Analysis: Why might Syria wish to sow chaos in Lebanon now?
By  <mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]> JONATHAN SPYER
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1178708647313
<http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1178708647313&pagename=JPost/JPA
rticle/ShowFull> &pagename=JPost/JPArticle/ShowFull

Thirty eight people lost their lives on Sunday in fierce fighting between
the Lebanese military and Sunni jihadist operatives near the Nahr al-Bared
Palestinian refugee camp, close to the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli.
This outbreak of violence represents the heaviest toll in intra-Lebanese
violence since the conclusion of the Lebanese civil war of 1975-90. The
events in Nahr al-Bared cast light on a side of the Lebanese crisis which
has until now been largely ignored by the international media. This is the
emergence in recent months of an organization of armed Sunni Islamist
operatives in the largely-Sunni north of the country. So far, much of the
coverage has suggested that the group in question, known as Fatah
<http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1178708647313&pagename=JPost/JPA
rticle/ShowFull#>  al-Islam, may be linked to the al-Qaida network.
Nevertheless, informed opinion suggests caution before drawing the simple
conclusion that Fatah al-Islam is merely Osama bin-Laden's latest local
franchise. 


Fatah al-Islam is a breakaway of a Syrian-backed Palestinian organization
called Fatah-intifada, which itself split from the mainstream Palestinian
Fatah group in 1983. Fatah-intifada has little presence outside of the
Palestinian refugee camps of Lebanon
<http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1178708647313&pagename=JPost/JPA
rticle/ShowFull#>  and Syria, and is widely regarded as a tool of the Syrian
regime with little popular support. The group, led by a Palestinian called
Shakir al-Abssi, surfaced in the Nahr al-Bared camp last November and is
thought to contain around 100 fighters from the camp. The group includes
Sunni Islamists of a variety of nationalities, about half of whom are drawn
from the Sunni Lebanese community. Apart from Palestinians, there are also
said to be Syrian and Saudi citizens among its ranks. 


While Syrian officials have been keen from the outset to describe al-Abssi
and his group as operating "in favor of al-Qaida," Lebanese authorities
suspect that the group may in fact be a client of the Syrian authorities
themselves, established to act as an instrument of policy in Lebanon,
fomenting disorder. The Assad regime has a long history of utilizing
terrorist and paramilitary groups for such a purpose. Fatah-intifada itself
was used by Hafez Assad in a power struggle with Yassir Arafat in the
Lebanon refugee camps between 1985-88. The regime is known also to have
engaged operatives of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party to carry out
assassinations in Lebanon during the civil war period. 


Suspicions regarding Fatah al-Islam center on the fact that Shakir al-Abssi
was sentenced in 2003 to three years in prison in Syria after being
convicted of plotting attacks inside the country. This was an unusually
lenient sentence. By comparison, for example, Syrians suspected of
involvement in the Muslim Brotherhood are routinely given 12-year terms.
Al-Abssi, after his release, turned up among pro-Syrian Fatah-intifada
circles in Nahr al-Bared and shortly afterward emerged as the leader of the
new group, Fatah al-Islam. These facts have led General Ashraf Rifi, head of
the Lebanese Internal Security Forces (FSI), to conclude that "this is a
Syrian creation to sow chaos." Which raises the question, why might the
Syrians wish to sow chaos in Lebanon, and why now? 


A draft resolution for the unilateral establishment of an international
tribunal on the murder of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri was
circulated in the UN Security Council
<http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1178708647313&pagename=JPost/JPA
rticle/ShowFull#>  by the US, France and Britain last week. It is known that
the Syrian regime is determined to prevent this tribunal at all costs, since
it is believed that senior Syrian officials may be found to have been
involved in the Hariri killing. Could it be that the regime in Damascus
might see an escalation of tension in Lebanon as currently helpful - as a
tacit reminder to the international community of what Damascus is capable of
when put in a corner? This is the view of senior officials in Lebanese
government, and is in keeping with earlier practices of the Damascus regime.



The writer is a Senior Research Fellow at the Global Research in
International Affairs center, IDC Herzliya.

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