Schweichart (I think I spelt that right)
Justin, I have set that assumption (that I support the development of a MS type economy) in a particular context. I would be happy to see things go further but just can't see that around the corner given the state of the left across the world. Schweichart: he looked to the Jugoslavian model as one for replication, n'est pas? I think that he failed to look at the model within the context of Jugoslavia's preferential position within the world economy -it's relationship to imperialism (for example). That said, there is much to be learnt from their system. My prefered model is a mixture of state intervention and a non-profit distributing service sector. If we look at real economic growth in the West, in particular, such indicators as employment creation, it has been generated by the expansion of the distributive and service sectors, rather than the manufacturing sector which is becoming more mechanised. The utilisation of non-profit distributing service enterprises will gain the efficiency benefits of the market yet they will not be redistributed in the form of profits, rather more investments. I feel that Governments have a role in supporting this sector (otherwise known as the social economy) and that this sector can have a dual role of reducing dependency on FDI and of increasing popular involvement in the economic development process. Anyway, enough on that. Sé (I am using my wife's account). _ Send and receive Hotmail on your mobile device: http://mobile.msn.com
Following Carroll's meanings of US Gains from imperialism
Carroll Wrote: I think this relationship is partly obscured when anti-imperialist theoreticians fail regularly to make some essential discriminations. To speak of the US gains from imperialism may have at least three different (though compatible) meanings: 1. The U.S. ruling class benefits from imperialism. 2. The U.S. as a nation_ (whatever that may mean) benefits from imperialism. 3. The mass of the U.S. population, i.e., the working class, benefits from imperialism. It is quite possible (I think probable) for Proposition 1 to be true while Proposition 2 is simply meaningless and Proposition 3 is false. Comment: But (2) as you know, is interpreted by some - mainly Maoists - as essentially that there is no working class except the very destitute/unemployed/largely black. While I agree this is poppycock - it is still a current viewpoint in those anxious to prop up the Three Worlds Theory. Hari Kumar
Deregulation kills
The Ottawa Citizen, August 28, 1999, FINAL Traffic control woes delay European flights FRANKFURT, Germany -- From sushi bars to sex shops, Frankfurt Airport offers travellers plenty of ways to occupy their time before flying. Yet there may be demand for even more: Nearly half of last month's flights to and from the airport were delayed at least 15 minutes and some were hours late. The tardiness is so severe that Lufthansa AG has begun keeping three jets with crews on standby here just to fill in for flights that are seriously delayed. All three replacement jets have been busy, the airline says. In skies across Europe, unprecedented numbers of passenger flights are overloading the region's fragmented air traffic control system. A surge in flights packed with vacationers heading for the Mediterranean has added to the strain. Holiday travel increased just as the skies were clearing of disruptions caused by NATO's spring offensive in the Balkans. ''We have once again reached a crisis situation,'' said Emanuela Petracchi, a Geneva-based spokeswoman for the International Air Transport Association, an airline trade group. (clip) === NY Times, July 9, 2002 Controller Sent Jets Into Crash, Flight Data Show By EDMUND L. ANDREWS FRANKFURT, July 8 Information from the flight recorders aboard the two planes that crashed into each other one week ago over southern Germany show that a Swiss air traffic controller in effect put the planes on a collision course by ordering the Russian pilot to descend at the same time that the plane's own collision-avoidance system was urging him to climb. The new data, released today by German investigators, show that the two planes' automated systems communicated with each other exactly as they were meant to do and that the accident would probably not have occurred if the Russian pilot had simply ignored the Swiss controller in Zurich. The collision killed 52 Russian schoolchildren and 19 adults. In addition, German investigators said German controllers saw danger nearly two minutes before the crash and desperately tried to warn the controllers in Zurich, who had responsibility for both planes. Air controllers in the German city of Karlsruhe said they had received only busy signals every time they tried to call Zurich, even when they used a special priority line. The disclosures by the German Federal Agency for the Investigation of Air Accidents strongly suggested that Zurich's air traffic control center was understaffed, overwhelmed and befuddled with technical glitches just before the crash. Only one traffic controller was on duty for that sector at the time of the crash. Last weekend, Swiss officials announced that they were putting into effect a 20 percent reduction in air traffic over Switzerland, which, given the country's pivotal role in directing flights throughout Europe, is likely to disrupt service across the continent. The announcement was made by the privatized Swiss air traffic company, Skyguide. full: http://www.nytimes.com/2002/07/09/international/europe/09CRAS.html Louis Proyect Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org
Re: Schweichart (I think I spelt that right)
Dear Se, I have set that assumption (that I support the development of a MS type economy) in a particular context. I would be happy to see things go further but just can't see that around the corner given the state of the left across the world. Ah. Well, I guess I am principled supporter of MS; I am impressed with Hayek-type arguments that a wholly nonmarket economy would not be propserous enough to support socialism of a sort we'd like. Schweichart: SchweicKart he looked to the Jugoslavian model as one for replication, n'est pas? Not exactly. For inspiration, yes. For the idea of worker control, among other things. He was also inspired, perhaps more than by Yugo, by Mondragon. I think that he failed to look at the model within the context of Jugoslavia's preferential position within the world economy -it's relationship to imperialism (for example). Well, all of us fans of worker self-management have to look hard at the factors that contributed to the Yugo model's failure--just as the fans of planned socialism have to look harder at the factors that contributed to the failure of the Soviet model. I have just acquired Susan Woodward's book Socialist Unemployment, which (on a superficial skim) attributes the problem sto the model's failure to deal with the problem of unemployment. (I was on a panel with Woodward once; she's very smart.) Other theories: Yugo got in hoc to the IMF and the World Bank, which screwed things up with their austerity programs; Tugo failed to systemnatically implement self-management (Lydell's view); Yugo lacked a real hard budgetr constraint tjat would shut down failing firms; and finally, Yugo ran into some problems for some combination of reasons, but, in the context of the collapse of the rest of socialism, was hijacked by ambitious politicians like Milosovec. That said, there is much to be learnt from their system. My prefered model is a mixture of state intervention and a non-profit distributing service sector. Schweickart's model has planned (new) investment, and lots of regulation. What's your service distribution sector? The utilisation of non-profit distributing service enterprises will gain the efficiency benefits of the market yet they will not be redistributed in the form of profits, rather more investments. I feel that Governments have a role in supporting this sector (otherwise known as the social economy) and that this sector can have a dual role of reducing dependency on FDI and of increasing popular involvement in the economic development process. Anyway, enough on that. Sé (I am using my wife's account). jks _ Join the worlds largest e-mail service with MSN Hotmail. http://www.hotmail.com
Re: Re: Schweichart (I think I spelt that right)
Dear Se, we have discussed this subject many, many times. Justin is indeed the most enthusiastic supporter of MS. He is also knowledgeable. I suggest that you look through the archives and see what he has written. On Tue, Jul 09, 2002 at 02:34:19PM +, Justin Schwartz wrote: Dear Se, I have set that assumption (that I support the development of a MS type economy) in a particular context. I would be happy to see things go further but just can't see that around the corner given the state of the left across the world. Ah. Well, I guess I am principled supporter of MS; I am impressed with Hayek-type arguments that a wholly nonmarket economy would not be propserous enough to support socialism of a sort we'd like. Schweichart: SchweicKart he looked to the Jugoslavian model as one for replication, n'est pas? Not exactly. For inspiration, yes. For the idea of worker control, among other things. He was also inspired, perhaps more than by Yugo, by Mondragon. I think that he failed to look at the model within the context of Jugoslavia's preferential position within the world economy -it's relationship to imperialism (for example). Well, all of us fans of worker self-management have to look hard at the factors that contributed to the Yugo model's failure--just as the fans of planned socialism have to look harder at the factors that contributed to the failure of the Soviet model. I have just acquired Susan Woodward's book Socialist Unemployment, which (on a superficial skim) attributes the problem sto the model's failure to deal with the problem of unemployment. (I was on a panel with Woodward once; she's very smart.) Other theories: Yugo got in hoc to the IMF and the World Bank, which screwed things up with their austerity programs; Tugo failed to systemnatically implement self-management (Lydell's view); Yugo lacked a real hard budgetr constraint tjat would shut down failing firms; and finally, Yugo ran into some problems for some combination of reasons, but, in the context of the collapse of the rest of socialism, was hijacked by ambitious politicians like Milosovec. That said, there is much to be learnt from their system. My prefered model is a mixture of state intervention and a non-profit distributing service sector. Schweickart's model has planned (new) investment, and lots of regulation. What's your service distribution sector? The utilisation of non-profit distributing service enterprises will gain the efficiency benefits of the market yet they will not be redistributed in the form of profits, rather more investments. I feel that Governments have a role in supporting this sector (otherwise known as the social economy) and that this sector can have a dual role of reducing dependency on FDI and of increasing popular involvement in the economic development process. Anyway, enough on that. Sé (I am using my wife's account). jks _ Join the worlds largest e-mail service with MSN Hotmail. http://www.hotmail.com -- Michael Perelman Economics Department California State University Chico, CA 95929 Tel. 530-898-5321 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Schweichart (I think I spelt that right)
Justin, I have set that assumption (that I support the development of a MS type economy) in a particular context. I would be happy to see things go further but just can't see that around the corner given the state of the left across the world. Schweichart: he looked to the Jugoslavian model as one for replication, n'est pas? I think that he failed to look at the model within the context of Jugoslavia's preferential position within the world economy -it's relationship to imperialism (for example). That said, there is much to be learnt from their system. My prefered model is a mixture of state intervention and a non-profit distributing service sector. If we look at real economic growth in the West, in particular, such indicators as employment creation, it has been generated by the expansion of the distributive and service sectors, rather than the manufacturing sector which is becoming more mechanised. The utilisation of non-profit distributing service enterprises will gain the efficiency benefits of the market yet they will not be redistributed in the form of profits, rather more investments. I feel that Governments have a role in supporting this sector (otherwise known as the social economy) and that this sector can have a dual role of reducing dependency on FDI and of increasing popular involvement in the economic development process. Anyway, enough on that. Sé (I am using my wife's account). _ Chat with friends online, try MSN Messenger: http://messenger.msn.com
Questions for Kabul
Business Standard Thursday, June 27, 2002 ASIA FILE Questions for Kabul A preliminary assessment suggests that Kabul would need at least $ 15 billion over the next ten years to rebuild its infrastructure. Is the money going to be safe, asks Barun Roy As international assistance for Afghanistan moves from promises to projects, the countrys fragile security situation is bound to disturb a lot of people. Recently, a foreign female aid worker was gang-raped in the north of the country; in recent weeks, gunmen have attacked health clinics while vehicles carrying food and relief material have been stopped, looted, and shot at. International aid workers have threatened to leave the country unless such attacks stop. The stakes in Afghanistan are high and billions of project dollars are going to be sunk into its reconstruction. A preliminary assessment suggests that Kabul would need at least $ 15 billion over the next ten years to rebuild its infrastructure $ 5 billion in the next two and a half years alone to fix essential roads, sewer pipes, and electrical plants. Is the money going to be safe? The first project commitments have just been made and indicate the magnitude of the task involved. On May 30, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) announced a $ 15 million initial package of technical assistance grants for a range of projects in agriculture and natural resources, education, health, road transport, energy, and finance. Its the first time ever that the ADB has approved such a big technical assistance package for any country on any single occasion. In the ten years that ADB had been active in Afghanistan before operations were suspended in 1979, Kabul had received no more than $ 2.5 million in technical assistance and $ 75 million in loans. Now Yoshihiro Iwasaki, director general of ADBs South Asia department, is saying that at least $ 500 million in grants and concessionary loans would be going Kabuls way in the next two years. The World Bank approved grants for three development projects on June 6, bringing its total grant funding to $ 100 million for Afghanistan for the fiscal year ending June 30. These are for emergency projects to support community empowerment, public works development, and the establishment of transparent financial management systems. An additional $ 500 million has been committed for the next two years. While the civil war has largely ended, there are still far too many former combatants around and too many small arms remain in private hands. When things are still fluid and the government is still only a nebulous concept outside the capital region, can project staff be sure of their personal safety and travel to all parts of the country with equal ease? Can projects be completed on time and maintained afterwards? Normal police functions have all but disappeared in Afghanistan. As the preliminary assessment report says, virtually all elements of the security apparatus have either completely disintegrated or evolved into structures that are no longer relevant or responsive to the needs of an emerging democratic polity. The only police force that exists is a small contingent of traffic policemen in Kabul and security officers guarding functions in public buildings. Worse still, there are no professional judges outside Kabul province. The vast majority of judges and prosecutors were dismissed by the Taliban and replaced by Sharia and theology graduates with no previous judicial experience. With the Taliban gone, the judicial vacuum lies helplessly exposed. Then there are the mines. Until recently, mines used to kill or injure between 150 and 300 people every month. Even now, people are afraid to go near their farms and grazing land, or even to use roads, and bridges. Even if de-mining goes on in full swing over the entire 732 square kilometres of Afghanistans known minefields, it will be at least five to seven years before the country can be declared reasonably free from the impact of mines. Its necessary to start reconstruction projects upfront and right now, because thats the only way former combatants can be reintegrated in society and refugees can be persuaded to return home. The situation doesnt look hopeless. Thanks to grants from the UNDP and the Afghan Reconstruction Trust Fund, Afghanistans 235,000 civil servants, including health workers, teachers, and policemen, have just received their first salaries in months and one can already sense a boosting of morale. A national plan for combating crime and drugs is in the making and the establishment of a national police training centre is on the cards. The recent confirmation of Hamid Karzai as president by the Afghan Grand Assembly for the next 18 months, when general elections are to take place, indicates that Afghans are prepared to rise above parochial divisions and loyalties to re-establish stability and trust. Business Standard Ltd. 5, Pratap Bhavan, Bahadur Shah Zafar Marg, New Delhi - 110002. INDIA Ph:
Re: RE: stages of imperialism.
In a message dated 7/8/02 10:23:09 AM Pacific Daylight Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes: In any event, if I were a Russian worker, I'd rather be ruled by the Khrushchev group than by the Stalin group. JD Engels: Exchange and Distribution and approach: Letter to C. Schmidt, August 5, 1890 "I saw a review of Paul Barth's book [ Die Geschichtsphilosophie Hegels und der Hegelianer bis auf Marx und Hartmann ] by that bird of ill omen, Moritz Wirth, in the Vienna Deutsche Worte , and this book itself, as well. I will have a look at it, but I must say that if "little Moritz" is right when he quotes Barth as stating that the sole example of the dependence of philosophy, etc., on the material conditions of existence which he can find in all Marx's works is that Descartes declares animals to the machines, then I am sorry for the man who can write such a thing. And if this man has not yet discovered that while the material mode of existence is the primum agens [primary agent, prime cause] this does not preclude the ideological spheres from reacting upon it in their turn, though with a secondary effect, he cannot possibly have understood the subject he is writing about. However, as I said, all this is secondhand and little Moritz is a dangerous friend. The materiali! st conception of history has a lot of them nowadays, to whom it serves as an excuse for not studying history. Just as Marx used to say, commenting on the French "Marxists" of the late 1870s: "All I know is that I am not a Marxist." There has also been a discussion in the Volks-Tribune about the distribution of products in future society, whether this will take place according to the amount of work done or otherwise. The question has been approached very "materialistically" in opposition to certain idealistic phraseology about justice. But strangely enough it has not struck anyone that, after all, the method of distribution essentially depends on how much there is to distribute, and that this must surely change with the progress of production and social organization, so that the method of distribution may also change. But everyone who took part in the discussion, "socialist society" appeared not as something undergoing continuous change and progress but as a stable affair fixed once for all, which must, therefore, have a method of distribution fixed once for all. All one can reasonably do, however, is 1) to try and discover the method of distribution to be used at the beginning , and 2) to try and f! ind the general tendency of the further development. But about this I do not find a single word in the whole debate. In general, the word "materialistic" serves many of the younger writers in Germany as a mere phrase with which anything and everything is labeled without further study, that is, they stick on this label and then consider the question disposed of. But our conception of history is above all a guide to study, not a lever for construction after the manner of the Hegelian. All history must be studied afresh, the conditions of existence of the different formations of society must be examined individually before the attempt is made to deduce them from the political, civil law, aesthetic, philosophic, religious, etc., views corresponding to them. Up to now but little has been done here because only a few people have got down to it seriously. In this field we can utilize heaps of help, it is immensely big, anyone who will work seriously can achieve much and distinguish himself. But instead of this too many of the younger Germans simply make use of the phrase historical materialism (and everything can be turned into a phrase) only in order to get their own relatively scanty historical knowledge - for economic history is still and its swaddling clothes! - constructed into a neat system as quickly as possible, and they then deem themselves something very tremendous. And after that a Barth can come along and attack the thing itself, which in his circle has indeed been degraded to a mere phrase." (end of quote) Reply "while the material mode of existence is the primum agens [primary agent, prime cause] this does not preclude the ideological spheres from reacting upon it in their turn, though with a secondary effect," "But strangely enough it has not struck anyone that, after all, the method of distribution essentially depends on how much there is to distribute, and that this must surely change with the progress of production and social organization, so that the method of distribution may also change. "the progress of production and social organization, so that the method of distribution may also change." Every process by definition passes through stages and or phases or it is not a process. Capitalism has evolved through definite stages in its 700 or so years of history. In my estimate what constitutes the boundary giving definition to the word stage - in respects to capitalism or capital as a historically evolved form of social
RE: Schweichart (I think I spelt that right)
Title: RE: [PEN-L:27766] Schweichart (I think I spelt that right) Se said: My prefered model [of market socialism] is a mixture of state intervention and a non-profit distributing service sector. an economy stressing a not-for-profit sector is not really market socialism, since the latter centers of a version of the profit motive. BTW, Charlie Andrews has an extremely useful model of a post-capitalist economy centered on not-for-profit institutions in his FROM CAPITALISM TO EQUALITY. Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine
Schweickart's Model
I'm afraid my knowledge of Schweickart is largely second-hand. Can you perhaps list some of his most useful writings? Just a few as I am seriously curtailed in regard to time and realistically would only have time to read two or three. The more analytic the better. My 'non-distributing service sector' is a European development -it's pushed in the EU as part of their partnership model, viz, the inclusion of the private, public, voluntary and community sector in the economic development process. This really only gets lip-service at times but presents radical and progressive movements with the opportunity to push for concrete and realisable objectives which people will relate to. I'm not a huge fan of the Social Partnership approach but do recognise the potential to use the openings it affords to empower people and to counter anti-socialist arguments. The term I used is just a short way of saying profit-making but not profit-taking enterprises. In general these are currently to be found operating in low profit sectors in some countries in Europe, where the market has failed or wouldn't ordinarily develop. These enterprises are usually locally generated and run by local communities. Co-operatives would be a comparitor in the agricultural sector, except they are profit-taking. In places, the EU tends to support such 'social economy' enterprises with grant aid if they can show that they are addressing poverty and exclusion. The big idea is for governments to develop Departments of the Social Economy and to divert funds from ordinary forms of profit-subsidisation for FDI to these local forms, e.g. in the purchasing of equipment and other forms of capital expenditure and even initial revenue support. I think that it's a very marketable concept and something which is already developed in many countries. It just needs to be counterpoised to full-scale capitalism/imperialism/globalisation. As far as the bigger industrial sectors are concerned: a combination of trusts, state ownership and worker control are my preferred option. The difficulty in the EU is that state involvement in 'private sector' markets is curtailed by legislation from Bruxelles - so we see some limited responses in terms of Welsh water - established as a trust under public sector scrutiny. I'm not so sure that the non-profit distributing model works so well for larger industries because workers tend to become impersonalised and lose their sense of collective ownership. For me, the adoption of a MS economic development strategy appears to be the only logical position given the total disrepute which socialist planned economies have in the popular mind (despite their successes in the early Soviet Union and under Ché in Cuba). In the early 20th Century Socialism had no failures for the capitalists to point towards -it is this advantage which is preventing the development of a mass progressive movement in many areas. Cuba is a good example of socialist planning, but even they are looking towards Market Socialism in their difficulty. Any country adopting to a generally progressive line of march would suffer similar forces (just look at Venezuala). Market Socialism is something we can 'sell' to the working class as a better system, but it also has benefits which we would be foolish to ignore. Sé _ MSN Photos is the easiest way to share and print your photos: http://photos.msn.com/support/worldwide.aspx
Market Socialism - an apology already
Martin, My apologies for my ignorance. It seems I'm not a market socialist after all, jks. Please forgive my treachery - I cannot abide the profit motive - I thought a market socialist believed in the market as a central means of determining economic development. My mistake. Will read the archives. Sé _ Chat with friends online, try MSN Messenger: http://messenger.msn.com
Re: Market Socialism - an apology already
Surely one can realistically hold the argument that we don't want to be a market society (based on the notion of capitlaist individualism and what that implies) and still hold to the notion of markets as allocation devices suitable in some instances in societies that are communitarian. Martin, My apologies for my ignorance. It seems I'm not a market socialist after all, jks. Please forgive my treachery - I cannot abide the profit motive - I thought a market socialist believed in the market as a central means of determining economic development. My mistake. Will read the archives. Sé _ Chat with friends online, try MSN Messenger: http://messenger.msn.com -- Dr. W.R. Needham Associate Chair, Undergraduate Affairs Department of Economics 200 University Avenue West, University of Waterloo, N2L 3G1 Waterloo, Ontario, Canada Tel:519-888-4567 ext: 3949 Fax:519-725-0530 web: http://economics.uwaterloo.ca/fac-needham.html [We cannot live only for ourselves. A thousand fibers connect us with our fellow men; and among those fibers, as sympathetic threads, our actions run as causes, and they come back to us as effects. - Herman Melville]
South Africa to become a welfare state?
[Patrick Bond, what's the skinny on this?] South Africa Weighs a Welfare State System of Payment for All Would Be Continent's First By Jon Jeter Washington Post Foreign Service Tuesday, July 9, 2002; Page A01 SOWETO, South Africa -- Four generations get by on the $100 pension that Johannes Khanye collects each month. There are his two daughters, their seven children and their four children, the youngest born but six months ago. Counting the old man, that's 14 people in all: two households, no jobs, no prospects. Still, there are groceries to buy, electric bills to pay, schoolbooks and diapers and always, always, too much month left when the money runs out. There's never enough food, said Khanye, who is a widower and 88 but as lithe as a bantamweight. And many of my friends are worse off. They ask to borrow money from me. Pensions were not intended for the young, only the old, but yet many, many people live as we do. The government should do more to help the people. As this country struggles to both modernize its economy and combat a grave financial crisis, South Africans are debating whether to do what no African nation has ever done: create a welfare state. Promoted by a broad coalition of labor unions, churches, children's advocates, the elderly, women, opposition politicians and even AIDS activists, a plan to provide each man, woman and child age 7 to 65 with a monthly welfare check of $10 has dominated the political debate here this year. Nearly a century after Europe and the United States began cushioning their poorest citizens with cash and other benefits, South Africa is the first nation on this continent to earnestly weigh whether the dole can work for a population for which poverty is not the exception but the rule. A government task force report that strongly supports implementation of the plan -- known as the Basic Income Grant, or BIG -- sits on President Thabo Mbeki's desk and awaits the government's response. Eight years after the repressive system of racial separation known as apartheid was dismantled, many South Africans have grown impatient with the new, black-led government's free-market reforms. Capitalism's sometimes glaring indifference to the poor has given birth to a new discussion of social policy, much as it did following the Industrial Revolution in Europe and the United States. More than half of South Africa's 42 million people survive on less than $2 a day and the economy has shed nearly 1 million jobs since 1994. Virtually the only safety nets available to South Africans are a poorly administered child support grant, for single mothers with children under age 7, and the state-funded old-age pension created by the apartheid government nearly three decades ago, partly to defuse tensions among restless blacks in townships such as Soweto. By the most conservative estimates, unemployment here has climbed to more than a quarter of the workforce, and many South African economists say they believe the figure is closer to 40 percent. As a result, one retiree's pension often must support jobless children and grandchildren, or in some cases extended families that exceed 20 members. Of nearly 22 million South Africans who live in absolute poverty, approximately 13 million have no access to any regular income, whether from a relative's pension or otherwise. This is a crucial moment for Africa's development, said the Rev. Douglas Torr, an Anglican priest who chairs a group of activists lobbying the government to adopt BIG. We're seeing an entire continent struggle to make the passage from authoritarian, Marxist-style government to a modern, market-driven democracy. Well, part of that transformation to a modern society -- and we find our examples for this in the West -- is to assume the responsibility of caring for the people whom the markets leave behind. But while the sheer number of poor South Africans suggests a need for some sort of relief, the proposal also represents South Africa's principal challenge: With so many poor people, who will pay for the dole? It is obvious that the issue of poverty must be addressed, said Bheki Khumalo, Mbeki's spokesman. But we are a small economy. We must deal with the situation in a way that is ultimately sustainable. We can only spend the money that we have. Sipping coffee and gently rocking her infant son's carriage at a suburban shopping mall near Soweto, Anne Sussman said: I don't think Africans are ready for the dole. I don't think we can afford it. And if you start giving money to people, you will rob them of all incentive to go out and work, and that's the last thing we need: another African begging bowl. We're not like Americans or the British, where just a few people here and there are poor. We're a nation of poor people. South Africa would distribute the $10 monthly stipend to everyone. The dole could cost about $4.6 billion a year, but economists estimate half of that would be reclaimed through slightly higher taxes on the
Re: South Africa to become a welfare state?
Ian Murray wrote: 014201c22772$f0899a60$[EMAIL PROTECTED]"> [Patrick Bond, what's the skinny on this?]South Africa Weighs a Welfare StateSystem of Payment for All Would Be Continent's FirstBy Jon JeterWashington Post Foreign ServiceTuesday, July 9, 2002; Page A01 Though the movement is just in its infancy here, the first US B.I.G. conference was held in New York last March. See the conference papers at 014201c22772$f0899a60$[EMAIL PROTECTED]"> www.widerquist.com/usbig/workingpapers Joel Blau 014201c22772$f0899a60$[EMAIL PROTECTED]"> Nearly a century after Europe and the United States begancushioning their poorest citizens with cash and other benefits,South Africa is the first nation on this continent to earnestlyweigh whether the dole can work for a population for which povertyis not the exception but the rule. A government task force reportthat strongly supports implementation of the plan -- known as theBasic Income Grant, or BIG -- sits on President Thabo Mbeki's deskand awaits the government's response.
Re: Market Socialism - an apology already
It seems I'm not a market socialist after all, jks. Please forgive my treachery - I cannot abide the profit motive - I thought a market socialist believed in the market as a central means of determining economic development. My mistake. Will read the archives. Sé How can you run markets without a profit motive? jks _ Chat with friends online, try MSN Messenger: http://messenger.msn.com
Rogoff letter
Title: Rogoff letter [in case anyone's interested] An Open Letter1 By Kenneth Rogoff, Economic Counsellor and Director of Research, International Monetary Fund To Joseph Stiglitz, Author of Globalization and Its Discontents (New York: W.W. Norton Company, June 2002) Washington D.C., July 2, 2002 At the outset, I would like to stress that it has been a pleasure working closely with my World Bank colleagues-particularly my counterpart, Chief Economist Nick Stern-during my first year at the IMF. We regularly cross 19th Street to exchange ideas on research, policy, and life. The relations between our two institutions are excellent-this is not at issue. Of course, to that effect, I think it is also important, before I begin, for me to quash rumors about the demolition of the former PEPCO building that stood right next to the IMF until a few days ago. No, it's absolutely not true that this was caused by a loose cannon planted within the World Bank. Dear Joe: Like you, I came to my position in Washington from the cloisters of a tenured position at a top-ranking American University. Like you, I came because I care. Unlike you, I am humbled by the World Bank and IMF staff I meet each day. I meet people who are deeply committed to bringing growth to the developing world and to alleviating poverty. I meet superb professionals who regularly work 80-hour weeks, who endure long separations from their families. Fund staff have been shot at in Bosnia, slaved for weeks without heat in the brutal Tajikistan winter, and have contracted deadly tropical diseases in Africa. These people are bright, energetic, and imaginative. Their dedication humbles me, but in your speeches, in your book, you feel free to carelessly slander them.2 Joe, you may not remember this, but in the late 1980s, I once enjoyed the privilege of being in the office next to yours for a semester. We young economists all looked up to you in awe. One of my favorite stories from that era is a lunch with you and our former colleague, Carl Shapiro, at which the two of you started discussing whether Paul Volcker merited your vote for a tenured appointment at Princeton. At one point, you turned to me and said, Ken, you used to work for Volcker at the Fed. Tell me, is he really smart? I responded something to the effect of Well, he was arguably the greatest Federal Reserve Chairman of the twentieth century To which you replied, But is he smart like us? I wasn't sure how to take it, since you were looking across at Carl, not me, when you said it. My reason for telling this story is two-fold. First, perhaps the Fund staff who you once blanket-labeled as third rate-and I guess you meant to include World Bank staff in this judgment also-will feel better if they know they are in the same company as the great Paul Volcker. Second, it is emblematic of the supreme self-confidence you brought with you to Washington, where you were confronted with policy problems just a little bit more difficult than anything in our mathematical models. This confidence brims over in your new 282 page book. Indeed, I failed to detect a single instance where you, Joe Stiglitz, admit to having been even slightly wrong about a major real world problem. When the U.S. economy booms in the 1990s, you take some credit. But when anything goes wrong, it is because lesser mortals like Federal Reserve Chairman Greenspan or then-Treasury Secretary Rubin did not listen to your advice. Let me make three substantive points. First, there are many ideas and lessons in your book with which we at the Fund would generally agree, though most of it is old hat. For example, we completely agree that there is a need for a dramatic change in how we handle situations where countries go bankrupt. IMF First Deputy Managing Director Anne Krueger-who you paint as a villainess for her 1980s efforts to promote trade liberalization in World Bank policy-has forcefully advocated a far reaching IMF proposal. At our Davos [World Economic Forum] panel in February you sharply criticized the whole idea. Here, however, you now want to take credit as having been the one to strongly advance it first. Your book is long on innuendo and short on footnotes. Can you document this particular claim? Second, you put forth a blueprint for how you believe the IMF can radically improve its advice on macroeconomic policy. Your ideas are at best highly controversial, at worst, snake oil. This leads to my third and most important point. In your role as chief economist at the World Bank, you decided to become what you see as a heroic whistleblower, speaking out against macroeconomic policies adopted during the 1990s Asian crisis that you believed to be misguided. You were 100% sure of yourself, 100% sure that your policies were absolutely the right ones. In the middle of a global wave of speculative attacks, that you yourself labeled a crisis of confidence, you fueled the panic by undermining confidence in the very institutions
Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Title: Rogoff letter All, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography,parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KMin thepast but wantsomething different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: AVery Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I've not seen either but the price seems right on both of these ($10). Thanks for any thoughts. Eric .
Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Terrell Carver has an old Oxford book on Marx's Social Theory that I thought was pretty good. Then there's Miliband's Marxism and Politics; also Raymond Williams' Marxism and Literature. Best general intro to ME I know of id Richard Schmitt, Intro to Marx and Engels (Westview); I used to use that all the time. Rather more difficult is W.A. Suchting, Intro to Marxism. It has chapters on theeconomics, but you could skip those, same with Schitt. jks From: Eric Nilsson [EMAIL PROTECTED] Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [PEN-L:27782] Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates Date: Tue, 9 Jul 2002 14:26:24 -0700 Rogoff letterAll, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography, parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KM in the past but want something different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: A Very Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I've not seen either but the price seems right on both of these ($10). Thanks for any thoughts. Eric . _ Join the worlds largest e-mail service with MSN Hotmail. http://www.hotmail.com
RE: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Title: Rogoff letter How about: Karl Marx by David McLellan, Viking Press, 1975.
our ecological footprint 2002
http://www.panda.org/livingplanet/lpr02/ The Living Planet Report is WWF's periodic update on the state of the world's ecosystems - as measured by the Living Planet Index - and the human pressures on them through the consumption of renewable natural resources - as measured by the Ecological Footprint. There is a cause-effect linkage between the two measures. . ...current trends are moving humanity away from achieving this minimum requirement for sustainability, not towards it. The global ecological footprint has grown from about 70% of the planet's biological capacity in 1961 to about 120% of its biological capacity in 1999. Furthermore, future projections based on likely scenarios of population growth, economic development and technological change, show that humanity's footprint is likely to grow to about 180% to 220% of the Earth's biological capacity by the year 2050.
Re: RE: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Rogoff letter - Original Message - From: Forstater, Mathew To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Sent: Tuesday, July 09, 2002 2:32 PM Subject: [PEN-L:27784] RE: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates How about: Karl Marx by David McLellan, Viking Press, 1975. == That's the book that grabbed me as a sophomore... Ian
Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
A - you're not going to let them see any original material You should. You don't want them to think Marx is too hard, because lots of his stuff isn't. For example, how about that 3 page essay on money from the 1844 manuscripts, you know, the one that says money is the pimp between man and the object of his desire and has a little discussion of Timon of Athens? I personally have found Marx's writing easier to understand than that of his interpreters -- at the same time, having taught undergraduates, I'm aware of the limitations. From the little I've read of Eagleton, I would not recommend him; he's just literally too stupid to be trusted with communicating marxist ideas well. Best, Joanna At 02:26 PM 07/09/2002 -0700, you wrote: All, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography, parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KM in the past but want something different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: A Very Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I've not seen either but the price seems right on both of these ($10). Thanks for any thoughts. Eric .
RE: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Title: RE: [PEN-L:27782] Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates I highly recommend How to Read Karl Marx by Ernst Fischer (with contributions by Paul Sweezy and John Bellamy Foster; Anna Bostock, transl., Monthly Review Press, 1996). Jim Devine [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://bellarmine.lmu.edu/~jdevine -Original Message- From: Eric Nilsson [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Sent: Tuesday, July 09, 2002 2:26 PM To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Subject: [PEN-L:27782] Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates All, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography, parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KM in the past but want something different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: A Very Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I've not seen either but the price seems right on both of these ($10). Thanks for any thoughts. Eric .
RE: Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
RE Terrell Carver has an old Oxford book on Marx's Social Theory that I thought was pretty good. Also out of print, but I've used his Cambridge Companion of KM, which he edited and has some good points. Eric .
RE: Re: RE: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
RE How about: Karl Marx by David McLellan, Viking Press, 1975. I like it but it is out of print! Eric
RE: Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Joanna wrote, A - you're not going to let them see any original material For the economics of KM I've had students read v.1 of Capital in the distant past, but it understandably takes us a very long time to work through it. But, in any case, I do the KM economics that I'm interested in during lecture but want them to have more readings on historical materialism, alienation, theory of state, and all that good stuff. Eric .
Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: A Very Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) Not to touch with ten foot pole. They alos had him do Hegel. I can't imaginewhat inspired them. (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I think he's OK. I'd still use Schmitt. jks _ MSN Photos is the easiest way to share and print your photos: http://photos.msn.com/support/worldwide.aspx
endogenous vs. exogenous accumulation
In my opinion, Romain Kroes introduced some very interesting material to the list in the "Imperialism in decline?" discussion. I recently studied Luxemburg's book, accumulation of capital. i thought it made a lot of sense from just considering the definition of exploitation -- being paid less than your labor is worth. She did point out that Marx considered his political economy to be taking place in a "closed system," and i looked up her reference which i can't put my fingers on just this instant but will look it up if anyone wants it. In a closed system, the same people who work for the capitalists also buy the wares of the capitalists in order to live. If the workers are consistently paid less than their labor is worth, doesn't it follow that over time, their buying power will consistently decrease? Until the capitalists must break out of the closed system to keep from being killed by the shrinkage of their markets? Romain, i can't find your email address, so if you would be so kind as to email me, there are some other points that i would like to discuss with you. thanks a lot, nancy brumback professor of integrated ecological studies new college of ca 766 valencia st san francisco, ca 94110
colonialism in Bosnia
Title: colonialism in Bosnia Bosnia's new colonial governor Paddy Ashdown is turning its elected leaders into his ciphers David Chandler Tuesday July 9, 2002 The Guardian [UK] At the end of May, Paddy Ashdown assumed his new post as Bosnia's international high representative. It is a powerful job, very similar to that of a colonial governor, with the authority to sack elected presidents and prime ministers and to impose legislation by decree. Ashdown is the fourth incumbent since the temporary international protectorate was established at the end of the war in 1995. No Bosnians were involved in the selection process. The appointment was decided by a group of western governments - our own lobbied for Ashdown. Thus a British politician who never managed to win power in his own country is now in charge of a foreign state. He has little experience of government responsibility and faces very different problems from those he encountered as the MP for Yeovil. What Ashdown lacks in experience he makes up for in passion. He has adopted a fresh, media-friendly approach in his first month in office, and has been widely seen as taking a new broom to the political problems of the divided Bosnian state. In his inaugural speech he stressed the theme of partnership: I want the office of the high representative to be open and accessible... So, starting today, I will be spending more time out of Sarajevo, meeting people from across the country, and listening to their views. This is exactly what Ashdown has done, holding town hall meetings around the country and spending hours in discussions with local dignitaries. He argues that we need to do more to give citizens a real voice. Ashdown doesn't want to be seen as a meddling outsider, but as a true popular tribune. I see myself not just as a representative of the international community, he says. I am also a servant of Bosnia and Herzegovina. But what is the role of Bosnia's democratically elected politicians? Ashdown alluded to this at his inauguration: I have concluded that there are two ways I can make my decisions. One is with a tape measure, measuring the precise equidistant position between three sides. The other is by doing what I think is right for the country as a whole. I prefer the second of these. Ashdown argues that while political parties represent the interests of the ethnic groups, it is his job to put forward the public interest, the interests of all Bosnians. From Ashdown's perspective, Bosnian politicians are a barrier to the pursuit of the public interest because of their allegiances. He argues that the problems of Bosnia are in large part down to there being too many politicians and too much politics. Speaking at a press conference in Mostar recently he stressed: We need to worry less about constitu tions... we need to spend less time talking to politicians, and more time talking to teachers, judges, businessmen and returnees. Certain that he is a better listener to the concerns of the people and a better judge of their interests than elected politicians, Ashdown has wasted little time imposing himself. He sacked the deputy prime minister of the Muslim-Croat Federation, Nikola Grabovac, and forced the resignation of the Republika Srpska finance minister, Milenko Vracar, leaving the local media to speculate that more dismissals are to come. The desire to impose the public interest is also reflected in more direct forms of policy-making. Ashdown's spokesperson, Oleg Milisik, described the new legislative process: The high representative expects all responsible political parties to support these proposals. He reminds the parliamentary assembly that any attempt by deputies to dilute this legislation's capacity... or to delay this legislation needlessly is unacceptable. The narrow view of legitimate politics held by Ash down and his office risks reducing Bosnian politicians to the role of administrators of international policy decrees. Bosnian institutions are being drained of their political role because Bosnian officials are judged to be representing and negotiating on behalf of their particular ethnic constituencies, interests which are defined as conflicting with the public interest. Yet in this highly segmented society it is inevitable that elected representatives will reflect this social division. The international community is calling for a Bosnian political class that is apolitical and which therefore is disconnected from Bosnian society. Politicians who have little representational legitimacy are unlikely to build bridges within society and lack the capacity to resolve conflicts. If there is any lesson from six years of international rule over Bosnia, it is that high-handed intervention in the political sphere has done little to help overcome insecurities and divisions, while undermining collective political bodies in which Serb, Croat and Muslim representatives can negotiate solutions. * Dr David Chandler is the author of Faking
Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
On Tuesday, July 9, 2002 at 14:26:24 (-0700) Eric Nilsson writes: Rogoff letterAll, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography, parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KM in the past but want something different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Have you looked at *The Social Political Thought of Karl Marx* by Shlomo Avineri*? Though you might not think 269 pages is short. It is available in paperback from Amazon for $33.00. Bill
RE: Re: Short Book on Marx for Undergraduates
Justin wrote, Best general intro to ME I know of id Richard Schmitt, Intro to Marx and Engels (Westview); I used to use that all the time. I just checked -- this is out of print too. Clearly a conspiracy is afoot! Eric .
Marxist economics courses
I'll taking advantage of Eric's request to pose my own: I get to teach a 3rd year Introduction to Marxist Economics course next January. I'm looking for ideas on what topics to cover and especially how. Any thoughts/suggestions if you have done this, or if you know of good and bad examples? What do you think about Charlie Andrew's _Capitalism and Equality_ as a possible course text? Bill Burgess At 02:26 PM 09/07/2002 -0700, you wrote: All, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography, parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KM in the past but want something different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: A Very Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I've not seen either but the price seems right on both of these ($10). Thanks for any thoughts. Eric .
China's car industry: Time for A Tune-Up
Far Eastern Economic Review Issue cover-dated July 4, 2002 CAR INDUSTRY Time for A Tune-Up Foreign car giants have long dreamed of ruling the potentially massive China market. But as sales finally take off a new brood of small, local makers is grabbing market share By David Murphy and David Lague/BEIJING Issue cover-dated July 04, 2002 THE PREDICTION is finally coming true: After years of dashing the expectations of the world's big car makers, the China market is booming. Passenger-car sales jumped 18% last year and are up 37% in the first five months of this year. In a depressed and highly competitive global car market, that's welcome news for the world's leading car makers, all of which have invested heavily to build a manufacturing presence in China since they first started arriving in the 1980s. But the long-awaited upswing in market fortunes isn't panning out exactly as planned. New Chinese companies are emerging in key growth areas and are carving out market share in the economy-car segment. Instead of dominating the world's largest potential market, foreign car executives face intense competition on three fronts in China. As demand rises, they are battling for market share with their international peers, their large state-owned partners and a rash of small but aggressive new car makers, some of which are keen to partner with foreign players while others are determined to make it on their own. The number of entrants is so great that it's difficult to see where the profits could accrue, says Joe Studwell, author of China Dream, an analysis of foreign investment in China. Still, the market is growing. Passenger-vehicle sales topped 720,000 units in 2001 and are expected to reach 900,000 this year, according to Automotive Resources Asia, a consultancy. Much of that healthy growth was spurred by deep price cuts introduced in the wake of tariff reductions related to China's entry into the World Trade Organization and increased consumer pressure for lower prices. Adding to the excitement among industry analysts is the fact that sales of passenger cars account for only a quarter of total vehicle sales in China, way short of the proportion sold in Western markets. This is at a time when all indications suggest that upwardly mobile and newly prosperous Chinese have the same powerful urge to own a car as consumers in the United States, Japan and Western Europe. Car makers are betting the market will grow in volume and maturity and are salivating at the prospect of China's economic boom continuing apace until 70% of all sales are passenger cars, as in developed Western markets. Short-term estimates of market growth are alluring. Analysts expect passenger-car sales to reach 2 million units by the end of the decade. In a new variation of an old dream, industry executives now gush about the prospect that some day one in two of China's 1.3 billion people could own a car, just like Americans or Germans. For now, only one in 100 Chinese has a car. For foreign car executives China has always been a strategic investment. It is the market potential, not the market reality,that is used to justify the big bets. Making a Commitment Today for a Better Tomorrow was the theme of the General Motors exhibition at this month's Beijing motor show. After all, the China market is still significantly smaller than, say, Spain, where 1.4 million cars were sold last year. But that hasn't dampened foreign executives' spirits. China today is our No. 1 geographic priority in terms of market development, Nissan Chief Executive Officer Carlos Ghosn said in a keynote address at the Beijing motor show on June 5. Nissan is part of a wave of Japanese car investment in China that began with the launch of Honda production in Guangzhou in 1999 and has been gathering pace. Nissan is currently negotiating with Dongfeng Motor Co., one of China's big-three car makers, to begin production of passenger cars in Hubei province. Honda and Toyota are aggressively expanding their existing capacity. Major foreign car makers have pumped well over $5 billion into joint ventures and are eagerly transferring technology, design know-how and marketing skills to their Chinese partners, says Singapore-based industry analyst Graeme Maxton. The money has been flowing in since the first half of the 1980s when Volkswagen, Chrysler and Peugeot set up manufacturing joint ventures in China. Since then the rest of the world's heavyweights have paraded into the market, with General Motors making the largest single investment of $750 million for its share of a 50-50 joint venture in Shanghai. In all, 10 foreign car makers have entered joint ventures and are now competing for market share. And they continue to lay investment plans. GM is intent on continually introducing new products and quality services that meet the growing needs of the China market, said Philip Murtaugh, chairman and CEO of the GM China Group, in a recent statement. Mei Wei Cheng, chairman and chief
Re: China's car industry: Time for A Tune-Up
Ulhas Joglekar wrote: Far Eastern Economic Review Issue cover-dated July 4, 2002 CAR INDUSTRY Time for A Tune-Up China, along with India, is one of the few developing nations with a realistic prospect of developing a car industry to rival the established international players because of the economies of scale arising from such a big domestic market. In another generation, it is certainly conceivable that one of the big manufacturers could be Chinese, says Maxton. We are certainly doomed if this is the case. -- Louis Proyect www.marxmail.org
Re: Marxist economics courses
Also look at Hans Ehrbar's web site It is outstanding. On Tue, Jul 09, 2002 at 05:30:07PM -0700, Bill Burgess wrote: I'll taking advantage of Eric's request to pose my own: I get to teach a 3rd year Introduction to Marxist Economics course next January. I'm looking for ideas on what topics to cover and especially how. Any thoughts/suggestions if you have done this, or if you know of good and bad examples? What do you think about Charlie Andrew's _Capitalism and Equality_ as a possible course text? Bill Burgess At 02:26 PM 09/07/2002 -0700, you wrote: All, I'm looking for a short book about Marx's _social_ theory appropriate for undergraduates. In the past I've used Berlin's biography, parts of the Cambridge Companion to Marx, and Wood's KM in the past but want something different this time. I've also used KM's original writings but don't want to take this route this time and much of it is too hard for many undergraduates. Is anyone familiar with: (1) Marx: A Very Short Introduction by Peter Singer (of animal rights fame) (2) Marx: The Great Philos by Terry Eagleton I've not seen either but the price seems right on both of these ($10). Thanks for any thoughts. Eric . -- Michael Perelman Economics Department California State University Chico, CA 95929 Tel. 530-898-5321 E-Mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
South Korea
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Korea/DG10Dg01.html Labor unrest alarms Korean business leaders SEOUL - South Korea's five major business organizations expressed serious concerns over the spread of labor strikes in the country and urged the government to adopt stern measures to address the situation at their leaders' meeting on Tuesday, industry sources said. Claiming that illegal strikes have been on the rise since the completion of the World Cup soccer finals at the end of June, with the result that the eyes of the world are no longer on Korea, chairmen of the Federation of Korean Industries, Korea Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Korea Employers' Federation, Korea International Trade Association and Korea Federation of Small Business adopted a recommendation for a stable labor-management relationship. If long strikes expand to important industries with strong labor groups, such as the automobile and machinery sectors, this year will go down as South Korea's worst year for labor unrest since 1989, they argued. The government should impose strict legal enforcement on illegal labor movements so that the nation can retain the success created in the economic sector by the World Cup, they asserted. As of Monday, a total of 77 work sites had experienced protracted labor walkouts so far this year, more than double the level reported in the same period a year earlier. In particular, workers from major companies such as Kia Motors, Ssangyong Motor, Seoul Metropolitan Subway Corp and Korean Air have engaged in partial labor strikes or labor disputes, fueling fears of nationwide labor strife. (Asia Pulse/Yonhap)
Re: Re: China's car industry: Time for A Tune-Up
On Tue, 9 Jul 2002, Louis Proyect wrote: Ulhas Joglekar wrote: Far Eastern Economic Review Issue cover-dated July 4, 2002 CAR INDUSTRY Time for A Tune-Up China, along with India, is one of the few developing nations with a realistic prospect of developing a car industry to rival the established international players because of the economies of scale arising from such a big domestic market. In another generation, it is certainly conceivable that one of the big manufacturers could be Chinese, says Maxton. We are certainly doomed if this is the case. -- Louis Proyect www.marxmail.org You mean the OECD and not the Chinese or Indians:) Cheers, Anthony xxx Anthony P. D'Costa, Associate Professor Comparative International Development University of WashingtonCampus Box 358436 1900 Commerce Street Tacoma, WA 98402, USA Phone: (253) 692-4462 Fax : (253) 692-5718
