Re: "call for blogging code of conduct"

2007-04-12 Thread s0metim3s
http://lavachequilit.typepad.com/la_vache_qui_lit/2007/04/post_2.html

best,
Angela

Geert Lovink wrote:

> Dear nettimers,
> 
> I wonder how many of you follow the 'Kathy Sierra' case and what you
> make of it. [...]


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Under the beach ...

2006-02-09 Thread s0metim3s
This might be of some interest, on the not-so-recent 'race
riots' in Cronulla (Sydney - postcolonial,
post-multicultural border policing and changing patterns of
work.

http://www.metamute.org/en/Under-the-Beach-the-Barbed-Wire

best,
Angela
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RE: 12th night

2005-11-11 Thread s0metim3s

Thanks for this Brian.  I have a couple of questions,
addressed to you as well as anyone else who might have a
take on them but, first, a couple of remarks.

: No one will miss the historical irony: the
: emergency powers on which the curfew is
: based come from a 1955 law that was drafted for
: application in the colony of
: Algeria.

In this regard, might I mention Lorenzo Veracini's
"Colonialism Brought Home" up on Boderlands,
http://www.borderlandsejournal.adelaide.edu.au/issues/vol4no
1.html

The other thing worth noting is Thierry Bardini's
description of the riots as 'flashmobs', in the most recent
CTheory entry: http://ctheory.net

Anyway, you noted the recent privatisation of electricity,
which forms something of the political-economy in which the
more spectacular moment of the riots exists in.  What I
wanted to ask is whether there is anything worth reading
about the political-economy of informal labour, as well as
the informal and/or illegalised economy, that surrounds the
estates, particularly in relation to income supports (or the
absence of them).  Perhaps this is a question about the
relation between 'precarity' (as well as its more explicitly
'activist' milieu of the EuroMayDay protests) and the riots.
There are obviously connections to be made, but they seem
(from this distance at least) to exist in quite different
spaces and registers.

The other question is whether anyone has considered the
implications of recent events in relation to the French vote
against the EU constitution, particularly given the
complaints that this vote signalled a kind of nationalist
protectionism, but also and not least, because the sense of
'the French vote' assumes that all of those in France voted.
Am I right in assuming that the voter turnout from the cites
was low?

best,
Angela
http://archive.blogsome.com



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hunger strike

2004-06-15 Thread .: s0metim3s :.

A group of detainees in Australia's internment
camp on Nauru are currently on hunger strike.
Boats travelling 4,000 kms from Australia are
currently 8 days away from Nauru.

For more information: http://flotilla2004.com

Angela
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flotilla2004.com

2004-06-03 Thread .: s0metim3s :.
flotilla2004.com

There are currently boats travelling 4,000
kilometres to Australia’s internment camp on
Nauru. This is the most recent culmination of a
series of protests against successive Australian
governments’ policies of interning undocumented
migrants.  The boats are presently at the halfway
mark and, weather permitting, expected to reach
Nauru by June 20.  The crews have been threatened
with imprisonment for crossing borders without the
proper papers.  The importance of the internet to
the communication and character of noborder
protests is here amplified by distance, threats of
violence and the risks of sea travel.

__/__/__/__/__/__/__/__/__/

Some background

It is well known that since 1989, successive
Australian Governments have administered a
notorious policy subsequently referred to the
‘mandatory and non-reviewable detention’ of all
those who arrive by boat and without papers.  This
was a response to the (by international
comparison) extremely small rise in undocumented
boat arrivals after 1989 - many from the Middle
East, Vietnam and Cambodia - whose internment was
often successfully challenged through legal
action.

The post-1989 regime of border policing
effectively and over time legislated that the
refugee determination process exist outside the
rule of law in the form of ministerial and
administrative dictate and be discharged through
concentration camps and military intervention.

It is also well known that in 2002, protesters on
both sides of the barbed wire scaled the fences at
the Woomera internment camp in South Australia and
a number of escapes occurred.
 Woomera, which
closed shortly after this, was emblematic of the
Australian Government’s strategy of interning
undocumented migrants in remote, rural camps as a
means of containment and control.  Woomera was
located 1,000 kilometres from the nearest capital
city (Adelaide) and, for a time, held the largest
number of detainees.

2002 was the culmination of four years of protests
by detainees in Australia’s internment camps,
including hunger strikes, the destruction of
buildings, and mass escapes.  Many of those
protests were met with tear gas, riot police and
the use of chemical restraints.


Following this, the Australian Government shifted
its strategy toward a combination of ‘dislocation’
and electrification in an attempt to decompose the
protests against the post-1989 regime of the
camps.  The so-called ‘Pacific Solution’ was
introduced which established camps on Nauru and
Papua New Guinea (Manus Island) funded by the
Australian Government and managed by the
International Organisation for Migration.
Australian military vessels would forcibly remove
undocumented boat arrivals from territorial waters
and Australian islands, and transport them to
those camps in the Pacific.

In Australia, a new technology of internment was
constructed (such as at Baxter) which replaced the
grim (but scalable) coils of barbed wire and steel
fences with hi-tech, refined systems of electronic
barriers, surveillance and a greater reliance on
technological and chemical restraint.  (The
Government has also budgeted for another of these
hi-tech camps in Broadmeadows, Melbourne to
replace the current, smaller one in Maribyrnong.)

The result of these changes to the architecture of
the camps were immediate: the protesters outside
Baxter in 2003 were unable to get close to or even
within sight of any of those imprisoned there,
many of whom had been relocated from Woomera.

Whereas Woomera2002 had managed to break with the
symbolic character of protests by those outside
the camps; Baxter2003 signalled the restoration of
such, and subsequently ushered in a decline in the
impetus of the movements against the camps.

__/__/__/__/__/__/

Flotilla 2004

Having circulated as an audacious, but regarded as
impractical, strategy after Woomera2002, the idea
of shifting the protests against the camps to the
northern waters of Australia became an imperative
with the inauguration of the ‘Pacific Solution.’
After Baxter, Hopecaravan 
distributed a call for boats to travel to the
internment camp on Nauru.  That voyage is
currently underway, with boats presently located
at the halfway mark, and expecting to reach Nauru
by June 20.

The Nauru Government which - given its current
fiscal woes and recent economic bankruptcy -
relies on the continuing funding of the camp as a
source of revenue and employment, has threatened
to suspend maritime convention (the Law of the
Sea) and forcibly seize the boats.  They have also
threatened to imprison the Flotilla crews as
undocumented boat arrivals.  This has not deterred
the crews, who nevertheless require ongoing
support and communication.

Regular updates are available at flotilla2004.com,
as are crew b-logs, instructions on sending text
messages to the crews, and detailed background
reports.

The Australian Government, for its part, has
adopted the pose of detached benevolence - an echo
of its previous, farcical contention that it

RE: Hardt & Negri "Counseling the aristocrats"

2004-04-15 Thread .: s0metim3s :.
Re Proyect's response:

>>On the aut-op-sy mailing list, they call the
latest analysis "mad" as if
H&N woke up one morning and decided for some
ungodly reason to back the
Empire against imperialism<<

There is no 'they' -- this is easily ascertained by reading the various
responses on the autopsy list.  For my part, I said that I was hardly
shocked, that it was consistent with other parts of their writings and
other more recent articles. What trotbots like Proyect cannot quite
comprehend, however, is that it is possible to not be a member of The
Party, that Negri & Hardt - however intersting and useful (or
unintersting) their work is at times, they have never been leaders of any
party except in the imaginations of those for whom one cannot think or act
without congregating around leaders and programmes.

Negri and Hardt were always a small, prolific and eloquent but hardly
representative, part of what might be for awkwardly described as
'autonomists' -- despite attempts to produce a brandname, this has never
been the case or successful.  Part of the problem for English-language
readers is that this is easily occluded, but there are English-language
sources for ascertaining the broader terrain of the Italian radical left
from which so-called 'autonomism' sprung, such as Steve Wright's _Storming
Heaven_ -- a review of which is available at:
http://www.generation-online.org/t/stormingheaven. htm

And for Marina and anyone else having trouble with the link I sent
earlier,

The full link for the archives is:
http://lists.village.virginia.edu/cgi-bin/spoons/a
rchive1.pl?list=aut-op-sy.archive

it might be wrapping on the email.

The current month's archives are at:

http://lists.village.virginia.edu/cgi-bin/spoons/a
rchive1.pl?list=aut-op-sy.archive/aut-op-sy.0404

which is also likely to wrap (so, copy the whole
line and putting it into the address bar rather
than just clicking).

Angela
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RE: Hardt & Negri "Counseling the aristocrats"

2004-04-14 Thread .: s0metim3s :.
There are much more interesting criticisms of the Hardt & Negri piece than
the rantings of a trotskyite whose consistent preoccupation (and
accusation against others) is that others are famous when he is not.  To
be sure, Hardt & Negri have done no one, let alone themselves a favour in
their recent article; but surely there are better criticisms of it to read
than the dross churned out by Proyect.  Some of those are here:
http://lists.village.virginia.edu/cgi-bin/spoons/a
rchive1.pl?list=aut-op-sy.archive ... sans the collapse of any recent
european philosophy into some unfied conspiracy against the correct path
outlined by Lenin, and sans any yearnings for storming the winter palace.

Angela
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RE: Old Left etc

2004-01-08 Thread .: s0metim3s :.
I'm not a fan of the WSF project: the numerous criticisms of that project
as an attempt to establish a kind of 'alternative' policy cabal, with all
that this has implied about those 'with the expertise to set policy' and
its mediatory demeanour, are well known, I think; but not raised in this
thread.

What is raised in this thread is a concern over the rhetorics of old/new.  
Fine; such rhetorics are hardly, well, new.  Haggling over the datestamp
however, doesn't amount to a persuasive argument for defending that which
is located by one's interlocutors in the camp of the 'old,' surely.

Speaking of rhetorics: complaining, as you do, that Aditya is involved in
a polemic reminiscent of 'old-style purges and, then, proceeding to
complain that s/he is spending too much time arguing with others of colour
and not enough against multinational capitalism, is verging on the
accusation of 'traitor' -- it is not clear whether the inflection here is
'class traitor', 'race traitor' or both.

As for this, which I guess is the substantive point of your argument:

: I perceive as a chic anti-globalizationist stance that
: dismisses any concern for nationalism, or such quaint
: ideas as cultural integrity and cultural identity as
: either crypto fundamentalist or passe.

Isn't there a contradiction between 'anti-globalisation' and adopting crit
of nationalism?  Ok, too literal... maybe.

What do you mean by 'concern for nationalism'?  You mean 'support', yes?

What are the reasons for not dispensing with nationalism, in Latin America
or elsewhere, exactly?  Which is to say: what reasons are there for
continuing to view left wing nationalism as progressive?

And, what does 'cultural integrity' mean? If you mean to imply that the
borders of any given nation-state are coincident with the delineations of
particular cultures (that any 'national culture' is homogenous), then I
think that you are indeed asserting a (in your words)
crypto-fundamentalist nationalism that, unfortunately, is neither quaint
nor passe but dominant (in both my part of the world and yours) and, I
think, frightening.

That you aspire to a world in which one's 'cultural integrity' should and
can be defended by the nation-state, while charging those who do not share
such a view as tantamount to treachery is, I think, also frightening.

The view that there is somehow a contradiction between international and
national systems should have been passe a long time ago, around 1893.

Cheers,
Angela
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