Warm Greetings Comrades


The Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela recently proclaimed that the country
has reached a tipping point in its battle against corruption. Human Science
Research Council warns that corruption is a major obstacle to realising our
constitutional ideals of freedom, security and justice. Senior managers are
indicated as the number one culprits driving theft. 77% of all internal
fraud was committed by senior and middle management, driven by unbridled
greed. Billions of rands have been lost to theft -- money that should have
been used to deliver urgently needed social services (htt://
m.timeslive.co.za) (Pricewaterhouse Cooper's SA edition of the Global
economic crime survey released 18 Feb 2014).



Poor governance practices threaten the functionality of the public sector.
Each year the Auditor General's reports show increasing levels of wasteful
expenditure in the public sector, here again, cheating the public of
valuable resources (Institute of Directors Southern Africa News and Press,
11 March 2015) South Africa has a good law, The Prevention and Combatting
of Corrupt Activities Act, 2004 but there is a greater need for political
will to implement this law.



The UN HRC adopted a resolution in March 2012 recognising the detrimental
impact of corruption on the protection of human rights and on the ability
of governments to fulfil their human rights obligations, particularly the
economic, social and cultural rights of the most vulnerable and
marginalised. Respect for fundamental human rights principles such as
equality, non - discrimination, participation, transparency and
accountability are essential to the fulfilment of all human rights and must
be integral to an effective anti - corruption strategy.



The "Occupy Streets" protests by civil society organisations in many cities
of the world following the financial crises a few years ago highlight the
need to be rid of unaccountable, opaque institutions, whose decisions cause
untold suffering for people. Vibrant civil society activities, protests and
media exposes likewise highlight concerns in our country. The situation
cries out for monitoring, human rights due diligence and public interest
litigation to achieve accountability.







*From:* Raymond Kgagudi
*Sent:* 17 July 2015 04:10 PM
*To:* 'mphahlel...@amcu.co.za'; 'dan...@mewusa.org.za'; '
generalsecret...@mwasa.org.za'; 'lushoz...@gmail.com'; 'nufbw...@wbs.co.za';
'pnk...@distell.co.za'; 'tsn...@webmail.co.za'; 'tsn...@webmail.co.za'; '
nasecgw...@telkomsa.net'; 'nasecgw...@telkomsa.net'; '
nasecgw...@telkomsa.net'; 'np...@mweb.co.za'; 'p...@npswu.org'; '
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legalu...@sacwu.co.za'; 'mose...@sacwu.co.za'; 'sap...@gmail.com'; '
sap...@gmail.com'; 'z...@tawusa.org.za'; 'limpopo.ad...@tawusa.org.za'; '
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mthobej...@mewusa.org.za'; 'albertentshi...@gmail.com'; '
lewusa.ben...@gmail.com'; 'inqubelaphambili.tradeun...@gmail.com'; '
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g...@nactu.org.za'; 'bc...@netactive.co.za'; 'nrkgag...@gmail.com'
*Subject:* Business Unionism or Revolutionary Unionism



Greetings comrades



NACTU as a federation including all its affiliates are confronted with
rising determination mainly from the African Workers seeking fighting and
results orientated trade unions to advance both workplace struggles and
their socio –economic demands. Recent statistics show a decline of the
South African manufacturing and mining industries consequently this decline
is cascaded to some tertiary or service orientated industries, and the
country is technically undergoing recession.



With NEDLAC being reduced to a meaningless institutional entity and the
growing capitalist onslaught epitomise by the growing social contradictions
within the country plus realignment of forces has compelled majority of the
labouring and toiling African workers across the country and across all
sectors African workers are seeking for trade unions which can fight and
respond to both their immediate demands. Today in the country we see an
emergence of two types of trade union post 1994 political dispensation,
that is, Business Inclined Trade Unions and Revolutionary Trade Union. The
concept of Business Trade Unions and Revolutionary Trade Union is aptly
explained below, analysis by Dave Neal worth sharing with trade union
leadership for self and collective reflection on the future of NACTU and
its trade union affiliates

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Unions are a modern concept, a product of industrial society. The idea is a
simple, but important one -- namely that the weak majority must organize
collectively to battle the powerful minority -- the capitalist, whose will
is backed by the power of the State. The individual worker is almost
powerless in a non-union workplace, with the choice of obeying the boss or
quitting their job for another one.

Unions upset this blissful state of affairs, when these weak, individual
workers banded together against the boss, they had considerable strength
indeed. Note that this right to collectively bargain was hard-won by
workers -- much worker blood was spilled by capitalists (through their
lap-dog, the State), in order to protect their privilege, power, and
profits, which depended on a disorganized, and above all, weak workforce.

Make no mistake: unionism was a powerful, effective social force, and it
has always been reviled by capitalists and management, because it cuts into
their absolute workplace authority, which they seem to feel is theirs by
right, in the style of kings of times past.

In the course of the fight for unionism, different schools of thought
emerged -- those who looked at the big picture of capitalist society saw
that no class peace with Capital was possible; others, unwilling to embrace
such a radical, revolutionary agenda, felt that workers and capitalists
could reach an understanding of some sorts.

Business unionism won out in the past struggles between Labor and Capital,
but in the long run, their vision of worker/owner solidarity is a false
one, which is unravelling as we speak, particularly in the wake of NAFTA,
GATT, and now MAI. Increasingly, it is Capital who calls the shots, and
Labor who takes the lumps -- which explains why hundreds of thousands of
working people have been "downsized" for the sake of corporate profits.

Before I talk about what revolutionary unionism is, it's important to first
talk about what it isn't, which brings me to business unionism.

*THE BUSINESS UNION*

What is business unionism? It is, at root, the belief that workers and
bosses have common interests, focusing on rhetoric like "getting the job
done" and "a fair day's work for a fair day's pay." Business unions
function to keep workers working, and profits flowing smoothly into the
pockets of business owners. Business unions have long been businesses
themselves, with entrenched and powerful bureaucracies, and their conduct
over the years has created the image of labor unions as corrupt,
inefficient, self-serving agencies (of course, this view is foisted on us
by the corporate press, who are by no means neutral or objective in their
coverage). Peaking in membership in the 50s, business unions have suffered
a long, slow decline since then.

The heart of the business union is the labor contract, under which workers
are to labor for the profit of the bosses. The contract phase of
labor/management negotiations is notoriously complex, with both groups
haggling over pay levels and job retention.

Business unions hold that there is such a thing as a fair wage, and work to
ensure the best possible deal with management, in terms of pay and pay
raises, and benefits. Business union jobs (those that are left) still
remain better paid than their non-union equivalents -- this reflects the
power of collective bargaining, which remains strong, despite enormous
setbacks over the decades.

However, business unions pit workers against workers -- if you've ever been
in a business union, you'll find a distinct hierarchy evident within the
union, favoring the older, higher-paid, senior workers over the younger,
lower-paid workers. Make no mistake -- if you're on the lower rungs of this
hierarchy, you are cannon fodder in the event of hard negotiations -- it
will be your job that is sacrificed if push comes to shove, while senior
union members will retain their privileges and protections.

Even within this seniority system, there are still higher levels of
hierarchy -- a business union reserves all decision-making action to labor
leaders -- the rank-and-file are not to engage in independent activity, but
are to remain in lock-step behind their respective leaders -- who,
particularly as unions grew in power -- came to resemble management itself,
more and more. All workplace initiative is kept safely at the top of the
business union pyramid.

The business union has always revolved around the trade union principle of
organizing. That is, they hold that each trade has its own distinct
interests, which are independent of those of other workers. As such, they
organize around a particular profession or trade, thereby dividing workers
into manifold smaller unions, focusing exclusively on their particular
interests.

The ultimate weapon of the business union is the strike. Only business
union leaders are authorized to declare a strike -- when the rank-and-file
do so, these unauthorized actions are called wildcat strikes, and are not
looked on favorably by business union bosses, because it undermines their
power.

*THE REVOLUTIONARY UNION*

*"**It was not by gold or by silver, but by labor, that all the wealth of
the world was originally purchased."*

*--Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations*

The revolutionary union has become a historical relic -- the last active
revolutionary union is the IWW -- the Industrial Workers of the World --
which, founded in 1905, was sacked in 1919 by the US government and has not
recovered since then. It's been around, but hasn't been a major force in
Labor for many decades.

Revolutionary unionism remains the great untried experiment -- its vision
of the world -- a world without Capital and capitalist exploitation of
workers -- hasn't yet come about. We seem amazingly far from this vision as
we reach the close of the 90s.

Will it come about again? Who knows? In some respects, I doubt it, at least
in the way it did before, because the State has created a variety of secret
police organizations, namely the FBI (created in 1919) and the CIA (created
in 1948), who actively work to prevent large-scale social organizing for
change. The lesson learned by authorities in response to the great labor
upheavals of times past was to infiltrate and destroy popular movements
before they get too powerful.

Any new radical unionism must organize under the watchful eye of these and
other organizations, which will affect the way these new unions operate.
It's not impossible for a new revolutionary unionism to come about -- but
it will be a formidable challenge. But then, such is the case with any
progressive social movement. The powerful never give up their privileges
easily, or out of the goodness of their withered hearts.

Clearly, the revolutionary union view of the reality of relations between
workers and bosses is more accurate than that of the business unionists, as
recent history only too clearly shows, in the flood of pink slips and
factory relocations which have left a devastated workforce in its wake.

So, what is a revolutionary union? It's easier to say that "revolutionary"
describes the tactics and outlook of this type of unionism, which focuses
on an unending battle between Labor and Capital (not an endless battle --
rather, one where either Capital wins, reducing us to the level of serfs,
or Labor wins, in which case capitalism ends), and recognizes that Labor
produces all that is of value in society.

The revolutionary union is centered around direct action, as opposed to the
strike. The strike is seen as the last weapon of the worker, and not even
the most effective one. Workers are most effective in pushing their agendas
while still on the job, using a variety of direct action tactics.

In revolutionary unions, there is no status hierarchy between workers -- no
distinction between senior and junior workers. Moreover, there is no union
bureaucracy or leadership to decide for workers what does or does not get
done. All initiative comes from below -- from the rank-and-file, who, by
their own efforts, make their wishes felt and known. This approach produces
a considerably more democratic union, with an active, informed membership.

Revolutionary unions practice industrial unionism; that is, the idea that
instead of workers dividing themselves into manifold trades, and defending
their interests to the exclusion of others, there are, instead, only two
classifications in working society -- workers and capitalists. That is,
those who work for a living, and those who live on others' work. Those who
take orders, and those who give them.

The revolutionary unionist seeks One Big Union, instead of many little
ones. The logic behind this is that capitalists tend to close ranks and
defend their common class interest -- against so unified a foe, can a
divided workforce possibly prevail? The history of business unionism
reveals that it cannot. It was this idea that led to the IWW slogan, "an
injury to one is an injury to all."

Solidarity is the glue that holds the revolutionary union together, which
is both an asset and a liability. It is a liability because it depends on
workers closing ranks and working together as a whole, which doesn't always
occur. Scabs, or workers who cross the picket line during a strike, are
always a threat to organized labor solidarity. Because unions represent
large numbers of people, organizing solidarity is a daunting task, and is
often unsuccessful. When it works, it works well.

*THE FUTURE OF LABOR*

The revolutionary unionist seeks more than simply increases in pay or
benefits -- the revolutionary unionist pursues longer-ranging workplace
changes. A long-standing revolutionary union goal was more leisure time for
the worker, measured in a shorter workday. It was the efforts of
revolutionary unionists that cut the 16-hour workday in half, and radical
unionists today would like to see the workday cut in half yet again. This
wish can only come about in the wake of intense, large-scale organizing,
something which has been impossible for nearly 70 years.

However, with the continued withering away of business unions, an opening
has grown for renewed radical unionism. The challenges are enormous, but
the opportunity is there. This has been made possible, conversely, by the
greed and machinations of Capital itself -- as the bosses seek to reduce
American workers' pay, increase their hours, and slash their benefits, they
have themselves created a revolutionary situation.

Management is very aware of this situation, however -- which is why there
has been a proliferation of "empowerment sessions" and "team-building"
initiatives in companies, where they seek to buy off the workers they still
retain with union-style benefits without the unions. In other words, the
appearance of empowerment, versus actual workplace empowerment. This
masterful PR effort by management reveals the extent to which they'll go to
see unionism finally destroyed. Companies want workers to think they're on
the same team as their bosses, the way business unions believe. But it's a
lie, and always will be.

No amount of bogus empowerment conferences can change the static
environment in which workers operate -- where all initiative comes from
above, and where their pay continues to stagnate, and they are forced to
work longer hours in increasingly precarious jobs. Fear is what binds the
non-union workplace, just as solidarity is what holds together the union
shop.

Will this continue indefinitely? I don't believe it will. It can't, because
working people are being screwed right and left by management, no matter
how many happy faces they try to put on their schemes. It simply isn't part
of human nature to take it on the chin so many times without wanting to
take a few swings yourself. Big Business has had it coming for a long time
-- with the State behind them, they've grown arrogant with power, and think
they can grind people into the ground with impunity. This can't go on
forever.

The challenge for the revolutionary unionist is to adapt to these new
conditions and bring real improvements in the lives of workers. One thing
that killed revolutionary unionism in the past was the inability of such
unions to consistently bring real benefits to working people -- something
business unions could do in the form of contracts and pay increases. The
new revolutionary union will have to keep a focus on meat and potatoes
issues at the same time it focuses on actual radical unionizing efforts.

Business unionism is dead; it just doesn't know it yet. It will keep losing
as we move through this transitional period of the globalization of
Capital. Does this mean there's no hope for working folks? Not at all -- it
only means there is no middle ground between Labor and Capital -- a
position mistakenly occupied by the business unionists. It will mean that
the revolutionary union, so long considered a fossil of a bygone age, will
become the only possible avenue left for working people who want a real say
in what goes on in the workplace

Regards





*Nkrumah Raymond Kgagudi*

*Researcher and Policy Analyst*

*Contacts:*

*E-maill :* raymond.kgag...@wits.ac.za

*Mobile phone*: 074 922 6361



*Telephone :* 011 717 3673

www.wsg.wits.ac.za

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