[Marxism] New on Redline

2016-02-28 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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Daphna Whitmore on the government's new ten-year project aimed at improving
the life chances of young New Zealanders:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/28/a-better-start-or-a-detour/

Ben Hillier and Diane Fieldes of the Australian revolutionary organisation
Socialist Alternative look at nationalism v internationalism:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/27/internationalism-versus-nationalism/

Education for anti-capitalists:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/27/education-for-anti-capitalists/
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[Marxism] Interview with Tony Norfield

2016-02-28 Thread Philip Ferguson via Marxism
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Recently I interviewed Tony Norfield about his book on finance and the
world imperialist system.

See:
https://rdln.wordpress.com/2016/02/29/interview-with-tony-norfield-on-finance-and-the-imperialist-world-system-today/
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[Marxism] Jacobin founder Bhaskar Sankara lays out strategies needed for Sanders campaign [was Jacobin founder Bhaskar Sunkara lays out strategies needed for Sanders campaign]

2016-02-28 Thread Ralph Johansen via Marxism
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[heading name misspelled]

http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content=view=31=74=15749

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[Marxism] Jacobin founder Bhaskar Sunkara lays out strategies needed for Sanders campaign

2016-02-28 Thread Ralph Johansen via Marxism
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http://therealnews.com/t2/index.php?option=com_content=view=31=74=15749

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Re: [Marxism] Fwd: A march for Bernie Sanders, a call to run as an independent - seattlepi.com

2016-02-28 Thread Mark Lause via Marxism
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We should be glad to see this as a demand . . . even of several hundred
people described as "the Socialist Alternative movement."  Are people
seeing any similar marches or demonstrations calling on Sanders to run as
an independent?  Is there any way in which this is serious?  . . . that
Sanders would take it serious?

The latest news on this is that Rep. Tulsi Gabbard has resigned from the
DNC to endorse Sanders.

http://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2016/02/28/tulsi-gabbard-rising-democratic-star-endorses-bernie-sanders/?_r=0

The paradox here is that the more you struggle within the Democratic Party,
the more you become entangled in it.  And the less likely you could have
the freedom of action to take an independent course.  And that's without
considering all the ballot-access problems the twin parties have may for
any opposition.

ML
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[Marxism] Fwd: A march for Bernie Sanders, a call to run as an independent - seattlepi.com

2016-02-28 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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A nice idea but unlikely.

http://www.seattlepi.com/local/politics/article/A-march-for-Bernie-Sanders-a-call-to-run-as-an-6858666.php
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[Marxism] Bolivian Town Drifts From President Evo Morales, Despite Promises Kept to Left

2016-02-28 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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(NY Times forced to admit that the left is here to stay in Latin America.)

NY Times, Feb. 28 2016
Bolivian Town Drifts From President Evo Morales, Despite Promises Kept 
to Left

By NICHOLAS CASEY

COBIJA, Bolivia — When Evo Morales, Bolivia’s first indigenous 
president, took office a decade ago, he vowed to put this impoverished 
town in the Amazon Basin on the kind of pedestal often reserved for a 
capital city.


He filled its coffers with profits from the country’s natural gas 
industry. He even seized large estates and handed them to new arrivals 
like Tania Chao, 19, whose family received a house when it came to 
Cobija with nowhere to live.


Yet when Mr. Morales asked Ms. Chao to vote for him last week, in a 
referendum to let him run for a fourth term, she did not feel that she 
could return the favor. The president had improved the town, she said, 
but he had been in office for longer than most people had lived in Cobija.


“It’s time to find someone else to continue what he did,” she said after 
the referendum, which Bolivians rejected.


Latin American leftists like Mr. Morales have suddenly felt their 
longevity ebb as a tide rises against them.


But is the wave of discontent a rejection of the left? Or is it 
something more personal, aimed at the outsize leaders themselves, not 
necessarily at the ideas they have promoted?


In Venezuela, former President Hugo Chávez’s movement lost by a 
landslide in recent elections. In Argentina, the left-wing allies of 
former President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner could not hold onto her 
office.


Ecuador’s president, Rafael Correa, a populist educated in the United 
States, abandoned an effort to seek another term. Corruption accusations 
and economic woes have left President Dilma Rousseff of Brazil battling 
impeachment proceedings. But while longstanding leftist leaders and 
their movements may be faltering, their policies have taken a lasting 
hold in Latin America.


Much as President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher 
took the United States and Britain down a more conservative path, 
leaders like Mr. Morales made a commitment to diminishing inequality 
that is expected to remain even as governments come and go.


“No leader in Latin America today can afford not to focus on inequality 
and go back to the neoliberal formulas of the 1990s,” said Michael 
Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue, a policy institute in 
Washington. “Whatever criticism you might have of the leaders of the 
left, they put their finger on the legitimate grievance of Latin 
Americans: that they had been excluded from the political system.”


For some of the opponents now taking power, the question is not about 
razing the leftist models, but about making repairs and adjustments to them.


No case is more extreme than Venezuela, where years of government 
controls over the economy and reliance on a booming oil industry 
diminished agricultural production to the point that the country was 
importing its meat, milk and rice.


Then came the perfect storm when oil prices sank last year, creating 
triple-digit inflation and food shortages. In parliamentary elections, 
leftists were wiped out after 16 years of control.


The opposition rose by criticizing government subsidies, but its plan 
focuses on cutting them for the wealthy and stabilizing them for the 
poor. President Nicolás Maduro, Mr. Chávez’s successor, agreed to raise 
the price of gasoline, reducing a subsidy seen as benefiting the 
car-owning wealthy. No one has suggested making changes that could harm 
the poor.


Argentina’s new president, Mauricio Macri, has enacted sweeping changes 
that have shifted the country to the center-right, including shrinking 
the state payroll and reducing electricity subsidies.


But Mr. Macri has maintained price control strategies intended to shield 
people from inflation. He also extended a child benefit program that was 
the cornerstone of Mrs. Kirchner’s social policy.


“Macri, as well as the rest of Latin America, now understands that it’s 
necessary to maintain and improve the social agenda,” said Alejandro 
Grisanti, a former Latin America economist at Barclays Capital.


Here in Bolivia, many point out that while Mr. Morales was blocked from 
running in the next election, no successor could undo his work in Cobija.


This small Amazonian rubber port became a laboratory for Mr. Morales’s 
project to bring the government to the country’s poor periphery. The 
portion of Cobija’s annual municipal budget from national gas taxes 
increased to $40 million today from $1.2 million in 2006, the year Mr. 
Morales took office, and 

[Marxism] Apple is right. Our smartphones must be kept secure

2016-02-28 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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FT, February 26, 2016 5:16 pm
Apple is right. Our smartphones must be kept secure
by Evgeny Morozov

To watch the confrontation between the US’s most valuable company and 
its top law enforcement agency is to find oneself in a state of nearly 
permanent cognitive dissonance.
Apparently, America’s government agencies are both omnipotent and 
helpless. Omnipotent because, as this week’s batch of surveillance 
revelations from WikiLeaks suggests, they have no problems intercepting 
highly secretive communications between their European allies. Helpless 
because, as the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s bosses keep repeating, 
they need Apple’s co-operation in order to break into the iPhone of the 
shooter in the San Bernardino attacks.


It gets worse. On February 9, James Clapper, the director of national 
intelligence, boasted in his Senate testimony that “in the future, 
intelligence services might use the [internet of things] for 
identification, surveillance, monitoring, location tracking, and 
targeting for recruitment, or to gain access to networks or user 
credentials.” Now we learn that such agencies cannot get into our 
smartphones . . . let alone our smart fridges.


Something in the government’s rhetoric does not add up. The FBI either 
has solid reasons to break into that phone — in which case it is not 
obvious why the mighty power of the National Security Agency and other 
government bodies has not yet been mobilised — or it is simply using the 
San Bernardino case as an excuse to redefine its relationship with 
Silicon Valley.


Asked by a judge about its willingness to enlist the help of all the 
federal agencies in a similar case from 2015, the government responded 
that “federal prosecutors don’t have an obligation to consult the 
intelligence community in order to investigate crime.”


And since very little is known about the true capabilities of America’s 
intelligence community, everyone involved in the current debate has to 
pretend that the world’s most powerful spying agency does not exist.
While the FBI’s defence has been that their request is extremely narrow 
— once Apple has facilitated access to that single phone, it is free to 
destroy the code required to do so — the broader political context in 
which this battle unfolds suggests that Apple’s stance will have 
far-reaching implications.


First, the FBI’s request comes at a time when the US government is 
exerting immense pressure on America’s largest technology companies to 
join it in the fight against Isis. Both the state department and the 
Department of Defense have recently expanded their presence in Silicon 
Valley.


While many such requests are straightforward — removing jihadist 
propaganda from YouTube or Twitter, for example — there are concerns 
that such pressure might extend to modifying their algorithms in order 
to hide certain types of content from easily susceptible users.
Google knows what is in your inbox; why should it not modify your search 
results to make you less of a terrorist?


Second, it is hard to believe that the San Bernardino case will be an 
isolated episode. Not only are there several similar cases already 
pending in US courts but many prosecutors have already indicated they 
have their own backlog of phones to unlock.


Manhattan district attorney Cyrus Vance said recently that he would 
“absolutely ... want access to all those phones that are crucial in a 
criminal investigation.”


Even if Apple chose to destroy the code it writes to help the FBI on 
this occasion, it would need to rewrite it for a new request. Should it 
keep this code forever, it would be holding on to a magic key to its 
devices — a highly prized asset for any hacker.


Given the publicity of the case, any terrorists would probably stop 
using Apple’s products anyway. The only people to suffer would be 
ordinary users, stuck with their iPhones and iPads.


Third, the FBI’s rationale in this case would make any other 
manufacturer of smart devices — including all those smart fridges and 
smart thermostats in your smart home — subject to similar requests.
If Apple can be forced to modify security protocols on its phone, what 
stops the FBI from asking the manufacturer of the smart smoke detector 
to trigger a fake smoke alarm? Or asking the manufacturer of the smart 
car to drive suspects directly to the police station?


All of this would seem neat so long as the government agencies were 
competent and nobody else could take advantage of such vulnerabilities.
This is not so. The San Bernardino case — where the FBI had a chance to 
break into the phone but blew it by changing the suspect’s Apple