nettime Upcoming Essex Seminars on Capitalism the Social

2012-06-07 Thread Stevphen Shukaitis


Here’s information on two upcoming seminars at the University of Essex 
Centre for Work, Organization, and Society. Cheers, Stevphen



18/6 Seminar on Revaluing the Social in Contemporary Capitalism
Monday June 18th, 2012 @ 3PM
University of Essex Room 4SB.5.3
Centre for Work, Organization and Society 
(http://www.essex.ac.uk/ebs/research/emc)


Seminar presentations by: Jason Read (University of Southern Maine) / 
George Tsogas (Cass, City University) / Stevphen Shukaitis (University 
of Essex)


Abstracts
General Relations: Transindividuality from Ontology to a Non-Economic 
Critique of Political Economy

Jason Read (University of Southern Maine)

In the Grundrisse Marx writes “Only in the eighteenth century, in ‘civil 
society,’ do the various forms of social connectedness confront the 
individual as a mere means towards his private purposes, as external 
necessity. But the epoch which produces this standpoint, that of the 
isolated individual, is also precisely that of the hitherto must 
developed social (from this standpoint, general) relations.” The 
contradiction Marx grasped between the increased interconnectedness of 
economic production and social isolation has only deepened into the 
twenty-first century: it is the era of commons, of digital connections, 
but also the era of neoliberal individuation, isolation, and precarious 
fragmentation. How then to make sense of an era of connection and 
isolation. I argue that the concept, or rather the problem, of 
transindividuation, makes possible a conflictual understanding of the 
genesis of both individuals and social relations. I say problem, or 
problematic, rather than concept, because transindividuality needs to be 
grasped in its broadest sense as an ontology of relations (Simondon, 
Spinoza); a critique of political economy (Marx, Virno, Stiegler); and a 
constitution of political subjectivity (Balibar, Negri). It is by 
thinking the interrelation of the ontology, economy, and political that 
we can think the constitution and transformation of the present.



Cognitive capitalism, organization, and the labour theory of value
George Tsogas (Cass)  Stevphen Shukaitis (Essex)

We address the reasons and methods for renewing a transfusion of ideas 
between Marxism and organisation and management theorising. We put 
forward a dialectical approach to the search for OM theories, by 
stepping outside disciplinary confines. The Marxian labour theory of 
value is put forward as the territory for such synthetical exchange to 
commence. For that task, we make the most of the autonomist Marxist 
tradition, inasmuch as it offers us a coherent explanation of the social 
foundations of post-Fordist, contemporary (cognitive) capitalism. We 
question the contemporary significance and relevance of the Marxian 
labour theory of value, in an era of deep capitalist crisis, and reach 
the assertion of the negation of value creation in cognitive capitalism: 
consumption precedes production and creates – rather than destroys – 
value. Our aim is to bring to the forefront of OM theoretical enquiry 
fundamental questions on the nature of labour, exchange relations and 
forces of production in contemporary, cognitive capitalism.


--

26/6 Seminar: Rise of the Flashpublics
Tuesday June 26th, 2012 @ 4PM
University of Essex Room LTB4
Centre for Work, Organization and Society 
(http://www.essex.ac.uk/ebs/research/emc)


Rise of the Flashpublics: State-friended Social Media, User-Generated 
Discontent, and the Affective Transfer


This presentation examines recent entanglements of social media and 
political dissent to explore mutations in network sovereignty. Using a 
number of recent examples (including the US State Department organized 
Alliance of Youth Movements, the uprisings in Iran and Egypt, KONY 2012, 
Occupy Wall Street, and the US police networks), it argues that we are 
witnessing a convergence of sovereign and network powers, one that 
expresses new modes of control while setting the conditions for new 
forms of evaluation and antagonism. Network alliances and coalitions 
have become key actors in constructing a public (now as “State-friended” 
movements) and dissuading dissent movements (“State-enemied” ones). More 
specifically, counter-radicalization can take place via creating what I 
call flashpublics (quickly mobilized networked alliances that distract 
and prevent other emergent networks). At the same time, these coalitions 
depend on social media spectators/participants, which are affective 
transfer points that exceed network capture.



Bio: Jack Z. Bratich is associate professor and department chair of 
Journalism and Media Studies at Rutgers University. He is author of 
Conspiracy Panics: Political Rationality and Popular Culture (2008) and 
coeditor, along with Jeremy Packer and Cameron McCarthy, Foucault, 
Cultural Studies, and Governmentality (2003). His work applies 
autonomist social theory to such topics as audience studies, social 
media, 

nettime A number (13) The dOCUMENTA, the hEGEMON

2012-06-07 Thread Matze Schmidt

A number (13)

The dOCUMENTA, the hEGEMON



Despite the fact a Critical Art Ensemble tries hard to get in touch 
with people's hearts and minds on the spot[1], despite the fact the 
TRA.FO 'fights' since years for a friendly, clean but un-cleared and 
pro-(street-)people gardening-claim on the bourgeois protestant 
churchyard where jerks, drunk and junkies meet[2], despite the fact 
WochenKlausur[3] had no other (better) 30.000,00 EUR-idea but 
steelwork ... pardon me! streetworkers for those subordinated 
subaltern, despite the word Competition is good for business at 
the Friedrichsplatz but everyone for themselves [4], despite the 
fact VW loves to sponsor the Grossveranstaltung and Krauss-Maffei 
Wegmann would adore it, despite the fact some Jakobs of the 
dada13[5] were based in Berlin and took part in (if you like) the 
Capital Gentrification Programme there and AND AND AND[6] are 
commoning (Liebe Bewohnerinnen und Bewohner Kassels / Dear 
Inhabitants of Kassel) before or after Detroit or Buenos Aires (?) 
and the local motley Living Without Armament Group fixated on 
Panzer[7] will be able to hand out home-baked Cookie Tanks under 
this umbrella in Europe's first theatre building in history, despite 
the fact of approx. 12 million dependent on state transfer payments 
in the FRG and June-September means no holiday at this point, despite 
all the activist's interconnectivities and the benefit for the town 
(who's town?), despite the hot summer drinks and the Nothern-Hesse 
Hotel Occupy Movement[8] and Kabul could be Kassel[9], despite 
some want to be part of it plus the matter that 13 is the number 
after 12 and before 14 and we are suspicious but not superstitious, 
will this be bad luck when it's in the end free riding little 
rat-shops, cheap cheating copycat stores and temporary homes[10] in 
the dirty parts of the postwar and prewar inner City without any 
right to the real city after such de-reconstruction, selling 
non-profitcultural glitchè (Klitsche)[11] stuff or fake residencies 
without any subsidies overworking in self-exploitation?


What do we know?

And who is this omnious we anyway? Besides this ontological 
questioning: As we know the Hegemon functions similar to a Block 
(Gramsci). The block must not necessarily be a politicial party 
(Gramsci's erminology was camouflage paying attention to the censor) 
but, embedded actor–network relations given, the great _it_ of the 
Hegemon is based on this projection of identity and hallucinates 
itself being able to incorporate any other smaller or weaker block 
or at least to till the field and leave traces (Beuys Stones, 
»Men Walking to the Sky« in several front gardens of Kassel suburbs) 
and to spur the echos of former and new prosperity. This leading 
walking to the sky is certainly not to be indentified with the 
offspaces's Off. At the end of the tube there is no Anti-Wall 
Street Party heaven waiting, there is the spirit of a citizen of 
honour waiting: August Bode (not Arnold Bode), the ingenious 
designer[12]. The first German tank in the so called World War I, 
the Kolossal Wagen, was a job for Wegmann  Co.[13] In other 
words, any gap of social interaction in the district out there can 
be filled with bullets of anti-voids. Such anti-void is common in 
this town. Horrors of rememberances may be filled utterly with 
objects of significance.

As the striving for leading the community indicates differences in 
social class structure art takes the lead[15] as mediator between 
the classes like Polaris[16] announces in a re-interpretation of the 
fameous scene of reconciliation[17] in _Metropolis_(Director: Fritz 
Lang). The movie was celebrated by members of the local educated 
class last (Bildungsbuerger) year -- the look and feel of the FRG's 
socio-futuristic message which pleads for a paradox ignorance in 
knowing, that Bildungsbuerger, the middle classes are aware of 
economic inequality only they see just a gap between rich and 
poor, that's how assets are rephrased into social capital. A real 
couch in terms. In strange concidence with the notorius Agenda 2010, 
which is Germany's austerity programme since 2004, a nearly complete 
copy of _Metropolis_ has been found in Buenos Aires in 2010. TJing 
this fact with the ideology of reconciliation the whole project can 
be considered the rediscovery of class-compromise, a project 
endangered middle classes like most.[18] Culture for all 
(Social Democrats) turns out to be the positivist slogan of the 
ruling close to the Artistic pragmatism of Artur Žmijewski[19] by 
which the group in the middle between right an left helps itself 
out. The interest of the state becomes the interest of its 
Biennials (...).[19] When the state succeeds to bind civil 
society's powers and buttom-up forms it (he or she?) wins in every 
sector. And if the state succeeds to shape and sculpt social 
contradictions into disarmed paradoxes it prevails ... its rhythm 
can take the shape of racist