
> 
> Stalin's movement was based on bureaucratic fiat. The Black Belt theory 
> developed during the Third Period, an ultraleft disaster of biblical 
> proportions. In the USA it was hardly a factor in the CP's impact on American 
> society but in Germany it helped to lead to the rise of Nazism.
> 
> We are still paying for the CP's mistakes. There was a basis for a working 
> class party in the 1930s but the CP sabotaged it because it saw the DP as a 
> useful ally in the popular front (until Hitler made a pact with Stalin.) What 
> did it mean for the CP to function effectively as the left wing of the DP 
> when this was essentially the party that defended slavery and Jim Crow and 
> whose Dixiecrat wing was never challenged by FDR? A *racist* party that the 
> Daily Worker extolled?
> 
> From an interview with Ira Katzelson on his book "Fear Itself", a debunking 
> of New Deal myths:
> 
> Q: Your book is very moving on what you call the “southern cage” and FDR and 
> the Democratic Party’s Faustian bargain with southern Democrats -- to 
> preserve white supremacy and segregation laws in order to pass New Deal 
> legislation. I think the level of racism and oppression in the south may stun 
> some younger readers.
> 
> A: We might begin by recalling that in the 1930s and 1940s -- before the 1954 
> Brown v. Board of Education decision -- we had seventeen states in the Union, 
> not just the eleven that seceded during the Civil War, but seventeen states 
> that mandated racial segregation. Not one representative from those states, 
> ranging from the most racist like Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi, to the most 
> liberal and not racist like Claude Pepper of Florida, ever opposed racial 
> segregation in this period. So you had seventeen states, thirty-four United 
> States senators and a disproportionately large House of Representatives 
> delegation because seats are apportioned on the basis of population not 
> voters, and this was a period when the South had a very low turnout, low 
> franchise electorate.
> 
> There were rules like the poll tax and literacy tests to keeps black from 
> voting, and those rules also kept many whites out of the electorate. So you 
> had a small electorate, a one-party system and therefore great seniority for 
> Southern members of Congress with control over key committees and legislative 
> positions of leadership -- that is, disproportionate power.
> 
> And the Democratic Party in this period -- the agent of the New Deal in 
> Congress -- was composed of a strange-bedfellows alliance of a Northern, 
> principally immigrant, Catholic and Jewish, big-city, labor-oriented 
> political base, together with a Southern, largely non-immigrant, non-urban, 
> mostly Protestant, rural base. They could not have been more different in 
> those respects, yet together they composed the Democratic Party. To secure 
> party majorities for New Deal legislation, it was necessary to keep the two 
> wings together, which meant that the south had a veto over all New Deal 
> legislation.
> 
> After 1938, the Southerners composed a majority of the Democrats in Congress 
> because Republicans began to make a comeback as they won Democratic seats in 
> the North. But [the Republicans] did not win Democratic seats in the South. 
> In 1940, every U.S. senator from the South was a Democrat just at the moment 
> when the Republicans had begun to make a comeback in the House and in Senate 
> seats outside the South. The consequence was that, in the 1940s, it wasn’t 
> just that Southern members of Congress could say no to what they didn’t like. 
> They actually were the authors of the preferences that shaped every single 
> legislative outcome in the 1940s.
> 
> Nothing could be passed into law against the wishes of the Southern members 
> o

[Marxism] Fwd: Syria and the World: Reactionarism is Back, and Progressing

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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The process of dynasty transition in Syria and the enslavement of the 
dynasty’s subjects was supported by all international powers. Not a word 
of objection or suspicion was heard from the democratic countries in the 
world, nor from the international Left. Bashar al-Assad was baptised as 
heir to his father by the Americans and the French, as is well-known, 
and by Arab states that either were already hereditary kingdoms or found 
in the Assad precedence something their ageing presidents would later 
imitate. The upheaval in Syria’s history, and what appears to be a 
high-speed reversal towards the past, a return to historical eras that 
were supposed to have ended, is not unlinked to this international 
patronage.


That is to say, once again, that the archaic in our life is not 
exclusively local, or referring only to the fragility of the local new. 
It is the product of the global new, or what this new contains of the 
archaic, particularly the phenomena of clientelism, discrimination and 
evasion of justice. The Assads’ state has benefited from these phenomena 
as much as Israel, Saudi Arabia and Iran have. Anyone who owns a state 
wins, however criminal their state may be, as long as this criminality 
is directed only at the weak and not at the powerful.


The contemporary state system is indeed the pump that drives the flow of 
the antiquated.  I mean that all the inequality and injustice found in 
this world, all the violence and privilege, all the discrimination, 
plotting and conspiring that are characteristic of the regime are the 
source of what is archaic, dark and reactionary in today’s world.


full: 
http://aljumhuriya.net/en/critical-thought/syria-and-the-world-reactionarism-is-back-and-progressing

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[Marxism] New on Redline

2016-02-20 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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Tony Norfield's 'The City: London and the global power of finance' (this
book comes from Tony's PhD on British imperialism today):
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/19/tony-norfields-the-city-london-and-the-global-power-of-finance/

Small win for the firefighters:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/16/small-win-for-firefighters/
This is a tiny article about a small dispute but is one of our most
successful articles; when the firefighters union put it up on their
facebook page, it had 7,000 views in the first 24 hours.

This month marks 65th anniversary of the single most significant dispute in
NZ labour history, the 1951 waterfront lockout.  Our lockout material can
be linked to here:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/13/the-1951-waterfront-lockout-began-65-years-ago-today/

Maori, identity, equity and the economy:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/13/maori-equity-and-the-economy/
Redliner Daphna Whitmore looks at some recent work by Ross Himona on the
way in which cultural constructions are hindering the fight for the
material things Maori need to improve their position

Maori rich-poor divide reflects world trend:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/06/maori-rich-poor-divide-reflects-world-trend/
While Maori remain disproportionately poor, there is now a clearly
identifiable Maori rich elite and substantial Maori middle class

Building the Irish revolutionary movement:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/01/29/interview-with-john-mccusker-a-leading-figure-in-eirigi/

Resistance movements during World War 2:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/01/23/14129/

Who pays for free education?:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/04/who-pays-for-free-education/

And a couple of Michael Roberts' excellent pieces:
New recession coming:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/16/new-recession-coming/
Global GDP no good news for capitalism:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/03/global-gdp-no-good-news-for-capitalism/
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Re: [Marxism] Fwd: An interview with Mary Scully, independent socialist candidate for President

2016-02-20 Thread Erik Toren via Marxism
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Well. I'll be. She used to live in my area. She ran for governor. Guess now
she is now running for president .

Erik Toren
On Sat, Feb 20, 2016 at 11:16 AM Louis Proyect via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

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>
>
>
> http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=12456
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Re: [Marxism] Fwd: Investment, investment, investment | Michael Roberts Blog

2016-02-20 Thread Ralph Johansen via Marxism
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You're right of course, Hans, that Roberts is trying to explain that aspect of 
the working of the capitalist economy that has to do more specifically with the 
cause of crises. The primary cause for him is the tendency of the rate of 
profit to fall. 

But remediation for him does not occur under a system of capital accumulation 
through growth, and he is plain about that. He would agree that “productive 
growth”, whatever that might have entailed, has become “destructive growth.” 

So then, are you saying that Roberts wants “to advertise socialism as a system 
which allows everybody, not only the capitalists, to benefit from economic 
growth?”

You write (attributing it to Roberts?) “..but the only way to continue growth 
under the capitalist regime is by lower wages and austerity.”

I can’t see that Roberts would agree with that either. He sees the only 
solution in, as he puts it, “the end of the capitalist mode of production and 
the power of capital.” And that “Capitalism continues to exploit resources 
successfully (and rapaciously) at the cost of planet and climate” 
(https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2014/10/).


Hans Ehrbar wrote 

Ralph Johansen writes about Michael Roberts: He is not discussing the 
deleterious effects of growth on the planet. He is attempting to explain the 
workings of the economy under capital. I think Michael is trying to explain the 
prolonged recession since 2008. His thesis is that the Marxist explanation by 
the falling rate of profits is the best explanation, and that even the better 
mainstream economists agree to it now. 

Since the fall of the rate of profits is the reason for this recession, it is 
not possible to climb out of it by giving people higher wages, but the only way 
to continue growth under the capitalist regime is by lower wages and austerity. 

Therefore if we really want recovery we must get rid of the capitalist system. 

Did I get this right?  I have troubles following because he makes so many 
unstated assumptions which were familiar to me in the past but which I am 
thinking now are no longer valid. 

The argument which I just outlined makes me feel like I am in a museum because 
if anybody is trying to explain the economy in the year 2016, the finiteness of 
the planet must be part of the puzzle.  I have the impression that right now 
this is a much stronger influence on the economy than the rising organic 
composition of capital.  Without the finiteness of the planet, you have no hope 
to explain the Paris Agreement, the low oil prices, etc.  And someone who has 
the finiteness of the planet clearly in focus will never try to advertise 
socialism as a system which allows everybody, not only the capitalists, to 
benefit from economic growth.  Instead, a 21st century Marxist must explain 
that what looks like economic growth in the books of capitalist firms is really 
destruction, that natural resources are being destroyed in order to maintain 
the accounting fiction of growth, and that eco-socialists want more growth only 
in the poor countries.  In the UK and US we need less growth and an economy 
which does not collapse if it does not grow. 

Hans G Ehrbar

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Re: [Marxism] Communists and black liberation

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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On 2/20/16 4:17 PM, hasc.warrior.s...@gmail.com wrote:

If that is the case, my discussion and research on the topic with
Gerald Horne and several others who are involved in the scholarship
indicated that theoretical nuances is far different than how the
public reaction in America developed.


This is the Marxism list. If you don't want to be criticized, don't post 
links to articles that make the case for Stalin. I know that this might 
sound like ancient history but I was educated in Marxism by Trotsky's 
bodyguard Joe Hansen.


Stalin's movement was based on bureaucratic fiat. The Black Belt theory 
developed during the Third Period, an ultraleft disaster of biblical 
proportions. In the USA it was hardly a factor in the CP's impact on 
American society but in Germany it helped to lead to the rise of Nazism.


We are still paying for the CP's mistakes. There was a basis for a 
working class party in the 1930s but the CP sabotaged it because it saw 
the DP as a useful ally in the popular front (until Hitler made a pact 
with Stalin.) What did it mean for the CP to function effectively as the 
left wing of the DP when this was essentially the party that defended 
slavery and Jim Crow and whose Dixiecrat wing was never challenged by 
FDR? A *racist* party that the Daily Worker extolled?


From an interview with Ira Katzelson on his book "Fear Itself", a 
debunking of New Deal myths:


Q: Your book is very moving on what you call the “southern cage” and FDR 
and the Democratic Party’s Faustian bargain with southern Democrats -- 
to preserve white supremacy and segregation laws in order to pass New 
Deal legislation. I think the level of racism and oppression in the 
south may stun some younger readers.


A: We might begin by recalling that in the 1930s and 1940s -- before the 
1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision -- we had seventeen states in 
the Union, not just the eleven that seceded during the Civil War, but 
seventeen states that mandated racial segregation. Not one 
representative from those states, ranging from the most racist like 
Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi, to the most liberal and not racist like 
Claude Pepper of Florida, ever opposed racial segregation in this 
period. So you had seventeen states, thirty-four United States senators 
and a disproportionately large House of Representatives delegation 
because seats are apportioned on the basis of population not voters, and 
this was a period when the South had a very low turnout, low franchise 
electorate.


There were rules like the poll tax and literacy tests to keeps black 
from voting, and those rules also kept many whites out of the 
electorate. So you had a small electorate, a one-party system and 
therefore great seniority for Southern members of Congress with control 
over key committees and legislative positions of leadership -- that is, 
disproportionate power.


And the Democratic Party in this period -- the agent of the New Deal in 
Congress -- was composed of a strange-bedfellows alliance of a Northern, 
principally immigrant, Catholic and Jewish, big-city, labor-oriented 
political base, together with a Southern, largely non-immigrant, 
non-urban, mostly Protestant, rural base. They could not have been more 
different in those respects, yet together they composed the Democratic 
Party. To secure party majorities for New Deal legislation, it was 
necessary to keep the two wings together, which meant that the south had 
a veto over all New Deal legislation.


After 1938, the Southerners composed a majority of the Democrats in 
Congress because Republicans began to make a comeback as they won 
Democratic seats in the North. But [the Republicans] did not win 
Democratic seats in the South. In 1940, every U.S. senator from the 
South was a Democrat just at the moment when the Republicans had begun 
to make a comeback in the House and in Senate seats outside the South. 
The consequence was that, in the 1940s, it wasn’t just that Southern 
members of Congress could say no to what they didn’t like. They actually 
were the authors of the preferences that shaped every single legislative 
outcome in the 1940s.


Nothing could be passed into law against the wishes of the Southern 
members of Congress. And most things that passed into law, especially 
after 1938 and 1940, matched almost precisely the preferences of the 
Southern wing of the Democratic Party in Congress.


- See more at: http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/151867
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[Marxism] Fwd: Investment, investment, investment | Michael Roberts Blog

2016-02-20 Thread Hans G Ehrbar via Marxism
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Ralph Johansen writes about Michael Roberts:

> He is not discussing the deleterious effects of growth on the planet.
> He is attempting to explain the workings of the economy under capital.

I think Michael is trying to explain the prolonged recession since 2008.
His thesis is that the Marxist explanation by the falling rate of
profits is the best explanation, and that even the better mainstream
economists agree to it now.

Since the fall of the rate of profits is the reason for this recession,
it is not possible to climb out of it by giving people higher wages, but
the only way to continue growth under the capitalist regime is by lower
wages and austerity.

Therefore if we really want recovery we must get rid of the capitalist
system.

Did I get this right?  I have troubles following because he makes
so many unstated assumptions which were familiar to me in the past
but which I am thinking now are no longer valid.

The argument which I just outlined makes me feel like I am in a museum
because if anybody is trying to explain the economy in the year 2016,
the finiteness of the planet must be part of the puzzle.  I have the
impression that right now this is a much stronger influence on the
economy than the rising organic composition of capital.  Without the
finiteness of the planet, you have no hope to explain the Paris
Agreement, the low oil prices, etc.  And someone who has the finiteness
of the planet clearly in focus will never try to advertise socialism as
a system which allows everybody, not only the capitalists, to benefit
from economic growth.  Instead, a 21st century Marxist must explain that
what looks like economic growth in the books of capitalist firms is
really destruction, that natural resources are being destroyed in order
to maintain the accounting fiction of growth, and that eco-socialists
want more growth only in the poor countries.  In the UK and US we need
less growth and an economy which does not collapse if it does not grow.

Hans G Ehrbar
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Re: [Marxism] Communists and black liberation

2016-02-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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If that is the case, my discussion and research on the topic with Gerald Horne 
and several others who are involved in the scholarship indicated that 
theoretical nuances is far different than how the public reaction in America 
developed. You are being tremendously combative and condescending here and I 
don't think that is necessary, especially considering that as a film scholar I 
have seen massive gaps in your criticism but don't exactly make a spectacle of 
it. 

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 

> On Feb 20, 2016, at 3:55 PM, Louis Proyect  wrote:
> 
>> On 2/20/16 3:12 PM, Andrew Stewart via Marxism wrote:
>> My latest piece on the history of the Old Left and African Americans.
>> 
>> http://www.rifuture.org/have-a-radical-black-history-month-communism-and-black-liberation.html
>> 
>> Best regards,
>> Andrew Stewart
> 
> Andrew, Stalin's understanding of the national question was highly 
> problematic as Jim Blaut pointed out in an article:
> 
> http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/10/021.html
> 
>Stalin put forward a fully diffusionist theory of nationalism in 1913; 
> ironically, his point of departure was Lenin's earlier views, before Lenin 
> had analyzed the dynamics of colonialism and imperialism.
> 
>Stalin's 1913 essay, “Marxism and the National Question,” has had immense 
> influence on Marxism down to the present, mostly because its basic thrust is 
> to argue that nationalism is essentially a bourgeois phenomeno and national 
> movements are not, in most cases, progressive and they will not, in general, 
> succeed in forming new states, an argument that has almost always been used 
> by those Marxists who reject nationalism in general or oppose some particular 
> national movement (see Blaut 1987). Stalin's theory starts with the axiom 
> that national movements are simply an aspect of the rise of capitalism; they 
> are progressive only when capitalism is commencing its rise in a particular 
> region; they are not progressive—— are either frivolous or reactionary—in all 
> other circumstances. Capitalism has now fully risen, says Stalin; therefore 
> national movements are not progressive, although (putting forward the 
> Bolshevik position) the right of peoples to struggle for independence must be 
> recognized. This is pure Euro- Marxism. It sees capitalism as a wave 
> diffusion spreading out from Western Europe across the world's landscapes, 
> and nationalism as nothing more than a part of that diffusion;hence 
> as”bourgeois national- ism.”
> 
> ---
> 
> That does not get into the question of why so many Blacks ended up hating the 
> CPUSA, which involved its practice. When A. Philip Randolph began organizing 
> a March on Washington in 1941 to protest the KKK and demand desegregation in 
> the army, the CPUSA denounced him as undermining the war effort.
> 
> The CPUSA did a lot of good things in the 1930s and 40s to fight racism but 
> given its bureaucratic methods and its subservience to the Kremlin, it was a 
> poor substitute for the kind of organizing that was necessary.
> 
> When Malcolm X began building a Black nationalist movement in the 1960s, he 
> was denounced by the CPUSA for being "divisive", which was the strange 
> inverse of its "Black Belt" program. In the 1920s, they pushed for it despite 
> the lack of a mass movement for it and when Blacks began pushing for Black 
> control of the Black community in the mid-60s, they opposed it.
> 
> When you keep making big mistakes like this, you lose credibility. That is 
> among the reasons the CP is falling apart like all other Leninist sects.
> 
> 
> 

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Re: [Marxism] Communists and black liberation

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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On 2/20/16 3:12 PM, Andrew Stewart via Marxism wrote:

My latest piece on the history of the Old Left and African Americans.

http://www.rifuture.org/have-a-radical-black-history-month-communism-and-black-liberation.html

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart


Andrew, Stalin's understanding of the national question was highly 
problematic as Jim Blaut pointed out in an article:


http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/10/021.html

	Stalin put forward a fully diffusionist theory of nationalism in 1913; 
ironically, his point of departure was Lenin's earlier views, before 
Lenin had analyzed the dynamics of colonialism and imperialism.


	Stalin's 1913 essay, “Marxism and the National Question,” has had 
immense influence on Marxism down to the present, mostly because its 
basic thrust is to argue that nationalism is essentially a bourgeois 
phenomeno and national movements are not, in most cases, progressive and 
they will not, in general, succeed in forming new states, an argument 
that has almost always been used by those Marxists who reject 
nationalism in general or oppose some particular national movement (see 
Blaut 1987). Stalin's theory starts with the axiom that national 
movements are simply an aspect of the rise of capitalism; they are 
progressive only when capitalism is commencing its rise in a particular 
region; they are not progressive—— are either frivolous or 
reactionary—in all other circumstances. Capitalism has now fully risen, 
says Stalin; therefore national movements are not progressive, although 
(putting forward the Bolshevik position) the right of peoples to 
struggle for independence must be recognized. This is pure Euro- 
Marxism. It sees capitalism as a wave diffusion spreading out from 
Western Europe across the world's landscapes, and nationalism as nothing 
more than a part of that diffusion;hence as”bourgeois national- ism.”


---

That does not get into the question of why so many Blacks ended up 
hating the CPUSA, which involved its practice. When A. Philip Randolph 
began organizing a March on Washington in 1941 to protest the KKK and 
demand desegregation in the army, the CPUSA denounced him as undermining 
the war effort.


The CPUSA did a lot of good things in the 1930s and 40s to fight racism 
but given its bureaucratic methods and its subservience to the Kremlin, 
it was a poor substitute for the kind of organizing that was necessary.


When Malcolm X began building a Black nationalist movement in the 1960s, 
he was denounced by the CPUSA for being "divisive", which was the 
strange inverse of its "Black Belt" program. In the 1920s, they pushed 
for it despite the lack of a mass movement for it and when Blacks began 
pushing for Black control of the Black community in the mid-60s, they 
opposed it.


When you keep making big mistakes like this, you lose credibility. That 
is among the reasons the CP is falling apart like all other Leninist sects.




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Re: [Marxism] Fwd: Investment, investment, investment | Michael Roberts Blog

2016-02-20 Thread Ralph Johansen via Marxism
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Hans Ehrbar wrote

Michael Roberts seems to think "growth" is a good thing, even though our planet 
is finite, and Mary Scully does not say a peep about the environment, other 
than calling socialists who vote for the Green Party "small-minded". Reading 
the debates on the marxism list sometimes seem like a visit in a museum to me.

Hans G Ehrbar

https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2016/02/19/investment-investment-investment/

http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=12456
-

Isn't this unfair to Michael Roberts? He is not discussing the deleterious 
effects of growth on the planet. He is attempting to explain the workings of 
the economy under capital. He is as he acknowledges single-minded in that 
effort and I am persuaded by it, unlike by Michael Heinrich and Michael Hudson, 
one of whom derides the law of the tendency of the rate of profit to fall for 
reasons still obscure to me, having to do mainly with Marx's subsequent musings 
after writing Cap 3 as purportedly disclosed in the new Mega mss - although 
Marx never explicitly repudiated as far as I know his declaration that the law 
was the most important one in the analysis of capital - and Hudson. who 
although persuasive in other respects doesn't even mention the law of the 
tendency of the rate of profit to fall from what I have read of his works, 
relying on Keynesian "demand" and under-consumptionism as the cause and cure of 
crises of capital. 

I don't see Roberts anywhere minimizing the dangers of environmental collapse, 
or implying that "growth" is a good thing. And if it's not part of his 
discussion, it's because it isn't germane in the context of that discussion. 





Louis Proyect wrote

(I'll have to give this article careful attention but it would seem to me that 
investment is being neglected because there is no demand. Why invest in new 
steel mills when there is not an expanding market in the manufactured goods 
that are based on the output of basic industry like steel, rubber, 
petrochemicals, etc.?) 

This blog continually hammers home the view that it is investment not 
consumption that is the key to economic growth. Fluctuations in business 
investment in a predominantly business, profit-making economy decide, in the 
first analysis, whether output expands or contracts; whether there is a boom or 
slump. This view is contrary to that of Keynesian economics, which although it 
appears to recognise that investment plays an important role, sees investment 
and consumption spending (domestic demand) as driving employment, output and 
incomes and profit – in that order – not vice versa. 

full: 
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2016/02/19/investment-investment-investment/
--

it seems self-evident as a matter of first impression to me as well. But when I 
accept that the sole purpose in a system of capital accumulation of investment 
in productive enterprise is to make a profit in a manner that allows the 
investor to compete, reproduce and expand, it becomes plain to me that those 
activities will take place not in the simple presence of demand, but when 
production in response to that demand will produce an adequate return for the 
realization of return for that investor. Otherwise, he'll do something else 
with his capital, like invest it in fictitious, casino-type (with assured 
taxpayer bail-out protection in the present system, however), non-productive 
ventures.


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[Marxism] Communists and black liberation

2016-02-20 Thread Andrew Stewart via Marxism
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My latest piece on the history of the Old Left and African Americans.

http://www.rifuture.org/have-a-radical-black-history-month-communism-and-black-liberation.html

Best regards,
Andrew Stewart 
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[Marxism] Fwd: Investment, investment, investment | Michael Roberts Blog

2016-02-20 Thread Hans G Ehrbar via Marxism
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Michael Roberts seems to think "growth" is a good thing, even though our
planet is finite, and Mary Scully does not say a peep about the
environment, other than calling socialists who vote for the Green Party
"small-minded".  Reading the debates on the marxism list sometimes seem
like a visit in a museum to me.

Hans G Ehrbar


https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2016/02/19/investment-investment-investment/

http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=12456
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[Marxism] Remembering Frank Rosengarten

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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I don't know how many people knew Frank who was a member of the SWP in 
the late 70s but I knew him quite well and really liked him. This is a 
commemoration from a couple of his colleagues in the CUNY system from 
the journal Socialism and Democracy (Issue 2, 2015), a journal he helped 
to found.


1. Michael E. Brown

Frank Rosengarten and I were colleagues at Queens College from 1967 
until his early retirement, which I remember asking him to reconsider in 
the light of what he had to offer students. By then, however, he was 
uncomfortable teaching and had a number of projects that he needed time 
to develop and complete, and I am sure that there were family 
considerations as well. Frank and I got to know each other during the 
sit-ins of 1967–69 at Queens. Both of us spoke often at meetings of 
students and faculty. I believe that it was at the end of the sixties 
that Frank interviewed me for an Italian newspaper as someone he 
considered to be an activist of the New Left. The result used two full 
pages of the newspaper, and when I look back on what I said about what 
inspired me as an activist, I realize that knowing Frank in the 
subsequent years helped my view of left politics to mature, or at least 
I hope it did. I was struck by his productive ambivalence toward the 
Communist left in the US, and by his attempt to reconcile his own 
political interests and dispositions with those on the left with whom he 
had differences of opinion. He was willing to work with them because his 
conception of a left was broad enough to sustain what Castoriadis 
referred to as the “revolutionary perspective.”


I remember going to a convention of the Socialist Workers Party in the 
late 1970s. While I was impressed with the discussions, and found them 
more informed, more complex, and in some ways more open and interesting 
than what I saw in various meetings of the CPUSA (which I occasionally 
attended with friends who had remained members), I remained convinced 
that there were many ways of realizing a socialist vision and that the 
history of the CPUSA was part of all of our history and not something to 
be dismissed as “the old left” as my friends and comrades in SDS 
described it (often somewhat lovingly at any rate). I was more favorably 
disposed to the Russian Revolution and its long aftermath than Frank, 
and our discussions always left me with a greater understanding of the 
usefulness of ambivalence on the Left.


When we began the Research Group on Socialism and Democracy, and started 
publishing the journal in the form of a newsletter, we thought of it as 
far more limited and local than it turned out to be. When we expanded it 
to the form of a journal, our first aim was to publish different points 
of view on the left, views we might have disagreed with but felt should 
be part of the general discussion. Our second aim was to consider 
methodological and theoretical problems intrinsic to the continuing 
debate over the Russian Revolution and the history of American 
Communism. Thanks to Frank's willingness to devote an enormous amount of 
time to building Socialism and Democracy, we found ourselves with a fine 
group of board members and with regular correspondents from around the 
world. Randy Martin and George Snedeker eventually joined us and helped 
assemble the papers given at our conference on the history of the CPUSA. 
The book we edited is still in print and remains one of the important 
contributions to the literature on American communism.1
Between meetings and the work involved in assembling the issues of the 
journal, acquiring mailing lists, and mailing it, Frank and I put in 
what, in retrospect, was an incredible amount of time and energy. Frank 
was deeply involved in everything that appeared in the journal. The two 
of us wrote many introductory essays to issues, and always tried to 
sustain a sense of dialogue on the left rather than promoting a specific 
line. Still, we had our own way of understanding the left, and articles 
written by Frank, me, and Randy reflected both our differences and how 
we reconciled those differences. Frank was a generous colleague, willing 
to discuss issues on the left at a moment's notice and with a 
thoroughness that one finds in all his scholarly work, which was itself 
of considerable importance in various areas of study. Frank was not only 
generous and tremendously hardworking; he was creative and able to reach 
out to others so that Socialism and Democracy gained a reputation as an 
important interdisciplinary journal of the Left.
When Marie and I moved to Boston, and Frank could no longer support the 
journal primarily on his 

[Marxism] Fwd: An interview with Mary Scully, independent socialist candidate for President

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=12456
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Re: [Marxism] Fwd: Investment, investment, investment | Michael Roberts Blog

2016-02-20 Thread Barry Brooks via Marxism
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Regarding the strange theory that demand doesn't matter, one much
consider whether investors will expand output and thus create jobs
without an expectation of demand ...

>From "The Engineers and the Price System," by Thorsteen Veblen

"Sabotage" is a derivative of sabot, which is French for a wooden shoe.
It means going slow, with a dragging, clumsy movement, such as that
manner of footgear may be expected to bring on. So it has come to
describe any manoeuvre of slowing-down, inefficiency, bungling,
obstruction. In American usage the word is very often taken to mean
forcible obstruction, destructive tactics, industrial frightfulness,
incendiarism and high explosives, although that is plainly not its
first meaning nor its common meaning. Nor is that its ordinary meaning
as the word is used among those who have advocated a recourse to
sabotage as a means of enforcing an argument about wages or the
conditions of work. The ordinary meaning of the word is better defined
by an expression which has latterly come into use among the I. W. W., ?
conscientious withdrawal of efficiency? ? although that phrase does not
cover all that is rightly to be included under this technical term. The

(...)

the rate and volume of output have to be regulated with a view to what
the traffic will bear, that is to say, what will yield the largest net
return in terms of price to the business men who manage the country's
industrial system. Otherwise there will be overproduction, business
depression, and consequent hard times all around. Overproduction means
production in excess of what the market will carry off at a
sufficiently profitable price. So it appears that the continued
prosperity of the country from day to day hangs on a conscientious
withdrawal of efficiency by the business men who control the country's
industrial output. They control it all for their own use, of course,
and their own use means always a profitable price. In any community
that is organized on the price system, with investment and business
enterprise, habitual unemployment of the available industrial plant and
workmen, in whole or in part, appears to be the indispensable condition
without which tolerable conditions of life cannot be maintained. That
is to say, in no such community can the industrial system be allowed to
work at full capacity for any appreciable interval of time, on pain of
business stagnation and consequent privation for all classes and
conditions of men. The requirements of profitable business will not
tolerate it. So the rate and volume of output must be adjusted to the
needs of the market, not to the working capacity of the available
resources, equipment and man power, nor to the community's need of
consumable goods. Therefore there must always be a certain variable
margin of unemployment of plant and man power. Rate and volume of
output can, of course, not be adjusted by exceeding the productive
capacity of the industrial system. So it has to be regulated by keeping
short of maximum production by more or less as the condition of the
market may require. It is always a question of more or less
unemployment of plant and man power, and a shrewd moderation in the
unemployment of these available resources, a ?conscientious withdrawal
of efficiency,? therefore, is the beginning of wisdom in all sound
workday business enterprise that has to do with industry.

  All this is matter of course, and notorious. But it is not a topic on
which one prefers to dwell. Writers and speakers who dilate on the
meritorious exploits of the nation's business men will not commonly
allude to this voluminous running administration of sabotage, this
conscientious withdrawal of efficiency, that goes into their ordinary
day's work. One prefers to dwell on those exceptional, sporadic, and
spectacular episodes in business where business men have now and again
successfully gone out of the safe and sane highway of conservative
business enterprise that is hedged about with a conscientious
withdrawal of efficiency, and have endeavored to regulate the output by
increasing the productive capacity of the industrial system at one
point or another.

  But after all, such habitual recourse to peaceable or surreptitious
measures of restraint, delay, and obstruction in the ordinary
businesslike management of industry is too widely known and too well
approved to call for much exposition or illustration. Yet, as one
capital illustration of the scope and force of such businesslike
withdrawal of efficiency, it may be in place to recall that all the
civilized nations are just now undergoing an experiment in businesslike
sabotage on an unexampled scale and carried out wit

[Marxism] Fwd: Nationalism, resistance and revolution – International Socialism

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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Nationalism, resistance and revolution
by Bassem Chit

The reduction of current struggles in Lebanon and Syria in particular, 
and across the Middle East in general, to purely abstract nationalistic, 
sectarian and “identitarian” dimensions is one of the dominating 
features of the analytical and methodical logic of the Arab nationalist 
and Stalinist left.1 Their analysis fails to consider the social 
structures involved and their contradictions, the ideological engines 
powering such national or sectarian identities. Nor does it take into 
account the crises that they experience, in particular those imposed by 
the revolutionary process; a process that is ongoing despite its 
fluctuations and fractures.


The methodology of the Arab nationalist and Stalinist left sees the 
situation in the Middle East and in the Lebanese and Syrian region in 
particular, through the lens of antagonistic binaries and approaches 
society and its contradictions through a set of predetermined cultural 
and national/religious identities. Therefore we hear of “Sunni-Shia 
strife”, the Oriental culture, Arabs, the West, Orientalism, identity 
crisis, sectarian rule, Christians, Muslims, etc. According to such 
characterisations, these identities are treated as independent 
structures and established entities that interact among themselves in a 
relationship of convergence, divergence and struggle on the local, 
regional and international theatres of the shifting balance of power.


The movements of the masses are therefore evaluated according to their 
closeness to a particular regional or international alliance and their 
distance from another. The “resistance” axis is said to include Iran and 
Syria, and is supported by Russia. An opposing 
“American-Zionist-Takfiri”2 axis is viewed as being backed by the US and 
includes regimes like Saudi Arabia and Qatar. A mass movement is 
subsequently legitimised or de-legitimised according to where it stands 
in the struggle between these axes. The ongoing struggle is pictured as 
a struggle between identities that are legitimised by the political 
language used to describe them, regardless of how genuine these entities 
themselves are, particularly in the face of the revolutionary 
transformations that govern the situation today.


The Stalinist and Arab nationalist left have never seen beyond the 
milestone of national struggle and national liberation to which, in 
spite of their importance and necessity, the revolution cannot be 
restricted. This perspective on the revolution is invoked by the 
language used to describe it. Herein lies the essential problem: are we 
seeing the revolutionary process, on the one hand, through its actual 
reality, in other words through the context that gave birth to it and 
the contradictions characterising that context; or, on the other hand, 
evaluating it based on a theoretical assumption that has never been able 
to concede that the Arab or non-Arab individual in this region cannot be 
exclusively reduced to his or her national identity?


full: http://isj.org.uk/nationalism-resistance-and-revolution/
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Re: [Marxism] Fwd: A white buddy for Miles Davis: Don Cheadle’s struggle to get “Miles Ahead” financed is absurd — and not surprising - Salon.com

2016-02-20 Thread Ernest Leif via Marxism
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Yep, and in "Birth Of A Nation" the new movie based on Nat Turner -
recently purchased for 17 million at Sundance - only men are killed by
Turner's group, no women and children.

On Sat, Feb 20, 2016 at 9:15 AM, Louis Proyect via Marxism <
marxism@lists.csbs.utah.edu> wrote:

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>
> (I had a feeling that this film would be a dud since the trailer seemed to
> play up Miles Davis as violent, almost like a gangsta rapper but this is
> even worse.)
>
> That was six decades ago, during the height of the Cold War. Earlier this
> week, Oscar-nominated actor Don Cheadle described his decade-long struggle
> to make a biopic about jazz legend Miles Davis. He raised about $360,000
> via crowdfunding, but only cleared the final financing hurdle when he wrote
> in a fictional Rolling Stone reporter and cast Ewan (“young Obi-Wan”)
> McGregor in the role. Interviewed at the Berlin Film Fest, where “Miles
> Ahead” was screening out of competition, Cheadle said that casting a white
> actor in a leading role was “one of the realities of the business that we
> are in,” adding that “there is a lot of apocryphal, not proven evidence
> that black films don’t sell overseas.”
>
> full:
> http://www.salon.com/2016/02/19/a_white_buddy_for_miles_davis_don_cheadles_struggle_to_get_miles_ahead_financed_is_absurd_and_not_surprising/
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[Marxism] Fwd: A white buddy for Miles Davis: Don Cheadle’s struggle to get “Miles Ahead” financed is absurd — and not surprising - Salon.com

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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(I had a feeling that this film would be a dud since the trailer seemed 
to play up Miles Davis as violent, almost like a gangsta rapper but this 
is even worse.)


That was six decades ago, during the height of the Cold War. Earlier 
this week, Oscar-nominated actor Don Cheadle described his decade-long 
struggle to make a biopic about jazz legend Miles Davis. He raised about 
$360,000 via crowdfunding, but only cleared the final financing hurdle 
when he wrote in a fictional Rolling Stone reporter and cast Ewan 
(“young Obi-Wan”) McGregor in the role. Interviewed at the Berlin Film 
Fest, where “Miles Ahead” was screening out of competition, Cheadle said 
that casting a white actor in a leading role was “one of the realities 
of the business that we are in,” adding that “there is a lot of 
apocryphal, not proven evidence that black films don’t sell overseas.”


full: 
http://www.salon.com/2016/02/19/a_white_buddy_for_miles_davis_don_cheadles_struggle_to_get_miles_ahead_financed_is_absurd_and_not_surprising/

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[Marxism] Fwd: America Is Now Fighting A Proxy War With Itself In Syria - BuzzFeed News

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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http://www.buzzfeed.com/mikegiglio/america-is-now-fighting-a-proxy-war-with-itself-in-syria
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[Marxism] Fwd: Facing the Counter-Revolution: A review of Burning Country, by Robin Yassin-Kassab and Leila Al-Shami | anarchistnews.org

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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(I'll tell you the truth. My admiration for anarchists grew 
exponentially since 2011. I could never deal with the black block 
nonsense but the anarchists were smart enough and principled enough not 
to carry around the "anti-imperialist" baggage. They understood the need 
for seeing things in class terms rather than the geopolitical chess 
game, bless their hearts.)


Anti-authoritarians Leila Al-Shami and Robin Yassin-Kassab look back 
over the past fifteen years of resistance movements in Syria, to 
understand the anarchistic currents that emerged during the revolution 
that began in 2011. Although this revolution has gone farther than any 
other in recent memory, it is poorly understand and has received little 
support. With Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War, the 
authors seek to change that.


full: 
http://anarchistnews.org/content/facing-counter-revolution-review-burning-country-robin-yassin-kassab-and-leila-al-shami

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[Marxism] Fwd: Bouthaina Shaaban: Kurdish YPG is part of Syrian Army - Middle East Observer

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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Bouthaina Shaaban, a senior advisor to Syrian President Bashar Assad, 
acknowledged the regime’s support of Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD).


Shaaban has described PYD as an “allied force” for the regime and voiced 
the government’s satisfaction with cooperation with both Russia and PYD.


“The YPG Kurdish units, the armed group of PYD, are cooperating with the 
Syrian army and Russian air forces to clear northern Syria of terrorism.”


full: 
http://www.middleeastobserver.org/bouthaina-shaaban-kurdish-ypg-is-part-of-syrian-army

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[Marxism] Fwd: Investment, investment, investment | Michael Roberts Blog

2016-02-20 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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(I'll have to give this article careful attention but it would seem to 
me that investment is being neglected because there is no demand. Why 
invest in new steel mills when there is not an expanding market in the 
manufactured goods that are based on the output of basic industry like 
steel, rubber, petrochemicals, etc.?)


This blog continually hammers home the view that it is investment not 
consumption that is the key to economic growth.  Fluctuations in 
business investment in a predominantly business, profit-making economy 
decide, in the first analysis, whether output expands or contracts; 
whether there is a boom or slump.  This view is contrary to that of 
Keynesian economics, which although it appears to recognise that 
investment plays an important role, sees investment and consumption 
spending (domestic demand) as driving employment, output and incomes and 
profit – in that order – not vice versa.


full: 
https://thenextrecession.wordpress.com/2016/02/19/investment-investment-investment/

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[Marxism] The Asha saga

2016-02-20 Thread Gary MacLennan via Marxism
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Listers may know about the little refugee child , Asha, who is holed up in
the hospital here in Brisbane - the Lady Cilento Hospital.  The doctors
refuse to release her to be returned to the refugee detention centre.  She
had burned herself in  an accident.  John has posted about this earlier.
The Waterside Union -the MUA, led by a great socialist Bob Carnegie, has
thrown its support behind the crowd who have gathered around the hospital
in support of the doctors and Asha. ,

Tonight it seems the authorities intend making an attempt to seize the
child.  A crowd of over a thousand, very big for Brisbane, has been
marshaled via the social media and the police seem stymied at the moment.

I will try and get time to write a more reflective piece about all this.
For the moment I will just say that I think there has been a significant
shift in public opinion around the refugees. The fate of Asha seems to have
struck the inner humanity of Australians and they do not want her sent back
to prison.

As I write this over my phone I can hear the crowd singing Amazing Grace in
an effort to access their ground state of love and solidarity, as Bhaskar
would have put it,  in the face of the power of the State. To listen to the
singing is a deeply moving and humbling experience.

Perhaps we might make it as a speciesPerhaps

comradely

Gary
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