Re: [Marxism] Unionization rate drops to 6.9% in private sector

2011-01-24 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 24/01/2011 03:39, Nick Fredman wrote:
 Richard Seymore:

   The embourgoisement thesis doesn't have much going for it

  Leonardo Kosloff:

   such theories of the aristocracy of labor are unhelpful

 I noted before that imperialism per se has little or nothing to do with the 
 decline of union density, but more generally some comrades, not least of the 
 state cap variety, tend to downplay or deny the political effects of 
 relations of relative privilege within the working class, internationally via 
 imperialism, and within national social formations in terms of more skilled, 
 educated and/or better off sections of national working classes.

Surely not?  First of all, as you're  talking about state caps, Tony
Cliff argued that imperialism is central to the strength of reformist
political attitudes.  He differed with Lenin's analysis of 'labour
aristocracy', but nonetheless held that capitalist expansion in the form
of imperialism provided the economic basis for the Right within the
labour movement.  With regard to sections within the working class,
Cliff's simple argument was that these tended to be more pronounced the
weaker the working class is, but are reduced when the workers' standards
of living go up.

As for myself, I would not use the language of 'privilege', but I would
agree with you on the relevance of 'feelings of superiority', or
chauvinism.  I am the last to deny or 'downplay' the relevant political
effects of, say, white supremacy on working class cohesion and strength,
which is certainly at the heart of long-term difficulties faced by the
US working class for example.  It's just not clear to me how theories of
'embourgoisement' or 'labour aristocracy' help with this.

-- 
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Re: [Marxism] Islamic Fundamentalism

2011-01-22 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 22/01/2011 12:39, Dan wrote:
 Fundamentalist islam, of the sort that is being spread by contemporary
 preachers, is not a return to the traditional form of Islam practiced in
 rural areas of the Muslim world.

There doesn't appear to be any sense in the category of 'fundamentalist
Islam'.  Fundamentalism is a category from Protestantism adverting to a
literal interpretation of biblical texts.  Islamism can take a variety
of forms, most of them involving itjihad at some level (ie, precisely
*not* literal interpretation).  Though it has usually expressed itself
in a right-wing way, the indeterminacy of religious doxa is such that
Islamism has been compatible with a variety of political forms.  Thus,
for instance, liberal Islamists would include Tariq Ramadan and Rachid
Ghannouchi, while leftist Islamists would have included the MEK back in
the day and their maitre penseur Ali Shariati.  Egyptian intellectuals
like Hasan Hanafi have moved from leftist to liberal.

 What Islamic fundamentalists are preaching is adherence to the strict
 interpretation of Islam favoured by the Hanbalite school of thought, and
 its Whahabite and Salafist forms.

I'm afraid this isn't very helpful.  Salafism in its political uses (ie,
that championed by al-Afghani, Abdu  Rida) has little to do with a
'strict interpretation of Islam'.  That's one reason why many Salafists
don't accept the legacy of these thinkers, arguing that they were more
interested in building anti-colonial movements than in proper religious
jurisprudence.

 Strict control over the body of the worshipper (five prayers a day
 following a precise set of genuflections),

Five prayers a day has nothing to do with 'fundamentalist Islam'.  Salat
is one of the five pillars of Islam.  This tendency for the critique of
fundamentalism to always slip back into the demonisation of the faith
and its adherents is one of the dangers of not taking Islamophobia
seriously.

 characterization of the modern
 world as being in a state of jahiliya (ignorant idolatry).
 This narrow-minded, sectarian world-view, in which the faithful are seen
 as a the only true god-fearers amidst a world perverted by jahiliya,

This is Sayyid Qutb's idea, but a) Qutbism hardly exhausts the various
tendencies within Political Islam, and b) while sectarian in its
specific application by Qutb, the concept of jahilliya not necessarily a
sectarian idea.  Most of the modern world does live in a state of
ignorance and idolatry.  That's capitalism.  The idea that marxists
would be scandalised by such a suggestion is frankly rather comical.


 Again, it is my view that Islamism is a poison and not a useful ally
 in the struggle against Imperialism. 

Never mind useful allies.  Some Islamists are fighting imperialism,
and some are not.  Hamas  Hezbollah are fighting imperialism, while the
Saudi clerical authorities are not.  If you want to struggle against
imperialism in perfect isolation from everyone you disagree with,
denouncing those to your right as poison, then go ahead.  But don't
then complain about 'sectarianism'.  Your /noli me tangere/ attitude is
itself the absolute epitome of sectarianism, placing your specious
conception of integrity above the needs of the struggle.


-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

Email: leninstombb...@googlemail.com

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Re: [Marxism] A debate on Islamophobia

2011-01-20 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 20/01/2011 22:23, Dan wrote:
 So, out of respect for people's sensitivities, let's replace the
 declaration of human rights with the ten commandments, let's allow
 adulteresses to be stoned to death, let's applaud at the building of
 religious schools, let's pretend that covering women's heads is a
 genuine way of protecting them, let's all refrain from using words
 such as goddammit which might offend, let's encourage weekly prayers
 (they're part of the traditions of the down-trodden), let's allow
 faith-based organizations to regulate the way people live, let's
 acknowledge the role of the divine, let's pretend fundamentalists are
 actually misguided social activists, let's refrain from making
 derogatory statements against religious institutions, yeah,
 let's be Marxists who never talk about materialism if it might cause our
 brethern to stumble.

By logical corollary, you would argue that those marxists who oppose
antisemitism thereby also support patriarchy, circumcision, gender
violence, clerical rule, fundamentalism and the genocidal declarations
of Jewish religious authorities in Israel.  A further corollary of your
argument is that the term 'antisemitism' is just a cover for letting the
Jews have the run of things.  I don't expect you to accept these
corollaries of your irrational, hysterical and self-serving
expostulations.  I expect you to be as hypocritical as you are
navel-gazing.  I also expect you not to notice the moral absurdity of
your complaining about your oppression at the hands of Muslims in a
period where Muslims are being harrassed, beaten, abducted, tortured and
murdered on a planetary level.



-- 
*Richard Seymour*

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Re: [Marxism] re : A debate on Islamophobi

2011-01-20 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 20/01/2011 23:20, Dan wrote:
 Those Marxists who oppose antisemitism ALSO oppose the barbaric and idiotic 
 laws
 found in Judaism. 

Yet, Dan, you were the one who complained that one could not oppose
Islamophobia without also curtailing your right to criticise religion. 
Now that you recognise how absurd the corollary of your argument is,
perhaps you might take the step of reconising how absurd your original
complaint was.

 How is it a corollary of my argument that the term antisemitism is just a
 cover for letting Jews have the run of things ? Do you even understand my 
 argument ?

Better than you do, evidently.  You may recall that your argument was
that criticism of Islamophobia, even the use of the term, was a means of
preventing criticism of Islam and allowing faith-based organizations to
regulate the way people live and stone adulteresses to death.  Or, to
put it another way, criticism of Islamophobia is a way of letting
Muslims have the run of things.  The logical corollary would be that
criticism of antisemitism is, similarly, a way of letting Jews have the
run of things.  Since you don't like that corollary, since you reject it
(as I knew you would), perhaps you would be good enough not to be a
hypocrite and reject your own absurd argument.

 Again, some Muslims will use the term Islamophobic to shame those who are 
 against a certain conception of 
 Islamic interference in secular matters.

This is only tangentially relevant to the discussion.  Your objection
was not to the *misuse* of the term 'Islamophobia', but to the *use* of
the term as such.  That, by accepting that the term can be misused, you
now at least tacitly accept that there can be correct uses of the term,
is a step forward.

But you will never stop being confused by this issue so long as you
continue to be stuck in a colonial way of seeing things, in which your
problems (in this case, your right to criticise Islam as a religion)
come before the problems of the oppressed, now matter how much more
grave theirs are than yours.  I'm afraid that this spurious victimology
of yours adverts the French Left's longstanding failure to engage
appropriately with the legacy of the French empire and its legitimising
ideologies - viz. 'republicanism' for the Left, Catholic crusades for
the Right.  The empire in North Africa consistently denigrated Islam in
terms of much the same dehumanising tropes that are common currency
today, and the Left at the time collaborated not only in that
denigration but also in the massacres that such denigration existed to
justify.  Notwithstanding a brief period of tiers-mondisme among a
minority on the far left, there has been next to no effort to come to
terms with this and overcome its legacy.  This failure has been
responsible lately for allowing the French state pass laws that target
and vilify Muslim women in a way that is both racist and deeply
misogynistic, without any serious opposition from within white society. 
It has also, incidentally, weakened the French Left by allowing Sarkozy
to bail himself out of political crises by directing the fire toward
Islam.  That white leftists can complain that anti-racism in some sense
oppresses them, while also evincing total ignorance of the wider
phenomenon to which anti-racism objects, shows how deep those traditions
of colonial supremacism still run.



-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

Email: leninstombb...@googlemail.com

Website: http://www.leninology.blogspot.com

Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/leninology

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Re: [Marxism] re : Why Tunisia's Revolution Is Islamist-Free

2011-01-18 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 18/01/2011 00:37, Dan wrote:been encouraged under Ben Ali.
 is not accurate. Once An(l)-Nahda (meaning renaissance/rebirth in Arabic, 
 an interesting name as it was used by Arabic secularists to define a 
 pro-enlightenment cultural movement in the 19th century) became banned,
 it fielded independent candidates that totaled ... 15% of the vote (not 
 one third).

Sorry Dan, I am aware that the officially acknowledged result was closer
to 14%.  Francois Burgat  William Howell's 'The Islamic Movement in
Africa' argues that the true result was plausibly closer to 30-32%. 
This may be misleading.  They take their cue from interviews with
leading Islamists in An Nahda.  But given the fact that the Islamists
were banned, and given that the government rigged the vote, it would
seem plausible that their true level of support was undercounted.

 And that was in 1988. 

I'm pretty sure it was 1989 when these elections were held:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tunisian_general_election,_1989

 Since then, the Algerian civil war has passed by
 (with its horrific massacres), and in 2011, it is doubtful An-Nahda will
 get more than 15% of the vote (if even that much).

Oh, I think that's probably right.  Even if they were permitted to
stand, they're not in the same shape they once were.

 Tunisians will vote for Social Democratic parties, such as the Progressive 
 Democratic Party or the Union for Justice and Labour.
 In fact, both these parties now have ministers in the new national unity
 government. The old, hard-core CDR will still garner around 25% of the vote.
 That's just my personal hunch. I could be completely wrong of course. But 
 since
 I'm not betting any money ...

That's an interesting assessment.  Why do you say 25% for the CDR?  I'd
be interested to know what you think the social base is for the CDR today?

-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

Email: leninstombb...@googlemail.com

Website: http://www.leninology.blogspot.com

Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/leninology

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Re: [Marxism] Why Tunisia's Revolution Is Islamist-Free

2011-01-17 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 17/01/2011 23:01, Dan wrote:
 So the revolution is not Islamist-free. But what weight does
 An-Nahda really have ? 

It's not easy to say, since open support for the Islamists hasn't really
been encouraged under Ben Ali.  When they stood as independents in the
1989 election, it's estimated that they had almost a third of the vote. 
Since then, they've been systematically hunted down, and purged from the
army.  And, as I say, underlying economic conditions prevailed against
them.  But I'm wary of any analysis which starts from the assumption
that Islamism was a non-starter in Tunisia for lack of interest.


-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

Email: leninstombb...@googlemail.com

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Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/leninology

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Re: [Marxism] Why Loughner shot Giffords

2011-01-12 Thread Richard Seymour
 a 'debatable' proposition.  Unsurprisingly, milieus
are springing up where the far right is gaining credibility and
momentum.  The gun nuts, militia groupies, white supremacists, NWOers,
etc., simply form the right-wing pole of a community of
ultra-reactionaries.  In these milieus, political paranoia is not only
normal, but it constitutes the organising principle of their politics. 
The Republican Right can't be assumed to be ignorant of all this. 
They've got a long history of mobilising the far right on their behalf,
from the anticommunist witch-hunts to the 'southern strategy' and
beyond.  All the knowingly ignorant statements, the race-baiting, the
calls for more violence against America's enemies, the gun porn, the
in-jokes, are all calculated.

It would not seem inappropriate, except to an ostrich, to situate Jared
Lee Loughner in all of that, given that he imbibed and parrotted a lot
of ultra-reactionary ideology and selected a Democrat on Palin's
'target' list.  Whatever his immediate motivation, and we don't know
exactly what caused him to pull the trigger yet, there was more than
enough in his environment to prepare a vulnerable deluded young man for
this sort of moment.  As has been observed more than once, it's
surprising this didn't happen before (although it actually did).

 It's been worrying to hear all the talk about the necessity for a culture of 
 civility, etc. One of the results will be that Sarah Palin's star will fade, 
 while some more polite and civil pal of the surplus extractors will take her 
 place.

Why should it be worrying if these scumbags have to temper their
rhetoric a little bit?  Will that do the rest of us any harm, if they're
having to look over their shoulder just a little bit?  Bear in mind that
the Right's purpose here is to prevent even the most modest abridgments
of the rights of surplus extractors, by persuading millions of people
that a modest healthcare programme, or a slightly more progressive tax
system, or any protection for immigrants, amounts to a Muslim communist
totalitarian plot led by a usurper-president.  Bear in mind that their
rhetoric is fully intended to motivate the most reactionary elements in
American society with crazed conspiracy theories, so that they can fill
the space vacated by disillusioned Obama supporters.  In what sense
would it be a bad thing if the Left got organised to defeat this filth,
and as a consequence abated some of the right-wing pressures in US society?

 Of course, if Loughner had been a crazy-ass Muslim or ex-Muslim, the rhetoric 
 would be markedly different.
 
We know exactly what the rhetoric would be, as we have precedent.  The
social and political context would be ignored, and it would be reduced
to him and/or his religion.  And that would be it -  don't mention the
war, it's all about dangerous kooks.  It would be a shame if this was
the step we took with Loughner.


-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

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Re: [Marxism] Why Loughner shot Giffords

2011-01-12 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 12/01/2011 13:24, Louis Proyect wrote:
 Because the ulterior motive is to stigmatize extremism. This morning I
 am watching MSNBC news hosted by a former Republican Congressman named Joe
 Scarborough and Mika Brzezinski (Zbigniew's daughter) and all they are
 talking about is the need to ratchet down the rhetoric on both the left
 and the right.

I realise this is your fear, but it is misplaced.  The Left does not
engage in 'extremism' of this kind.  The fact that it's being presented
by the media in this way is a predictable effort at obfuscation, which
we should not buy into.  We have nothing to be afraid of.  The Left is
not doing anything remotely equivalent or analogous to what the
Palinites and the Tea Partiers are doing, and we should be saying so,
and telling the Jon Stewarts of this world to fuck off.

  It doesn't matter if the rightwing ratchets down its
 rhetoric. They have a surrogate in Obama who is carrying out their agenda.

It does matter, actually.  This 'rhetoric' is part of the political
mobilization of business-based groups to prevent the Democratic base
from achieving moderately social democratic policies like decent
healthcare, etc.  Forcing the Right into retreat would leave the Left in
a better place to apply pressure to the administration, which is
otherwise going to come exclusively from the Right.  Frankly, you're
missing a huge open goal here: this should be the end of the Tea Party
as a mainstream political movement.  They should be finished, and the
Left should be chucking dirt on the grave.

The argument that there's essentially no difference between the
Palinites and the Democrats, that the Dems are basically surrogates for
the Palinites, is also mistaken at best.  There are differences, not
merely those within the spectrum of pro-capitalist policymaking, but
also in terms of the base they each relate to.  Those differences do not
make the Democrats allies of the Left or the working class, but they
should shape how the Left responds.

 Also, I take strong exception to Richard referring to any protection for
 immigrants as if this has something to do with the Obama administration.
 In fact, more undocumented workers are being thrown out of the country
 than under Bush.

Indeed, the capitalist crisis is driving the state to ramp up repression
and racism against immigrants.  There are some sections of capital who
want to go harder than others, and they're backing the Tea Party
reactionaries.  The Dems aren't giving the Tea Party everything they
want.  Giffords was specifically targeted on this issue, despite being a
fairly mundane conservative Democrat.  So, the point here would be that
the Tea Party wishes to treat as communist totalitarianism any position
that isn't as completely brutal as theirs.  But all this was obvious in
what I said, which makes it all the more mysterious what you're taking
strong exception to.

To return to the issue motivating your stance, I think you should
reconsider the idea that left-wing 'extremism' (whatever that is) is
remotely comparable in any conceivable, arguable way to the racist,
near-fascistic demagoguery of the Republican Right - in terms of
viciousness, violence, or the social powers ranged behind it.

-- 
*Richard Seymour*

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Re: [Marxism] Why Loughner shot Giffords

2011-01-12 Thread Richard Seymour
 or Colin Ferguson. 

Does anyone literally argue that all killers are motivated primarily by
ideology?

 Your articulation of these killings with the neoliberal agenda makes
 perfect sense,but your belief that, somehow, this might sound the death knell 
 for the Tea
 Party makes none. Please allow us some pessimism of the memory over here. 

If you insist.  But, in that case, why do you believe it matters what
the Left says?  Why shouldn't the Left speculate about the political
barbarism that might have facilitated these murders, given how little
difference it makes to anything?  Or, by a similar reasoning, why not at
least try to hold the Right accountable for its behaviour?  What have
you got to lose exactly?  Well:

  I anticipate a result more like that following the Oklahoma City
 bombing, which produced the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act of 
 1996, an
 important coercive step on the way to the Patriot Act, which is being used
 right now to prosecute peace and Palestine activists in the upper Midwest

If this is on the cards, then on the strength of the foregoing it is
certainly on the cards whether you resist it or not.  But if you were to
resist such a logic, I fail to see how it would held to prophylactically
strip the issue of any political significance, which is what has
happened on this list in this case.


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Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

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Re: [Marxism] Should anarchists or deep ecologists be blamed for the Unabomber?

2011-01-11 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/01/2011 15:07, Louis Proyect wrote:
 Washington Post
 Paper Assails 'Industrial-Technological System'
 Friday, June 30, 1995; Page A10

 The document sent by UNABOM to The Washington Post is a densely
 written anarchist manifesto that calls for worldwide revolution
 against the effects of modern society's industrial-technological
 system.

Do anarchists and ecologists routinely engage in the kind of barbarism
that the US Right does?  Is there a tradition of countersubversive
expurgatory violence among anarchists and ecologists?  Do anarchists and
ecologists as a rule tend to call for assassinations, or support bombing
anyone?  Do they as a rule support the accumulation of weapons and
indulge in gun porn?  Do they diminish their socially weaker opponents
and support their violent punishment at the hands of the state?  Is
there any tradition of dehumanising the 'other' among anarchists and
ecologists?  Do by and large inhabit and, through control of major
capitalist institutions, encourage others to inhabit, a paranoid
alternative universe in which the enemies are pawns of a foreign usurper
imposing a socialist tyranny on America?  Do they control major media
outlets?  Do they have a phalanx of elected lunatics spreading bile and
filth through airways?  Do they run their own private schools?  Are they
funded by major businesses?

None of the above.  Next!

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Re: [Marxism] Fw: The Class Battles in France

2010-11-02 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 02/11/2010 08:46, Graham Milner wrote:
 I am not sure about the scale of the setback for the French labour movement.  
  It is probably at least on the scale of the defeat of the miners' union in 
 Britain in 1984.   It might actually be rather worse.  ...   The French 
 proletariat fought magnificently, and withdraws from this battle with its 
 organisations and its honour intact.

You do realise this is entirely contradictory?  If the French labour
movement has been defeated in a way that is on a par with, or worse
than, Britain in 1984/5, then the French proletariat does not withdraw
from the battle with its organisations intact and the opportunity to
fight another day.  It withdraws with its organisations shattered, in
disarray, with the left humiliated and on the end of witch-hunts
everywhere, the neoliberal right-wing ascendant, and the combativity
sucked out of the class for a generation.  If that's really what is
happening, then there's no room for false consolations about 'honour'
being intact and so on.

In truth, I don't see the parallel.  What has happened is nothing like
1984/5 in Britain.  First of all, the outcome of this struggle is not
yet decided, nor is its impact on future struggles.  Secondly, unlike in
1984/5, the trade union leadership has sought to slow the movement down
and negotiate a surrender.  Scargill and the NUM stuck with it to the
bitter end, throwing everything they had at the dispute.  But the French
labour bureaucracy never had any intention of taking such a stance,
because a large part of the bureaucracy doesn't fundamentally object to
the reforms, while other elements didn't want to continue to strike
against the measure once it became law.  Thus, they have taken the
opportunity of the law being passed to organise a slowing down of the
movement and a gradual retreat.  This is having an obvious and very
palpable effect on the rate and duration of strike actions, with many
going back to work.  But the labour movement in France has a history of
ignoring the leadership, which was what proved so decisive in 1995, and
that is a debate that by all accounts is taking place in the movement. 
It is unwise to prejudge the outcome of this struggle before the dust
has settled, and certainly wrong to write it down as an historic defeat
on the scale of the miners' strike in Britain.

-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer, blogger and PhD candidate

Email: leninstombb...@googlemail.com

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Re: [Marxism] Christopher Hitchens: Islamophobia is a fake term

2010-08-25 Thread Richard Seymour
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 On 25/08/2010 16:26, Louis Proyect wrote:
 Toxic to the bitter end:

 http://www.slate.com/id/2264770/

Cancer is a fake disease.

-- 
*Richard Seymour*

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Re: [Marxism] List of democides

2010-05-31 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 31/05/2010 21:28, dan wrote:
 OK, the position of the French left has always been to condemn Israel.
 This was also the position of the former USSR (although it did
 originally support the creation of Israel).
   

That's absolutely flatly false.  The USSR supported the creation of
Israel and only later came into conflict with Israel's regional
ambitions.  Until 1967, the French Left was overwhelmingly pro-Israel. 
This was tied with its pro-empire policies, as Israel was seen as a
reliable opponent of nationalism in Algeria, Tunisia, and Morrocco.


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Re: [Marxism] New Labour

2010-05-11 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/05/2010 01:39, brad wrote:
 Everyone should read for themselves either the full article or my
 quotes below, which unlike Richards don't seek to completely distort
 the whole argument of the article (fucking wow, Richard).

   

The trouble with your quotes is that a) I don't disagree with them, and
b) they don't contradict what I said.  The Labour Party is a party of
the working class, a part of the labour movement, and as such is
profoundly affected by any class struggle that takes place.  This is
what I claimed, and this is what Panitch claimed.  I am fully in
agreement with the Milibandian critique of the Labour Party, but if you
think that it says that Labour is not a party of the working class in
the sense that I've just outlined, then you just haven't been reading
closely.  Even your own cited articles underline the point again and again.

This is how Panitch discusses the Labour Party in the 1988 article you
cite: ...a social democratic working-class party like Labour  In
the Ralph Miliband article from 1976 which you cite, 'Moving On', he
repeatedly affirms that Labour is indeed the party of the working
class (using the definite article where I would not).  The basis of his
objection to Labourism is above all that it is not *socialist*, not that
Labour is not a working class party.  Indeed, the Milibandian critique
of Labourism nowhere objects to the basic sociological description of
the Labour Party as a party of the working class, but consistently
reaffirms it, and your own preferred sources prove it.

Now can you please engage with the arguments and cease with this boring
pedantry?

-- 
*Richard Seymour*

Writer and blogger

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Re: [Marxism] Lenin's Tomb on the British vote

2010-05-11 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/05/2010 02:08, Jim Farmelant wrote:
 I have said here several times that I see little difference
 between the British Labour Party as it currently
 exists and the Democratic Party in the US.
 Despite the gret differences in the histories
 of the two parties, they have pretty much
 ended up in the same place politically and
 they perform similar functions in the
 British and American political systems,
 respectively.  Just as much of the
 American readical left still retains
 illusions in the Democrats, most
 of the British radical left retains
 illusions in the Labout Party,
 except that British leftists
 seem to be much stubbornly
 committed to their illusions
 than their American counterparts,
 who at least realize that the
 Democrats are a capitalist party.
   

Taking such a patronising, supercilious attitude to others on the Left
who happen to disagree with you is not a productive way to proceed.  The
Labour Party is not like the Democratic Party, however much the
Blairites wished to make it so.  That the Labour Party is led by
reactionaries, that it has consistently pursued pro-capitalist policies
from inception to miserable denouement, that it has an imperialist
streak a mile wide, and that it is not a socialist party in any sense,
is not something I would wish to deny.  But the gret [sic] differences
in the histories of the two parties are not merely differences of
tradition or background; they are fundamental differences in each
party's relationship to the working class, and specifically to the
minority of the working class that is active.  If Labour was to become
like the Democratic Party, it would have to sever all of its trade union
links, become almost wholly reliant on membership and corporate
donations, and forget about mobilising substantial working class
electoral support.  As it is, if the Labour Party didn't have the union
link, didn't have trade union affiliation fees and donations from the
political funds, and didn't have its major basis of support in the
working class, it would have been wiped out in the last election.  Big
difference.

There are, as I've said previously, secular trends toward the
undermining of Labourism in the working class, and toward the erosion of
Labour's relationship to the class from its 1951 zenith.  There are also
unions such as the PCS and RMT who are not affiliated to Labour and
whose leaderships are supportive of possible left-of-Labour
alternatives, which would not have been possible only ten years ago. 
But that does not, I am afraid, mean that Labour is not a working class
party, or that the hold of Labourism in the working class has been broken.




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Re: [Marxism] New Labour

2010-05-11 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/05/2010 01:37, Ron Cohen wrote:
 In what way those are organic connections? membership? representation in 
 party conferences? participation in branches activities? there are 
 almost none of those. membership dropped to record low, branches are 
 empty, conferences are PR events with very little, if at all, working 
 class participation. the only organic connection, if you may call it 
 that, are TU donations, which are also bitterly opposed by the members - 
 e.g. the royal mail members of the CWU.
   

Ron, the biggest trade unions are affiliated to the Labour Party on the
assent of their members; they are represented at Labour conferences
where they have a block vote; they have a third of the vote in
leadership contests, alongside members and MPs; the trade unions
specifically sponsor a number of Labour MPs; they have representation on
the NEC; and the fact is that if the members of the CWU or any other
union wish to disaffiliate from the Labour Party and stop donating their
money, all they have to do is vote for a resolution at conference to
that effect.  In 2008, eg, the CWU did debate disaffiliaton and
democratising the political fund, and both resolutions were defeated.

I have said in another message that there are long-term tendencies which
are gradually undermining such organic connections.  The FBU no longer
affiliates to Labour due in large part to Labour's role in betraying the
2002-3 firefighters' strike; the PCS never did affiliate, and its
political fund set up in 2005 is specifically not earmarked for Labour;
and the RMT was booted out of Labour in 2004.  But these are among the
smaller unions.  Unite, Unison, GMB, Aslef and a total of 15 of the
largest unions still affiliate to Labour.  The majority of the organised
working class is still evidently persuaded that the link with Labour is
worth preserving, even when the Labour government is consistently at war
with the unions.  To refuse to recognise this is to bury your head in
the sand.


-- 
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Writer and blogger

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Re: [Marxism] Lenin's Tomb on the British vote

2010-05-11 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/05/2010 08:00, Greg McDonald wrote:
 Huh? The Democratic party doesn't have trade union links? Anyone who
 pays any attention at all knows that the AFL-CIO is a huge contributor
 to the Democratic party, and has been for a long time. This is an
 objective reality. Of course, the rank and file continue to get
 screwed over such ill-advised attempts of their so-called leadership
 at out-bribing the corporatists, as the democrats only repay all that
 cash with false promises and a kick in the teeth.

 So again, how is that different from the Labour Party?

I'm sorry, but that's not the same.  A trade union in Britain could
easily donate money to the Liberals, but that wouldn't be in any way
commensurate with the structured links between Labour and the organised
working class.  Does Democratic Party depend on the unions?  No, about
14% of its funding comes from the unions.  Does it depend on working
class support?  No, largely not, since most of the working class does
not vote; of those who do vote for either party, the overwhelming
majority have always self-identified as middle class.  Does the
Democratic Party allow unions to have a block vote at its national
conventions? No. Does the Democratic National Committee have
union-sponsored members?  No.  Are there are any Democratic
congressional repesentatives or senators who are specifically
union-sponsored?  No.  Would the unions matter in the least when it came
to selecting Democratic leadership candidates?  No, and certainly
nowhere near as much as capital, especially finance capital.  At most,
the unions are a 'special interest', a lobby group that the Democrats
wheel-and-deal with, but have no basis in and no organic structured
connections to.

Isn't this clear enough?

-- 
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Writer and blogger

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Re: [Marxism] Lenin's Tomb on the British vote

2010-05-11 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/05/2010 09:00, Greg McDonald wrote:

 Not really. There are structural differences, sure, but the function
 and the end result is the same--namely, to neuter the working class.
 I'm by no means an expert on Britlander electoral politics, but seems
 to me you're fetishizing these structural linkages.

 BTW, I can call myself a Martian, just like a worker can call himself
 middle class, but saying so doesn't make it so.
   

Given that your question concerned precisely the structural
differences that I outlined, and given that you have now acknowledged
that these exist, I don't see how you can pretend to be in any way
confused by what I said.  There's no question of fetishising
structural links.  They exist, they matter, they account significantly
for the hegemony of Labourism in the British working class movement -
that is all.  That doesn't mean the party is a socialist party, or that
it doesn't constantly end up battling its own base to secure the
priorities of capital accumulation.  The Milibandian critique of Labour
is absolutely correct on this.  But it is a working class party, it is
where the working class is organised, it is part of the labour movement,
and as such manifestations of class struggle do have a profound effect
in and on the party.  This makes a difference to how socialists should
relate to the Labour Party, and not to recognise this is a sectarian
mistake.

Regarding class self-ID, of course these measurements are far from
perfect, but as Vanneman and Cannon point out in their study, /The
American Perception of Class/, most American workers have a realistic
conception of class, and their self-identifications overlap considerably
with their position in the relations of production.  On top of that, it
is also reasonably well known that non-voters in the US tend to be
poorer and lack higher education, which are proxies for class.  Hence,
my pointing out that elections are boycotted by millions of working
class voters, the majority of whom have probably never cast a vote for
the Democrats, much less joined the party or affiliated through a union.

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Re: [Marxism] Lenin's Tomb on the British vote

2010-05-10 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 10/05/2010 13:09, S. Artesian wrote:
 comrade Seymour is engaged in much more than theoretical contemplation.  In 
 response to a direct question he replied that he thought he had made it 
 clear-- a liberal-labor coalition would be the best or least destructive 
 outcome.

 I call that supporting an alliance with the bourgeoisie. 

   

And I call that preposterous pedantry.  The question of how one
intervenes in parliamentary politics is a strategic one as far as
working class realpolitik is concerned.  There are three options here: a
Lib-Con government; a Tory minority government; and a Lab-Lib
government.  The first two options have the disadvantage of placing the
party of industrial and financial capital in executive power.  The
latter would place a party with organic links to and roots in the
working class movement in executive power.  As a consequence of this,
and of its weak mandate, its ability to impose an emergency budget of
swift, deep cuts - deeper than Thatcher, remember - would be limited. 
Thus, I think that on balance a Lab-Lib pact would be the best of the
options before us.  A Tory minority government has its upsides, but I
don't believe it would have any difficulty getting its emergeny budget
passed, as the Liberals would then be tacit - as opposed to explicit -
coalition partners.

Now, if your worry is about supporting an alliance with the
bourgeoisie (whatever that means - in sociological terms, it would be
more accurate to describe it as an alliance between a party of the
working class and a party of the middle class that has recently made
encroachments on the working class), then you have to outline the
alternative.  Explain what would be the superior option with respect to
frustrating the attack on the working class that is now on the way.  If
you can't explain that, then you're simply engaging in worthless
sloganising, a dogmatic caricature of marxist politics that is
deservedly of marginal import.

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Re: [Marxism] New Labour

2010-05-10 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 10/05/2010 17:55, Dan wrote:
 I am reminded of Alice in
 Wonderland when I read such comments as the Labour party is a party of
 the working class whereas the Lib Dems is a party of the Middle Class.
 Labour a party of the working class ? What a bizarre statement ...
 NOBODY in England, in the streets at least, would ever make the claim
 that New Labour is a party of the working class. It is just one of
 the two parties competing for our votes. 
   

The trouble with this assertion is that it is not based in any way
whatsoever on an objective analysis of the structure, membership and
voting base of the Labour Party.  It's just an extravagant claim.  That,
not its policies at any given moment, was always the basis for the
determination that it was a capitalist workers' party.  And if you
think that nobody in England (or Scotland and Wales, presumably), would
claim that Labour is a party of the working class, then you simply
haven't been paying attention to the fact that working class people in
their millions still vote for Labour, and that trade unions still
affiliate to it, and that trade unionists still go on the stump for Labour.

And when you say that big business financed all of Labour's election
campaigns, that's not entirely true.  Big business donated lots of money
to Labour when it was winning: they like to back a winner, the better to
gain influence.  Truth be told, they've always done this - capital
rallied behind the Labour Party before Blair was leader and before New
Labour had even been heard of.  But the biggest donors remain the
unions, and in the 2010 election, Labour could not have mobilised over 8
million - overwhelmingly working class - votes if it were not for the
decisive donations of Unite, Unison, et al.  Contrary to the wishes of
the Blairites, the union link hasn't been broken, and New Labour has
never been able to become a party of the liberal wing of the capitalist
class modelled on the Democrats.  If you really want to understand New
Labour's tortuous relationship with organised labour, and the gymnastics
it has had to engage in to keep the unions on board, I recommend David
Coates' Prolonged Labour (2005), which is by far the best analysis of
the New Labour project in government.

-- 
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Writer and blogger

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Re: [Marxism] New Labour

2010-05-10 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 10/05/2010 18:27, Bill Stephens wrote:
 is the bureaucracy of the trade union movement in britain working class? 
 aren't they 
 middle class, part of the managerial class?

   

I think this is better as an analogy than as a literal description. 
Union leaders have middle class incomes and a certain amount of status
and social power, but they're not middle class in the usual sense - they
don't exert social power over workers without also being subject to
workers power themselves.  The managerial middle class is in *no way*
accountable to the working class, subject to democratic elections,
vulnerable to no confidence motions, etc.  Their decisions don't have to
be ratified, and their power is derived exclusively from the capitalist
class.  This isn't true of union leaders and for that reason I would
hesitate to classify them simply as part of the managerial middle class.

At any rate, and somewhat more to the point, I wasn't solely talking
about the union bureaucracy.  Union members decide, ultimately, how
their political fund is used; they also ultimately decide how unions
vote within Labour on particular policies, leaders, etc.  They have a
collaborative input, from the shop floor to the conference.  Of course
there is room for all sorts of backroom deals, manoeuvering and
sell-outs, and I certainly don't want to exaggerate the real level of
democracy in trade unions, but in the *last analysis* the relationship
between the Labour Party constitutes an organic connection between party
and class.  That this is subject to secular deterioration and may
finally result in a complete severance doesn't alter the fact that in
the present Labour is a party /of /the working class, based /in/ the
working class.

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Re: [Marxism] Has John Rees's crew been reading the Unrepentant Marxist?

2010-04-12 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 11/04/2010 23:06, Louis Proyect wrote:
 ==
 Rule #1: YOU MUST clip all extraneous text when replying to a message.
 ==


  From Rees's How to start a new left wing group: the rules:

 Avoid the words socialist, communist, Marxist, workers and Party when 
 coining your group's name. It is the 21st century.

 full: 
 http://www.counterfire.org/index.php/blogs/66-luna17-activist/4573-how-to-start-a-new-left-wing-group-the-rules
   

Just to be clear, that was written by a Newcastle-based member of the
/Counterfire/ group named Alex Snowdon rather than by John Rees
himself.  It appears on /Rees's Pieces/ (/Counterfire/'s cognomenclature
in the UK), I suspect, because the site features almost everything
written on its' members blogs.

To answer your question, it may be that Alex read your blog, and decided
to take that advice.   However, I suspect what is more likely is that he
is making fun of how ridiculous new sects look when they take to
rationalising a series of choices forced on them by circumstances beyond
their control, and then offere these as a series of pat 'rules' that
anyone forming a new leftist group can follow.  Hence, dropping
newspapers only makes sense if you don't have a grassroots network or a
trade union base - otherwise it's actually not possible to build an
active membership without the face-to-face interaction that paper sales
provide.  Having a sense of perspective about how tiny you are is
only comforting if your membership is not much above sixty - usually,
having a sense of perspective entails being realistic about your
capacities, not soothing one's soul about the poverty of said
capacities.  Rediscovering the ABC of your tradition and not slagging
off the party you've just left is only appropriate if you have just left
a party and wish to stake a claim to its tradition (cf Lindsey
German's summation of the principles of said tradition: bending the
stick, seizing the key link in the chain and the polemic), while at
the same time constantly slagging off the party you've just left in
thinly veiled terms for having abandoned said tradition.  Avoiding the
words socialist, workers etc is only appropriate if either a) the
group you intend to set up has nothing to do with revolutionary
socialism, or b) you believe that people who might be put off by mention
of socialism can be deceived into joining a marxist group.  The rest is
just filler, and ruins what is otherwise a very witty satire on the
grandiose delusions of grand-standing personality cults.  He should have
called it Hot Sects! Or, How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the RCP.


-- 
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Re: [Marxism] Has John Rees's crew been reading the Unrepentant Marxist?

2010-04-12 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 12/04/2010 14:26, Louis Proyect wrote:
 It all depends. In the late 1800s, socialism was a mass movement 
 that millions of workers identified with, even if they never held 
 membership. By the 1940s, this had changed fundamentally. Workers 
 either viewed themselves as Communist, with all the problems this 
 involved. Or they viewed themselves as socialists in the reformist 
 tradition. Tiny groups vying for their allegiance called 
 themselves socialist (or communist) as well but *never recruited 
 large numbers of workers*. So the basic raison d'etre for 
 launching a new socialist formation of this sort was never 
 fulfilled. The reason Camejo explored the idea of dumping the old 
 vocabulary was to force radicals to rethink how they connected to 
 the masses. He followed up the North Star Network with activity in 
 the Green Party, which for a brief time could have functioned as a 
 pole of attraction for Marxists in the U.S., just as Die Linke 
 does in Germany or other such groups in Europe. I think such 
 formations will play an increasingly important role until the 
 workers are ready in massive numbers to join a revolutionary 
 organization that looks nothing like the self-declared vanguard 
 parties of today. That is not to say that self-declared vanguard 
 formations cannot play a useful role today. They do. But they are 
 constitutionally incapable of breaking through their own 
 self-imposed sectarian glass ceiling.

   

Sure, but there's a difference between the question of how radicals
relate to the masses and how revolutionaries should do so.  I'm in
favour of forming broader groups that could be called any number of
things.  They certainly don't have to say 'socialist', or 'workers', or
'communist', or 'hammer' in their name.  I was in a group that called
itself 'Respect' for Christs' sake.  And I agree with your basic point
that such broad radical left formations will be important in the medium
term, for much the reasons that you lay out.  But within such
formations, there will be revolutionaries of various kinds, perhaps
organised as either a faction or a party.  It is important that they are
open about their politics - if they take their politics seriously, that is.

The sentence in Snowdon's article that we're discussing rejected the use
of the language of socialism in a left-wing group's name on the grounds
that it is the 21st Century.  Well, yes it is.  But the language of
socialism does not inherently limit one's appeal, it isn't itself any
more dated than the language of liberalism or conservatism (a lot less
so) and it isn't what has held socialists back.  The Scottish Socialist
Party, eg, was not destroyed because it called itself socialist, but
because it tore itself apart overt a Murdoch media witch-hunt.


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Re: [Marxism] Has John Rees's crew been reading the Unrepentant Marxist?

2010-04-12 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 12/04/2010 14:37, Louis Proyect wrote:
It’s quite obvious really – why give yourself a name that 
 sounds very old-fashioned when you are new and looking to the 
 future? And why choose a name that sounds like every little 
 left-wing group there’s ever been?
   

*shrugs*...  I mean, really, Louis.  Who /isn't/ looking to the future? 
Do you know anyone who explicitly says they're looking to the past?  Or
who claims to want to imitate the failures of the past?  Doesn't every
politician in the world castigate the past relentlessly?  Tired
solutions, thereof.  Failed remedies, thereof.  Outmoded ideas,
thereof.  The future, by contrast, is just as glam as can be.  The
Idiot's Guide to PR surely has a section all of its own about how
marvellous and estimable the future really is.  It's just like someone
saying they oppose the bad and admire the good.  It's platitudinous
public relations twaddle, designed to simulate openness, reflectiveness,
and new thinking.

More to the point, the name doesn't make the difference in this
respect.  What the name does is concisely communicate the nature of
one's politics.  It doesn't prevent one from being stuck in a time-warp,
it doesn't differentiate one from Bob Avakian's gang, it doesn't stop
one from being dogmatic, and it doesn't stop one from circling the drain
just like previous sects.  And, again, the idea that calling oneself a
socialist is inherently more dated than calling oneself conservative or
liberal or social democratic or Christian Democratic (etc etc etc.) is
trite.

No offence to my ex-comrades, but for all the emphasis they have placed
on dynamism, verve and various cognate terms, I am even less impressed
by the quality of their current strategic thinking than I was when they
were still comrades to man.


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Re: [Marxism] Has John Rees's crew been reading the Unrepentant Marxist?

2010-04-12 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 12/04/2010 15:53, Louis Proyect wrote:
 I am not talking about their ideology, obviously. I am talking 
 about their understanding of Leninism.
   

Well, quite.  But I wasn't talking about ideology either - I was
speaking of culture, organisation and ways of relating to others.  You
infer from your experience of the SWP US things about the SWP UK, but
these inferences - so I was explaining - aren't valid.  If the SWP US
are obsessed with revolutionary continuity, whatever that is, it
doesn't follow that those of us on the other side of the Atlantic who
happen to use the same name, are.  It just doesn't consume us in the
way that you suggested.

 John Molyneux, The authentic Marxist tradition

 The authentic Marxist tradition is not difficult to identify. It 
 runs, from Marx and Engels ...
   

And yet, strange to relate, this assertion does not entail that the SWP
UK is the sole true bearer of the marxist tradition (note the definite
article), which is the caricature upon which I originally commented. 
What is the purpose of the cited essay?  In a nutshell, it is to
distinguish marxism from Stalinism - a reasonable point, I would have
thought.  Since there are those who castigate marxism as an inherently
totalitarian doctrine, as one that leads to dictatorship and terror
wherever it is applied, Molyneux recalls that there is a better
tradition, of socialism from below, which is closer to the original
intent of the First Internationalists, much of the Second International,
the early Bolsheviks, and the minority of marxists who rejected
Stalinism since its inception.  That the SWP argues that this is closer
to both the letter and spirit of marxism than the scholastic
pseudo-scientific official discourses of the USSR, for example, hardly
amounts to the erection of a sectarian party line.  That it also wishes
to situate itself among that minority tradition is, again, not an
argument for revolutionary purity.  It is not a small matter that
marxism became associated with a grotesque tyranny and its epigones, and
it is not unimportant, petty or sectarian to take issue with that.  The
only basis on which it is possible to do so is to examine the concrete
history of marxist ideas and movements as they developed, from Marx
onward, and to offer an explanation as to what went wrong - which is
what Molyneux was doing.  Possibly, marxists should stop doing this,
dump it all as so much junk, but that does mean abandoning any idea
of rebutting anticommunist anathema and keeping marxist ideas relevant.
-- 
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Re: [Marxism] Has John Rees's crew been reading the Unrepentant Marxist?

2010-04-12 Thread Richard Seymour
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On 12/04/2010 16:58, Louis Proyect wrote:

 Yeah, that's a problem, however. If there is Stalinism in Cuba, 
 something I heard on almost a daily basis from Kevin Murphy, the 
 batty winner of the Isaac Deutscher Prize a couple of years ago, 
 then I am a Stalinist. In fact, he used to call me Koba, the 
 lovely chap.

   

Well, Kevin Murphy is a scholar who has worked hard to arrive at his
understanding of Stalinism, not least with his /Revolution and
Counterrevolution: Class Struggle in a Moscow Metal Factory/.  I don't
think him at all batty, regardless of how uncivil he might have been to
you in the past.

Here's the substantive issue.  It's not a minor principle of marxism
that the emancipation of the working class is the act of the working
class.  This happens to be fundamental.  But, according to the SWP
(UK), even Trotsky didn't take that point to its logical conclusion in
his analysis of the USSR.  Now, there is no way that the SWP regards
Trotsky as somehow external to the authentic marxist tradition. 
Similarly, I would argue that you are wrong to describe Cuba as a
socialist society, and that to see it as such is inconsistent with the
basic principle that for there to be a socialist society, the working
class has to be in power.  But it doesn't follow that the state caps
want to have you ex-communicated from the marxist tradition.
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