Finance Capitalism Hits a Wall 
The Oligarchs' Escape Plan 
By MICHAEL HUDSON 
The financial “wealth creation” game is over. Economies
 emerged from World War II relatively free of debt, but the 60-year global 
run-up has run its course. Finance capitalism is in a state of collapse, and 
marginal
 palliatives cannot revive it. The U.S. economy cannot “inflate its way out of 
debt,” because this would collapse the dollar and end its dreams of global 
empire by
 forcing foreign countries to go their own way. There is too little 
manufacturing to make the economy more “competitive,” given its high housing 
costs, transportation,
 debt and tax overhead. A quarter to a third of U.S. real estate has fallen 
into negative equity, so no banks will lend to them. The economy has hit a debt 
wall and is
 falling into negative equity, where it may remain for as far as the eye can 
see until there is a debt write-down.
Mr. Obama’s “recovery” plan, based on infrastructure spending, will 
make real estate fortunes for well-situated properties along the new public 
transport routes, but there is no sign of cities levying a windfall property 
tax to save their finances.
 Their mayors would rather keep the cities broke than to tax real estate and 
finance. The aim is to re-inflate property markets to enable owners to pay the 
banks, not to help 
the public sector break even. So state and local pension plans will remain 
underfunded while more corporate pension plans go broke. 
One would think that politicians would be willing to do the math and realize 
that debts that can’t be paid, won’t be. But the debts are being kept on the 
books, continuing to extract interest to pay the creditors that have made the 
bad loans. The resulting 
debt deflation threatens to keep the economy in depression until a radical 
shift in policy occurs – a shift to save the “real” economy, not just the 
financial sector and the wealthiest 
10 per cent of American families.
There is no sign that Mr. Obama’s economic advisors, Treasury officials
 and heads of the relevant Congressional committees recognize the need for a 
write-down. After all, they have been placed in their positions precisely 
because they do not 
understand that debt leveraging is a form of economic overhead, not real 
“wealth creation.” But their tunnel vision is what makes them “reliable” to 
Wall Street, which doesn’t
 like surprises. And the entire character of today’s financial crisis continues 
to be labeled “surprising” and “unexpected” by the press as each new 
surprisingly pessimistic statistic 
hits the news. It’s safe to be surprised; suspicious to have expected bad news 
and being a “premature doomsayer.” One must have faith in the system above all. 
And the system 
was the Greenspan Bubble. That is why “Ayn Rand Alan” was put in charge in the 
first place, after all.
So the government tries to recover the happy Bubble Economy years by getting 
debt growing again, hoping to re-inflate real estate and stock market prices. 
That was, after all,
 the Golden Age of finance capital’s world of using debt leverage to bid up the 
book-price of fictitious capital assets. Everyone loved it as long as it 
lasted. Voters thought 
they had a chance to become millionaires, and approved happily. And at least it 
made Wall Street richer than ever before – while almost doubling the share of 
wealth held 
by the wealthiest 1 per cent of America’s families. For Washington policy 
makers, they are synonymous with “the economy” – at least the economy for which 
national economic policy is being formulated these days.
The Obama-Geithner plan to restart the Bubble Economy’s debt 
growth so as to inflate asset prices by enough to pay off the debt overhang out 
of new “capital gains” cannot possibly work. But that is the only trick these 
ponies know. 
We have entered an era of asset-price deflation, not inflation. Economic data 
charts throughout the world have hit a wall and every trend has been plunging 
vertically downward 
since last autumn. U.S. consumer prices experienced their fastest plunge since 
the Great Depression of the 1930s, along with consumer “confidence,” 
international shipping, 
real estate and stock market prices, oil and the exchange rate for British 
sterling. The global economy is falling into depression, and cannot recover 
until debts are written down. 
Instead of doing this, the government is doing just the opposite. It
 is proposing to take bad debts onto the public-sector balance sheet, printing 
new Treasury bonds give the banks – bonds whose interest charges will have to 
be paid by taxing labor and industry.
The oligarchy’s plans for a bailout (at least of its own financial position)
In periods of looming collapse, wealthy elites protect their funds.
 In times past they bought gold when currencies started to weaken. (Patriotism 
never has been a characteristic of cosmopolitan finance capital.) Since the 
1950s the
 International Monetary Fund has made loans to support Third World exchange 
rates long enough to subsidize capital flight. In the United States over the 
past half-year, 
bankers and Wall Street investors have tapped the Treasury and Federal Reserve 
to support prices of their bad loans and financial gambles, buying out or 
guaranteeing $12 trillion of these junk debts. Protection for the U.S. 
financial elite thus takes the form of domestic 
public debt, not foreign currency.
It is all in vain as far as the real economy is concerned. When the Treasury 
gives banks newly printed government bonds in “cash for trash” swaps, it leaves 
today’s unpayably
 high private-sector debt in place. All that happens is that this debt is now 
owed to (or guaranteed by) the government, which will have to impose taxes to 
pay the interest charges.
The new twist is a variant on the IMF “stabilization” plans that lend 
money to central banks to support their currencies – for long enough to enable 
local oligarchs and foreign investors to move their savings and investments 
offshore at a good
 exchange rate. The currency then is permitted to collapse, enabling currency 
speculators to rake in enough gains to empty out the central bank’s reserves. 
Speculators 
view these central bank holdings as a target to be raided – the larger the 
better. The IMF will lend a central bank, say, $10 billion to “support the 
currency.” Domestic holders
 will flee the currency at a high exchange rate. Then, when the loan proceeds 
are depleted, the currency plunges. Wages are squeezed in the usual IMF 
austerity program,
 and the economy is forced to earn enough foreign exchange to pay back the IMF. 
As a condition for getting this kind of IMF “support,” governments are told to 
run a budget surplus, cut back social spending, lower wages and raise taxes on 
labor so as to 
squeeze out enough exports to repay the IMF loans. But inasmuch as this kind 
“stabilization plan” cripples their domestic economy, they are obliged to sell 
off public
 infrastructure at distress prices – to foreign buyers who themselves borrow 
the money. The effect is to make such countries even more dependent on less 
“neoliberalized” 
economies.
Latvia is a poster child for this kind of disaster. Its recent agreement with 
Europe is a case in point. To help the Swedish banks withdraw their funds from 
the sinking ship,
 EU support is conditional on Latvia’s government agreeing to cut salaries in 
the private sector – and not to raise property taxes (currently almost zero). 
The problem is that Latvia, like other post-Soviet economies, has 
scant domestic output to export. Industry throughout the former Soviet Union 
was torn up and scrapped in the 1990s. (Welcome to victorious finance 
capitalism, Western-style.) 
What they had was real estate and public infrastructure free of debt – and 
hence, available to be pledged as collateral for loans to finance their 
imports. Ever since its independence 
from Russia in 1991, Latvia has paid for its imported consumer goods and other 
purchases by borrowing mortgage credit in foreign currency from Scandinavian 
and other banks. The effect has been one of the world’s biggest property 
bubbles – in an economy with no means of 
breaking even except by loading down its real estate with more and more debt. 
In practice the loans took the form of mortgage borrowing from foreign banks to 
finance a real 
estate bubble – and their import dependency on foreign suppliers. 
So instead of helping it and other post-Soviet nations develop self-reliant 
economies, the West has viewed them as economic oysters to be broken up to 
indebt them in 
order to extract interest charges and capital gains, leaving them empty shells. 
This policy crested on January 26, 2009, when Joaquin Almunia of the European 
Commission 
wrote a letter to Latvia’s Prime Minister spelling out the terms on which 
Europe will bail out the Swedish and other foreign banks operating in Latvia – 
at Latvia’s own expense:
Extended assistance is to be used to avoid a balance of payments crisis, 
which requires … restoring confidence in the banking sector [now entirely 
foreign owned], and bolstering the foreign reserves of the Bank of Latvia. This 
implies financing …
 outstanding government debt repayments (domestic and external). And if the 
banking sector were to experience adverse events, part of the assistance would 
be used for 
targeted capital infusions or appropriate short-term liquidity support. 
However, financial assistance is not meant to be used to originate new loans to 
businesses and households. …
… it is important not to raise ungrounded expectations among the
 general public and the social partners, and, equally, to counter 
misunderstandings that may arise in this respect. Worryingly, we have witnessed 
some recent evidence in 
Latvian public debate of calls for part of the financial assistance to be used 
inter alia for promoting export industries or to stimulate the economy through 
increased spending 
at large. It is important actively to stem these misperceptions.
Riots broke out last week, and protesters stormed the Latvian Treasury. Hardly 
surprising! There is no attempt to help Latvia develop the export capacity to 
cover its imports. 
After the domestic kleptocrats, foreign banks and investors have removed their 
funds from the economy, the Latvian lat will be permitted to depreciate. 
Foreign buyers then 
can come in and pick up local assets on the cheap once again.
The practice of European banks riding the crest of the post-Soviet real estate 
bubble is backfiring to wreck the European economies that have engaged in this 
predatory 
lending to neighboring economies as well. As one reporter has summarized:
In Poland 60 percent of mortgages are in Swiss francs. The zloty has just 
halved against the franc. Hungary, the Balkans, the Baltics, and Ukraine are 
all suffering variants 
of this story. As an act of collective folly – by lenders and borrowers – it 
matches America’s sub-prime debacle. There is a crucial difference, however. 
European banks are 
on the hook for both. US banks are not. Almost all East bloc debts are owed to 
West Europe, especially Austrian, Swedish, Greek, Italian, and Belgian banks.
This was the West’s alternative to Stalinism. It did not help these countries
 emulate how Britain and America got rich by protectionist policies and 
publicly nurtured industrialization and infrastructure spending. Rather, the 
financial rape and industrial 
dismantling of the former Soviet economies was the most recent exercise in 
Western colonialism. At least U.S. investors were smart enough to stand clear 
and merely ride the stock market run-up before jumping ship.
But now, the government’s plan to “save” the economy is to “save the banks,”
 along similar lines to the West trying to save its banks from their adventure 
in the post-Soviet economies. This is the basic neoliberal economic plan, after 
all. The U.S.
 economy is about to be “post-Sovietized.”
The U.S. giveaway to banks, masquerading as “help for troubled homeowners”
The Obama bank bailout is arranged much like an IMF loan to support the 
exchange rate of foreign currency, but with the Treasury supporting financial 
asset prices for U.S. banks and other financial institutions. Instead of banks 
and oligarchs abandoning the
 dollar, the aim is to enable them to dump their bad mortgages and CDOs and get 
domestic Treasury bonds. Private-sector debt will be moved onto the U.S. 
Government balance 
sheet, where “taxpayers” will bear losses – mainly labor not Wall Street, 
inasmuch as the financial sector has been freed of income-tax liability by the 
“small print” in last fall’s Paulson-Bush bailout package. But at least the 
U.S. Government is handling the situation entirely
 in domestic dollars.
As in Third World austerity programs, the effect of keeping the debts in place 
at the “real” economy’s expense will be to shrink the domestic U.S. market – 
while providing 
opportunities for hedge funds to pick up depreciated assets cheaply as the 
federal government, states and cities sell them off. This is called letting the 
banks “earn their way out
 of debt.” It’s strangling the “real” economy, because not a dollar of the 
government’s response has been devoted to reducing the overall debt volume.
Take the much-vaunted $50 billion program designed to renegotiate mortgages 
downward for “troubled homeowners.” Upon closer examination it turns out that 
the real 
beneficiaries are the giant leading banks such as Citibank and Bank of America 
that have made the bad loans. The Treasury will take on the bad debt that banks 
are stuck with, 
and will permit mortgagees to renegotiate their monthly payment down to 38 per 
cent of their income. But rather than the banks taking the loss as they should 
do for over-lending,
 the Treasury itself will make up the difference – and pay it to the banks so 
that they will be able to get what they hoped to get. The hapless 
mortgage-burdened family stuck in 
their negative-equity home turns out to be merely a passive vehicle for the 
Treasury to pass debt relief on to the commercial banks.
Few news stories have made this clear, but the Financial Times spelled the 
details buried in small print. It added that the Treasury has not yet decided 
whether to write down the debt principal for the estimated 15 million families 
with negative equity 
(and perhaps 30 million by this time next year as property prices continue to 
plunge). No doubt a similar deal will be made: For every $100,000 of write-down 
in debt owed by 
over-mortgaged homeowners, the bank will receive $100,000 from the Treasury. 
Government debt will rise by $100,000, and the process will continue until the 
Treasury has transferred $50,000,000 to the banks that made the reckless loans. 
There is enough for just 500,000 of these renegotiations of $100,000 
each. It may seem like a big amount, but it’s only about 1/30th of the 
properties underwater. Hardly enough to make much of a dent, but the principle 
has been put in place 
for many further bailouts. It will take almost an infinity of them, as long as 
the Treasury tries to support the fiction that “the miracle of compound 
interest” can be sustained for 
long. The economy may be dead by the time saner economic understanding 
penetrates the public consciousness.
In the mean time, bad private-sector debt will be shifted onto the government’s 
balance sheet. Interest and amortization currently owed to the banks will be 
replaced by 
obligations to the U.S. Treasury. Taxes will be levied to make up the bad debts 
with which the government is stuck. The “real” economy will pay Wall Street – 
and 
will be paying for decades!
Calling the $12 trillion giveaway to bankers a “subprime crisis” makes it 
appear that bleeding-heart liberals got Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac into trouble 
by insisting that 
these public-private institutions make irresponsible loans to the poor. The 
party line is, “Blame the victim.” But we know this is false. The bulk of bad 
loans are concentrated in the largest banks. It was Countrywide and other 
banksters that led the irresponsible lending and 
brought heavy-handed pressure on Fannie Mae. Most of the nation’s smaller, 
local banks didn’t make such reckless loans. The big mortgage shops didn’t care 
about loan quality, because they were run by salesmen. The Treasury is paying 
off the gamblers and billionaires by 



supporting the value of bank loans, investments and derivative gambles, leaving 
the Treasury in debt.
U.S./Post-Soviet Convergence?
It may be time to look once again at what Larry Summers and his 
Rubinomics gang did in Russia in the mid-1990s and to Third World countries 
during his tenure as World Bank economist to see what kind of future is being 
planned for the U.S.
 economy over the next few years. Throughout the Soviet Union the neoliberal 
model established “equilibrium” in a way that involved demographic collapse: 
shortening
 life spans, lower birth rates, alcoholism and drug abuse, psychological 
depression, suicides, bad health, unemployment and homelessness for the elderly 
(the neoliberal mode of Social Security reform).
Back in the 1970s, people speculated whether the US and Soviet 
economies were converging. Throughout the 20th century, of course, everyone 
expected government regulation, infrastructure investment and planning to 
increase. It looked like the spread of democratically elected governments would 
go hand in hand with people voting in their 
own economic interest to raise living standards, thereby closing the inequality 
gap.
This is not the kind of convergence that has occurred since 1991. 
Government power is being dismantled, living standards have stagnated and 
wealth is concentrating at the top of the economic pyramid. Economic planning 
and resource allocation has passed into the hands of Wall Street, whose 
alternative to Hayek’s “road to serfdom” is debt 
peonage for the economy at large. There does need to be a strong state, to be 
sure, to keep the financial and real estate rentier power in place. But the 
West’s alternative to the old Soviet bureaucracy is a financial planning. In 
place of a political overhead, we have a financial and 
real estate overhead.
Stalinist Russia and Maoist China achieved high technology without land-rent, 
monopoly rent and interest overhead. This purging of rentier income was the 
historical task of 
classical political economy, and it became that of socialism. The aim was to 
create a Clean Slate financially, bringing prices in line with technologically 
necessary costs of 
production. The aim was to provide everyone with the fruits of their labor 
rather than letting banks and landlords siphon off the economic surplus.
Ideas of economic efficiency and “wealth creation” today are an utterly 
different kind of liberalism and “free markets.” Commercial banks lend money 
not to increase production
 but to inflate asset prices. Some 70 per cent of bank loans are mortgage loans 
for real estate, and most of the rest is for corporate takeovers and raids, to 
finance stock buy-backs 
or simply to pay dividends. Asset-price inflation obliges people to go deeper 
into debt than ever before to obtain access to housing, education and medical 
care. The economy is being “financialized,” not industrialized. This has been 
the plan as much for the post-Soviet states 
as for North America, Western Europe and the Third World. 
But we are far from having reached the end of the line. Celebrations that our 
present financialized economy represents the “end of history” are laughingly 
premature. Today’s
 policies look more like a dead end. But that does not mean that, like the 
Roman Empire, they won’t lead us down toward a new Dark Age. That’s what tends 
to happen when
 oligarchies do the planning.
Is America a Failed Economy?
It may be time to ask whether neoliberal pro-rentier economics has turned 
America and the West into a Failed Economy. Is there really no alternative? 
Have the neoliberals made the 
shift of planning from governments to the financial oligarchy irreversible?
Let’s first dispose of the “foundation myth” of the idea still guiding the 
United States and Europe. Free-market economists pretend that prices can be 
brought into line most efficiently
 with technologically necessary costs of production under capitalism, and 
indeed, under finance capitalism. The banks and stock market are supposed to 
allocate resources
 most efficiency. That at least is the dream of self-regulating markets. But 
today it looks like only a myth, public relations patter talk to get a 
generation of increasingly indebted voters not to act in their own 
self-interest.
Industrial capitalism always has been a hybrid, a symbiosis with its feudal 
legacy of absentee property ownership, oligarchic finance and public debts 
rather than the government acting as net creditor. The essence of feudalism was 
extractive, not productive. 
That is why it created industrial capitalism as state policy in the first place 
– if only to increase its war-making powers. But the question must now be 
raised as to whether only 
socialism can complete the historical task that classical political economy set 
out for itself – the ideal that futurists in the 19th and 20th centuries 
believed that an unpurified capitalism might still be able bring about without 
shedding its legacy of commercial banking indebting property 
and carving infrastructure out of the public domain.
Today it is easier to see that the Western economies cannot go on the way they 
have been. They have reached the point where the debts exceed the ability to 
pay. Instead of 
recognizing this fact and scaling debts back into line with the ability to pay, 
the Obama-Geithner plan is to bail out the big banks and hedge funds, keeping 
the volume of debt in 
place and indeed, growing once again through the “magic of compound interest.” 
The result can only be an increasingly extractive economy, until households, 
real estate and 
industrial companies, states and cities, and the national government itself is 
driven into debt peonage.
The alternative is a century and a half old, and emerged out of the ideals of 
the classical economic doctrines of Adam Smith, David Ricardo, John Stuart 
Mill, and the last 
great classical economist, Marx. Their common denominator was to view rent and 
interest are extractive, not productive. Classical political economy and its 
successor Progressive Era socialism sought to nationalize the land (or at least 
to fully tax its rent as the fiscal base). 
Governments were to create their own credit, not leave this function to wealthy 
elites via a bank monopoly on credit creation. So today’s neoliberalism paints 
a false picture of what the classical economists envisioned as free markets. 
They were markets free of 
economic rent and interest (and taxes to support an aristocracy or oligarchy). 
Socialism was to free economies from these overhead charges. Today’s 
Obama-Geithner 
rescue plan is just the reverse.
Michael Hudson is a former Wall Street economist. A Distinguished Research 
Professor at University of Missouri, Kansas City (UMKC), he is the author of 
many books, including 
Super Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire (new ed., Pluto 
Press, 2002) He can be reached via his website, m...@michael-hudson.com 

_______________________________________________
Marxism-Thaxis mailing list
Marxism-Thaxis@lists.econ.utah.edu
To change your options or unsubscribe go to:
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/marxism-thaxis

Reply via email to