[Marxism] FREE LABOUR, CAPITALISM AND, THE ANTI-SLAVERY ORIGINS OF CHINESE EXCLUSION IN CALIFORNIA, IN THE 1870s

2014-10-14 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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Hat tip to Richard Seymour on this article that shows now the 
Workingman's Party in California combined anticapitalist and racist 
ideology.


http://past.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2014/09/18/pastj.gtu030.full.pdf

I first encountered the reactionary elements of a workerist 
interpretation of Marxism in an article I wrote about Timothy 
Messer-Kruse's The Yankee International: 1848-1876:


Dogmatic Marxism's hostility toward non-class demands has been around 
for a very long time, judging from the evidence of Timothy 
Messer-Kruse's The Yankee International: 1848-1876. (U. of North 
Carolina, 1998) Furthermore, you are left with the disturbing conclusion 
that this problem existed at the very highest levels of the first 
Communist International, and included Marx himself.


The people who launched a section of the Communist International in the 
USA were veteran radicals, who had fought against slavery and for 
women's rights for many years. They saw the emerging anti-capitalist 
struggles in Europe, most especially the Paris Commune of 1871, as 
consistent with their own. They saw revolutionary socialism as the best 
way to guarantee the success of the broader democratic movement. What 
European Marxism would think of them is an entirely different matter.


full: http://www.columbia.edu/~lnp3/mydocs/american_left/woodhull.htm


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Re: [Marxism] FREE LABOUR, CAPITALISM AND, THE ANTI-SLAVERY ORIGINS OF CHINESE EXCLUSION IN CALIFORNIA, IN THE 1870s

2014-10-14 Thread Mark Lause via Marxism
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I'm having trouble getting access to this piece.

However, the Workingmen's Party of California grew from the interests of
small Euro-American proprietors resisting the rise of railroads and the
forces of industrial capitalism. Like all such operations its appealed to
workingmen, but no more so than the major capitalist parties.  And, it
was prone, like all, to embrace misleading labels.

It was hardly anticapitalist in the sense of opposing the capitalist
order in general.

And it was certainly never Marxist in any way, shape or form.

Solidarity,
Mark L.

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Re: [Marxism] FREE LABOUR, CAPITALISM AND, THE ANTI-SLAVERY ORIGINS OF CHINESE EXCLUSION IN CALIFORNIA, IN THE 1870s

2014-10-14 Thread RKOB via Marxism

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People can access this document via the following link
http://scholar.harvard.edu/rudi_batzell/publications/free-labour-capitalism-and-anti-slavery-origins-chinese-exclusion


Am 14.10.2014 um 16:48 schrieb Mark Lause via Marxism:

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I'm having trouble getting access to this piece.

However, the Workingmen's Party of California grew from the interests of
small Euro-American proprietors resisting the rise of railroads and the
forces of industrial capitalism. Like all such operations its appealed to
workingmen, but no more so than the major capitalist parties.  And, it
was prone, like all, to embrace misleading labels.

It was hardly anticapitalist in the sense of opposing the capitalist
order in general.

And it was certainly never Marxist in any way, shape or form.

Solidarity,
Mark L.

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Re: [Marxism] FREE LABOUR, CAPITALISM AND, THE ANTI-SLAVERY ORIGINS OF CHINESE EXCLUSION IN CALIFORNIA, IN THE 1870s

2014-10-14 Thread Louis Proyect via Marxism

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On 10/14/14 10:48 AM, Mark Lause wrote:

I'm having trouble getting access to this piece.

However, the Workingmen's Party of California grew from the interests of
small Euro-American proprietors resisting the rise of railroads and the
forces of industrial capitalism. Like all such operations its appealed
to workingmen, but no more so than the major capitalist parties.  And,
it was prone, like all, to embrace misleading labels.

It was hardly anticapitalist in the sense of opposing the capitalist
order in general.

And it was certainly never Marxist in any way, shape or form.

Solidarity,
Mark L.


Mark is right that the party was not Marxist but it certainly had a 
working class base. From the article The Workingmen's Party of 
California by Ralph Kauer in the Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 13, 
No. 3 (Sep., 1944). I would only add that the generally uncritical view 
of the party in this 1944 article reflects the nativism that prevailed 
in both scholarly and progressive movements in the USA at the time:


In November Denis Kearney was arrested,as were several of the other
leaders who organized meetings to protest against his imprisonment. The 
authorities erred if they believed that the arrest of Kearney would 
weaken the movement, for it had a directly opposite effect.The 
sympathies of laborers throughout the state were aroused and the party 
was strengthened.Kearney was acquitted,and a few days later more than 
eight thousand workers marched in a Thanksgiving Day parade in San 
Francisco which celebrated both the holiday and the release of their 
leader.The paraders carried placards with such slogans as: Labor shall 
be King; This is a country for free white labor, not coolie labor; 
and The ballot before the bullet.


In the same month,the party was successful in electing J.E. Clark 
assemblyman from Santa Clara County.This success was followed in March 
by victories in the municipal elections of Oakland and Sacramento. At 
the close of March, the Workingmen's party consisted of at least two 
branches in each of the twelve wards of the city of San Francisco with a 
total membership of about fifteen thousand workers.There were also clubs 
scattered throughout the state, Oakland having the second largest 
membership with a roll of seventeen hundred laborers.





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Re: [Marxism] FREE LABOUR, CAPITALISM AND, THE ANTI-SLAVERY ORIGINS OF CHINESE EXCLUSION IN CALIFORNIA, IN THE 1870s

2014-10-14 Thread Mark Lause via Marxism
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I like the article, in general.  It's very informative and I agree in
recommending it to anyone interested in the history of the labor movement
or the Left.

That said, it's terribly difficult to put solid numbers on the party's
base.  (Rather like taking the size of the SWP a century later based on
what it claimed or told the media).  Certainly, almost every party with any
substance to it is going to have something of a working class base in the
cities.  That doesn't make New York CIty's Tammany Hall a labor party.

So, too, rhetorical appeals mean little. This was also the period in which
the Republicans ran U.S. Grant and Henry Wilson as the Workingmen's
candidates and had them on a Workingmen's ticket in places.  This is a
common problem, particularly in U.S. history, where parties and candidates
just can't be taken on face value based on what they claim.

Its anticapitalist dimension s explained in footnote 23 on the seventh
page. It consisted of ‘bounding’ and ‘embedding’ capitalist social
relations within a moral and political order.  I don't read that as
anticapitalist in any sense.  Indeed,there's not single capitalist
politician of any standing in the U.S. today that couldn't say the same
thing.

On a related note, I think it was the late 1970s when David Roediger wrote
an article on the antislavery origins of the eight-hour movement.  In that
case, you had abolitionists and antislavery radicals continuing beyond the
Civil War to fight for a shorter workday.  In the case of the Workingmen's
Party of California, many of these characters were just plain thugs and
proslavery Democrats who were continuing to sail on that course under other
auspices.  Yes, I get the common opposition to bond labor, but I just don't
trust the rhetoric.

More fundamentally, though, if we're going to generalize about the
movement's predispositions, etc., we should probably base it on the genuine
working class radicals and socialists who were around at the time.

Best,
Mark L.

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