[Marxism] ICE attempts to deport Jewish historian of the Holocaust

[Mark Lause via Marxism]

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Don't know if this one got circulated yet.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2017/02/26/renowned-french-historian-invited-texas-university-held-10-hours/
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[Marxism] Fwd: Other Russias | Louis Proyect: The Unrepentant Marxist

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Largely through connections made through Russian Reader blogger Thomas 
Campbell, I have learned about important developments involving the 
Russian left that defy the stereotype of Russian opposition to Vladimir 
Putin as neoliberal snakes. To be sure, such snakes exist but the 
Western left has an obligation to keep abreast of our comrades there, 
who are opposed to capitalism just as much as us. In addition to Thomas 
Campbell’s blog, another important asset is the journal n+1 that largely 
because of the presence of co-founder Russian émigré and Marxist Keith 
Gessen (Masha’s brother) on the editorial board has a pipeline to the 
Russian revolutionary movement that makes it indispensable to our 
ongoing political enlightenment.


It was through an introduction to Keith Gessen made by Thomas Campbell 
that I learned of a tour by Kiril Medvedev, the revolutionary socialist 
poet, journalist, activist and–most distinctively–translator of Charles 
Bukowski. n+1 published Medvedev’s “It’s No Good“, a book whose $16 
price tag goes against capitalist rationality, just as does every word 
in his Molotov Cocktail of Russian literature.


The good news is that n+1 has now published another voice of the Russian 
left: Victoria Lomasko, the author of Other Russias, which was 
translated by the good Thomas Campbell. Vika is an artist and activist 
whose work reminds me both artistically and politically of Marjane 
Satrapi’s “Persepolis”. Satrapi’s work was a comic book after the 
fashion of Harvey Pekar but Lomasko’s is much more text with powerful 
illustrations to make key points such as the ones shown below that come 
from the chapter on Pussy Riot.


full: https://louisproyect.org/2017/02/26/other-russias/
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[Marxism] Ten proposals to beat the European Union and avoid a repetition of the Greek capitulation

[Richard Fidler via Marxism]

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A collective document from across the European left on how
to challenge the EU’s stranglehold on economic and social
justice.  

By Eric Toussaint, Miguel Urbán Crespo, Teresa Rodríguez,
Angela Klein, Stathis Kouvelakis, Costas Lapavitsas, Zoe
Konstantopoulou, Marina Albiol, Olivier Besancenot, Rommy
Arce  

February 21, 2017  

Introduction 

This collective text (full list of signatories here)
initiated by Eric Toussaint of the CADTM campaign for the
abolition of the debt of the global South, has been
collectively discussed and co-signed by personalities and
activists from more than 15 European countries representing
a wide range of forces of the radical and anticapitalist
Left: Podemos and Izquierda Unida in Spain, the Portuguese
Left Bloc, the Left Party in Britain, the Nouveau Parti
Anticapitaliste and Ensemble in France, Popular Unity and
Antarsya in Greece, the radical Danish left and activists
from countries such as Cyprus, Slovenia, Bosnia-Herzegovina
and Hungary. It is signed by Members of the European
Parliament (MEPs) from different parties and countries, by
the head of finance of the City of Madrid, by the former
president of the Greek Parliament, by a series of members of
the Commission For the Truth on the Greek Debt. All the
signatories are involved in the ongoing discussions about a
“plan B” for Europe. 

The aim of this text is to analyze the balance of power in
the European Union and elaborate a series of radical but
necessary proposals against austerity, neoliberal policies
and for an alternative to the existing form of European
integration. 

The ten proposals put forward in this text are the outcome
of an analysis of the situation in Europe since 2010. It
takes into account the experience of the confrontation
between Syriza and the Troika in the first half of 2015 and
of the defeat that followed, but also the Spanish, Irish or
Cypriot experiences. Recent events have clearly demonstrated
the need for a left-wing government to have the courage to
disobey the injunctions of European authorities and break
decisively with the framework of the founding treaties of
the EU. This must be accompanied by a popular mobilization
triggered by the initiatives of the left-wing government and
by a series of robust measures to be implemented
immediately: organize a debt audit with citizen
participation, put in place a control of capital flows,
socialize the financial sector and the energy sector, reform
radically the tax system. And of course, the inevitable
debate on the euro area needs to be publicly conducted, with
exit as an option that must be defended at least in some
countries. 

The cold analysis of the European policies of recent years
invariably leads to this conclusion: only strong sovereign
and unilateral self-defense measures will enable any
progressive national government and the social forces who
back it to break with austerity and neoliberalism and
address the issue of the illegitimate debt.

Full:
http://lifeonleft.blogspot.ca/2017/02/ten-proposals-to-beat-
european-union.html
or http://tinyurl.com/guvjckn




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[Marxism] Fwd: Amazon Deforestation, Once Tamed, Comes Roaring Back - The New York Times

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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Should be read on the NYT website for the graphics.

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/24/business/energy-environment/deforestation-brazil-bolivia-south-america.html
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[Marxism] What’s Left of Communism?

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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(Worries over the old mole.)

NY Times Op-Ed, Feb. 24 2017
What’s Left of Communism
A hundred years after the Russian Revolution,
can a phoenix rise from the ash heap of history?

by David Priestland

Oxford, England — “Ura! Ura! Ura!” I vividly remember the wall of sound 
as stern, gray-uniformed soldiers met their commander’s greeting: 
“Congratulations on the 70th anniversary of the Great October Socialist 
Revolution!”


An exchange student in Moscow in 1987, I had traveled to Gorky Street on 
that crisp November morning to see the military parade making its way to 
Red Square. A row of assembled Soviet and foreign dignitaries presided 
as the young servicemen paid homage at Lenin’s Mausoleum. This 
impressive-seeming display was to showcase the enduring revolutionary 
energy of Communism and its global reach.


The Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, spoke of a movement reinvigorated 
by the values of 1917 before an audience of left-wing leaders that 
included Oliver Tambo of the African National Congress and Yasir Arafat 
of the Palestine Liberation Organization. Banners bore the poet Vladimir 
Mayakovsky’s proclamation “Lenin lived, Lenin lives, Lenin will live 
forever!”


The claim had a hollow ring, for the economic problems of the U.S.S.R. 
were evident to all, especially my Russian student friends, dependent on 
poorly provisioned universities for food. Even so, the system still 
seemed as solid as the mausoleum’s marble. I, like most observers, would 
not have believed that within two years Communism would be crumbling, 
and within four, the Soviet Union would itself have collapsed.


Soon, popular views of 1917 changed entirely: Unfettered markets seemed 
natural and inevitable, while Communism appeared to have always been 
doomed to Leon Trotsky’s “dustbin of history.” There might be challenges 
to the globalized liberal order, but they would come from Islamism or 
China’s state capitalism, no longer a discredited Marxism.


Today, as we mark the centenary of the February Revolution — prequel to 
the November coup of Lenin’s Bolsheviks — history has turned again. 
China and Russia both deploy symbols of their Communist heritage to 
strengthen an anti-liberal nationalism; in the West, confidence in 
free-market capitalism has not recovered from the financial crash of 
2008, and new forces of the far right and activist left vie for 
popularity. In America, the unexpected strength of the independent 
socialist Bernie Sanders in last year’s Democratic race, and in Spain, 
the electoral gains of the new Podemos party, led by a former Communist, 
are signs of some grass-roots resurgence on the left. In 2015 Britain, 
Marx and Engels’s 1848 classic, “The Communist Manifesto,” was a best 
seller.


So did I witness Communism’s last hurrah that day in Moscow, or is a 
Communism remodeled for the 21st century struggling to be born?


There are hints of an answer in this complex, century-long epic, a 
narrative arc full of false starts, near-deaths and unpredicted revivals.


Take the life of Semyon Kanatchikov. The son of a former serf, he left 
rural poverty for a factory job and the thrill of modernity. Energetic 
and sociable, Kanatchikov set out to improve himself with “The 
Self-Teacher of Dance and Good Manners” as his guide. Once in Moscow, he 
joined a socialist discussion circle, and ultimately the Bolshevik party.


Kanatchikov’s experience made him receptive to revolutionary ideas: a 
keen awareness of the gulf between rich and poor, a sense that an old 
order was blocking the rise of the new, and a hatred of arbitrary power. 
Communists offered clear-cut, convincing solutions. Unlike liberals, 
they championed economic equality; but unlike anarchists, they embraced 
modern industry and state planning; and against moderate socialists, 
they argued that change must come through revolutionary class struggle.


In practice, these ideals were difficult to combine. An over-powerful 
state tended to stifle growth while elevating new elites, and the 
violence of revolution brought with it periodic hunts for “enemies.” 
Kanatchikov, too, became a victim. Though awarded prestigious 
appointments after the revolution, his association with Stalin’s 
archrival, Trotsky, brought about his demotion in 1926.


By then, the outlook for Communism was grim. The first flames of 
revolution in Central Europe in the aftermath of World War I had been 
extinguished. The U.S.S.R. found itself isolated, and Communist parties 
elsewhere were small and beleaguered. The American-forged modernity of 
the Roaring Twenties was unapologetically consumerist, not communist.


But the flaws of laissez-faire 

[Marxism] Trump Ruled the Tabloid Media. Washington Is a Different Story.

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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(Very perceptive and cheeky article.)

NY Times, Feb. 26 2017
Trump Ruled the Tabloid Media. Washington Is a Different Story.
By GLENN THRUSH and MICHAEL M. GRYNBAUM

WASHINGTON — The White House press secretary, Sean Spicer, has taken to 
slapping journalists who write unflattering stories with an epithet he 
sees as the epitome of low-road, New York Post-style gossip: “Page Six 
reporter.”


Whether the New England-bred spokesman realizes it or not, the 
expression is perhaps less an insult than a reminder of an era when 
Donald J. Trump mastered the New York tabloid terrain — and his own 
narrative — shaping his image with a combination of on-the-record 
bluster and off-the-record gossip.


He’s not in Manhattan anymore. This New York-iest of politicians, now an 
idiosyncratic, write-your-own-rules president, has stumbled into the 
most conventional of Washington traps: believing he can master an 
entrenched political press corps with far deeper connections to the 
permanent government of federal law enforcement and executive department 
officials than he has.


Instead, President Trump has found himself subsumed and increasingly 
infuriated by the leaks and criticisms he has long prided himself on 
vanquishing. Now, goaded by Stephen K. Bannon, his chief strategist, Mr. 
Trump has turned on the news media with escalating rhetoric, labeling 
major outlets as “the enemy of the American people.”


His latest swipe — pulling out of Washington’s so-called nerd prom — 
came via Twitter on Saturday. “I will not be attending the White House 
Correspondents’ Association Dinner this year,” Mr. Trump wrote. “Please 
wish everyone well and have a great evening!”


He has made a sharp break from previous presidents — and from his own 
comfortable three-decade tango with the tabloids.


“New York is extremely intense and competitive, but it is actually a 
much smaller pond than Washington, where you have many more players with 
access to many more sources,” said Howard Wolfson, who has split his 
career between New York and Washington, advising former Mayor Michael R. 
Bloomberg and Hillary Clinton’s 2008 presidential campaign.


“In New York, you can create a manageable set of relationships in a 
smaller universe,” Mr. Wolfson said. “In Washington, that becomes a lot 
more complicated.”


There is another fundamental difference: During his Page Six days, Mr. 
Trump was, by and large, trafficking in trivia. As president, he is 
dealing with the most serious issues of the day. They involve the 
nation’s safety and prosperity, and it is the role of news organizations 
to cover them.


If Mr. Trump’s slap-and-tickle relationship with reporters had a model 
back then, people close to him say, it was the gregarious, 
unavoidable-for-comment style of Edward I. Koch, the three-term New York 
mayor. But his mood in Washington has turned darker, and over the last 
week he has executed, alongside Mr. Bannon and Mr. Spicer, what amounts 
to the most sustained White House campaign against the news media since 
Richard M. Nixon’s second term.


“It’s like Nixonian times again,” said George Rush, a veteran New York 
gossip columnist who has covered Mr. Trump for decades. “I just thought 
he would have a thicker skin.”


Linda Stasi, who chronicled Mr. Trump’s up-and-down marriage to Marla 
Maples in the 1990s for two New York papers, said she could have 
predicted the presidential agita. “He would plant stories and he would 
get mad if they didn’t come out exactly as he wanted,” she recalled of 
earlier dealings with Mr. Trump. “It never occurred to him that he 
couldn’t control everything.”


Now, Ms. Stasi said, “he is shocked that he is not in control of the press.”

Attacking the news media, which has an abysmal approval rating among 
Republican voters, is sound politics in the short term. But Mr. Trump’s 
fury is less strategic than heartfelt. He watches cable TV at night and 
exhorts aides like Mr. Spicer and his policy adviser Stephen Miller to 
be tougher, according to White House aides.


His anger is compounded by his belief that he should still be able to 
plant and steer stories. That was a lot easier to do when he was running 
a close-knit real estate and branding business with an aggressive legal 
team that demanded that nearly everyone in his orbit sign nondisclosure 
agreements.


For the first time in his life, Mr. Trump is on the public payroll and 
subject to a tangle of laws and rules no businessman — especially one 
accustomed to overseeing every aspect of a relatively small family 
business — would tolerate.


To some extent, the clash with the press was inevitable. Mr. Trump may 
be noisier 

Re: [Marxism] Fwd: What is to be done? An invitation for submissions to North Star

[Manuel Barrera via Marxism]

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My reply on the North Star:
I invite any of you out there to examine this question and post, discuss, and  
submit your thinking to multiple venues. I believe the The North Star Network 
is an open space for multiple perspectives. However, here are my initial 
comments:

1. it is is well and good for people to talk, to analyze, and think broadly 
about what "should be done". But it CANNOT be "done" in contradiction to 
ongoing action. There is collectively a "mass ferment" as well as a mass level 
of shock and paralysis as even our largest actions seem (I say "seem") unable 
to keep Trump and his willing (and unwilling) accomplices (Republican and 
Democrat) from rushing headlong into barbarism and the dismantling of 
democratic rights and protections. It is at one most uncomfortable for some 
sections of the capitalist class to try  to roll back class relations to before 
thee 1930's and at the same time, the capitalists see this event of Trumpism as 
a singular opportunity to do that very thing. The reformist-minded rulers 
(headed by the Democrats of all ilk) likely fear that such a rollback is not 
possible because they fear the backlash of the masses to defend Our gains. 
Trump and his followers are, in fact, calling our "bluff" betting that mass 
discontent
  will be quelled by a combination of Trump-inspired repression and the 
Democratic Party's historic role in encompassing mass movements and dissipating 
them into support for "realistic" electoral politics. In short, Trump and the 
Democrats hope to use the next four to eight years to effect a new era of  
"class peace" where all of US can learn to expect even less than what we've 
become increasingly used to accepting today. We Must Not talk and stop acting. 
Even directionless, the mass movements that are emerging create a different 
context. Indeed, the recent "debate" within the Democratic Party National 
Committee to elect a new chair received far too much attention by people who 
were just a month ago in the streets beginning to feel our power. "Discussing 
and analyzing" devoid of action, no matter how less effective such action might 
be without leadership, creates breathing room for the oppressors. Those of us 
who see ourselves as revolutionaries must continue to participate in every 
 form of struggle no matter how small or seem!
 ingly insignificant. In this period, every struggle, every town hall meeting, 
every issue becomes a basis to "stop Trump", which equals today to meaning stop 
capitalism's assaults.

2. Those of us who consider ourselves "leftists" or socialists need to unite 
not simply "in spite" of our differences, but BECAUSE of our differences. We 
need to show the masses both how to fight and how to make united decisions, 
especially when we disagree. The Trumps and the Democrats have historically 
relied (knowingly and unknowingly) on this very real propensity of internecine 
warfare "in the streets" among those who have become moved to oppose them. 
Indeed, the rise of the trade union bureaucracy during earlier revolutionary 
times has been a model, not necessarily fomented by the rulers but certainly 
been used to their advantage. The ruling class has historically had a singular 
weapon of mass (movement) destruction; their ability to open and close the 
"spigot" of reforms that created the material basis to buy off large sections 
of the working masses that allowed for the dissipation of mass movements. 
Capitalist greed is inexorable, but it is wholly capable of using its greed--a
 nd its vast stores of accumulation--to protect and defend itself. Its best 
weapon is that which can foment discord and disruption among the revolutionary 
class across all its potential fault lines of division. The longer we take--as 
potential revolutionaries--to find a way to unite in discussion, debate, 
decision-making and ACTION, the longer it will take to overcome the "crisis of 
leadership" of the masses that so many have "analyzed" is a problem. The 
results of our inability to unite are already apparent; they are bloody and the 
more consciously we refuse to change, the more that blood is also on our hands.

3. While there is not as yet an effective and permeating fascist threat, the 
attempts by Trump and his base of highly ignorant and fearful "petit bourgeois 
and lumpens" to create an "authoritarian" state raise the real possibility of 
such a fascist movement. That movement of reaction will NOT look like Hitler's 
fascism or Mussolini's or even of previous "American" attempts. However, such a 
movement will SURELY be aided by a) the continued "leaderlessness" of mass 
ferment b) the resulting 

Re: [Marxism] Fwd: It’s Their Party | Jacobin

[Thomas via Marxism]

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The article says SDS promoted "Half Of The Way With LBJ."  This myth seems to 
go on and on and on.  The slogan was "Part of the Way With LBJ."  I was there 
and voted against it.

T


-Original Message-
>From: Louis Proyect via Marxism 
>Sent: Feb 26, 2017 10:05 AM
>To: Thomas F Barton 
>Subject: [Marxism] Fwd: It’s Their Party | Jacobin

>
>SDS and the Democratic Party. Interesting history.
>
>https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/02/democratic-party-realignment-civil-rights-mcgovern-meany-rustin-sanders/
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[Marxism] Fwd: What is to be done? An invitation for submissions to North Star

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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In Donald Trump’s first month in the White House, the left has been 
confronted by the biggest challenge in decades. Unlike the 
administrations of the post-WWII period, there is wide agreement that 
Trump is something different and constitutes the biggest threat to 
bourgeois democracy since Joseph McCarthy. Discussions about how to 
theorize “Trumpism” overlap with those about strategy and tactics. All 
this takes place in the context of massive demonstrations and the growth 
of the left that also requires analysis, especially since by most 
accounts the Democratic Party is fueling the anti-Trump movement.


When the North Star website was launched in 2012, it was never 
understood by its editors as offering a “line” that the left should 
follow. Its primary purpose was to defend a non-sectarian approach to 
building the left that departed from “Leninist” orthodoxy. In this, it 
was hearkening back to the original vision of Peter Camejo’s North Star 
Network of the early 80s that was the first attempt to unify a badly 
fractured left around a broad left program with the most important 
elements being rejection of the two-party system, the creation of a 
revolutionary party based in the working class and the need for a total 
transformation of American society based on socialism.


Within the broad discussion taking place on the left around a series of 
interrelated questions, the North Star editorial board would like to 
invite submissions dealing with the period we have entered. To give you 
an idea of the kind of analysis we would like to publish, we urge you to 
consider editorial board member John Reimann’s articles on “Donald Trump 
and the World Capitalist Crisis” and “The Trump-Putin Connection”.


While these bullet points should not be considered as constituting the 
boundaries of the analysis we would like to provide a platform for, they 
do represent our impressions of what the left has been grappling with:


What is Trumpism?
Is Donald Trump a fascist? What are the class forces that constitute his 
base of support both at the top and the bottom? Under what circumstances 
can we see a break with bourgeois democracy? A massive terrorist attack 
on the scale of 9/11?


full: http://www.thenorthstar.info/?p=13183
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[Marxism] Fwd: The mystery of ‘populism’ finally unveiled | openDemocracy

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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By G.M. Tamas, leading Hungarian Marxist.

https://www.opendemocracy.net/wfd/can-europe-make-it/g-m-tam-s/mystery-of-populism-finally-unveiled
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[Marxism] Fwd: It’s Their Party | Jacobin

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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SDS and the Democratic Party. Interesting history.

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2016/02/democratic-party-realignment-civil-rights-mcgovern-meany-rustin-sanders/
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[Marxism] Fwd: More than 50 detained in immigration raids at Asian restaurants in Mississippi - LA Times

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-mississippi-immigration-raids-20170223-story.html
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[Marxism] Fwd: Key Question About DNC Race: Why Did Obama White House Recruit Perez to Run Against Ellison?

[Louis Proyect via Marxism]

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https://theintercept.com/2017/02/24/key-question-about-dnc-race-why-did-white-house-recruit-perez-to-run-against-ellison/
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