RE: Institutional Capacity to Manage Exemptions

2005-03-08 Thread A.E. Brownstein
To follow up on Doug's point, one of the problem's I have with Marci's 
arguments about judicial exemptions and legislative accommodations is that 
it sometimes appears as if Marci views religious groups seeking legislative 
accommodations or constitutionally mandated exemptions as self interested 
actors concerned only with their own well being while she views legislative 
and administrative bodies as principled seekers and defenders of the public 
good.

Many of us see legislative and administrative decisions differently. These 
are often political responses to various self interested constituencies -- 
some of whose goals conflict with those of particular religious 
communities. Religious groups have learned to play that game because it is 
the only game in town -- and some have gotten pretty good at it. But not 
all religious groups have sufficient political capital in every community 
in which they live to protect their interests. Moreover, in many cases, 
there is no reason to think that a religious accommodation protecting a 
religious group's ability to practice its faith is less related to the 
public good than a decision to reject the accommodation in order to further 
the interests of other constituencies with conflicting interests. When 
fundamental rights are at stake, I, and others, are less inclined to accept 
this kind of political interest balancing without some judicial supervision.

To use RLUIPA as an example, in the land use regulation process, in many 
disputes, there are often specific groups whose personal interests conflict 
with the development needs of a religious congregation. The resulting land 
use decision will often reflect a political evaluation of the competing 
interest groups more than it does a principled promotion of the public 
good. In the prison context, in California, an association representing 
state correctional officers is a major political player that often opposes 
religious accommodations in prisons. Government attention to this 
association's demands on many issues is at least as likely to be 
politically motivated as principled.

I have a very close acquaintance who has spent 30 years working in local 
government in California. He describes local government this way. When a 
citizen seeks a discretionary decision from local government, he or she is 
treated very much like someone going to the local bank and asking for 
money. The bank typically wants to know two things. Have you deposited 
money in the bank that you can withdraw from your account?
(What have you given to the bank?) Or, alternatively, if we give you 
money  (a loan), what will you do in the future for us (like paying back 
the loan with interest)? And in considering the latter inquiry, they will 
examine the customer's credit rating. What have you done for institutions 
that have loaned you money in the past? Politicians operate pretty much the 
same way. If you want them to decide an issue in your favor, they want to 
know what you have done politically that has benefited them -- then you can 
draw on the political capital you have developed in your account. Or, 
alternatively, they want to know what you can do in the future that will be 
politically helpful -- and a proven track record of delivering political 
goods is very helpful in establishing your political credit.

I don't say that legislative and administrative bodies never act for the 
public good. Sometimes they do. But it is also the case that religious 
groups seeking accommodations often are willing to take into account the 
needs of third parties and will support a compromise that promotes the 
broader interests of the community. These issues are rarely entirely black 
and white.

Alan Brownstein
UC Davis


At 10:03 PM 3/7/2005 -0600, you wrote:
Content-class: urn:content-classes:message
Content-Type: multipart/alternative;
boundary=_=_NextPart_001_01C52393.C070ECAC
Small religions can get exemptions if they somehow get on the legislative 
agenda; the if is large.  Even reviled  religions can get exemptions if 
they are large enough to have political clout; the Catholic vote in 1919 
was critical in big northeastern states with large Congressional 
delegations and lots of electoral votes.

A small and reviled religion cannot get an exemption from a legislature, 
and generally cannot even get equal treatment from a legislature in a 
single issue vote.  Everyone now says Lukumi was a clear case of 
discrimination.  But in the Congress that passed RFRA unanimously and 
97-3, Steve Solarz could not get a single office to even talk to him about 
an amicus brief in Lukumi.

Politics also works the other way.  No one could get permission to 
withhold medical care from children from a court under the compelling 
interest test.  But the Christian Scientists got all these exemptions from 
legislatures on sheer politics, and a number of legislators have enacted 
vaccination exemptions.

Judicial decisions on exemptions are 

Decision in AJC v. Corp. National Community Service

2005-03-08 Thread Rick Garnett
Dear all,
The DC Court of Appeals has reversed the district court's decision in this 
case, which involves a constitutional challenge to, among other things, the 
participation in Americorps of volunteers with Notre Dame's Alliance for 
Catholic Education program.  (Disclosure:  I consulted with lawyers 
defending the constitutionality of ACE volunteers' participation).

Here is a link to the 
decision: 
http://pacer.cadc.uscourts.gov/docs/common/opinions/200503/04-5317a.pdf

Here is a link to an excellent and thorough discussion of the case, and the 
district-court decision, by Chip Lupu and Bob Tuttle:

http://www.religionandsocialpolicy.org/legal/legal_update.cfm?id=29
Best wishes,
Rick Garnett
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RE: Institutional Capacity to Manage Exemptions

2005-03-08 Thread Newsom Michael








I
am going to respond to this off list. There is a serious disagreement regarding
the relevant facts, and I will have that discussion privately. 



-Original Message-
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Sent: Monday, March 07, 2005 10:49
PM
To: religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Re: Institutional
Capacity to Manage Exemptions



I couldn't agree more, Mike, that
the facts determinative here, but I strongly disagree with your
characterization of the facts. 

Not every accommodation should be granted, indeed, many should not. Since
I don't know what the Pagans requested, I don't know how to judge the
denials. It is nonsense to assume that every accommodation denied is
evidence of discrimination. It may just show common sense on the part of
the legislature.

The fact the Episcopalians helped the Catholics achieve their goal hardly
undermines my point that even reviled or small groups have succeeded.
There are many instances where religious groups have helped others to obtain
exemptions. 

The Baptists and the Presbyterians have gone to the mat for the Catholic Church
to obtain exemptions from child-abuse reporting statutes in numerous
states. The Presbyterian Church, along with the Catholic, was behind a
Colorado bill that would have immunized churches' finances completely in clergy
abuse cases. The bill only narrowly was defeated. 

Of course the faith-healing exemptions came from the Christian Scientists, but
don't get maudlin on me. They were kick-started by two powerful CS,
Haldeman and Ehrlichman in the Nixon Administration, who instituted a
regulation that required states to enact such exemptions in order to receive
federal medical funding. It's not just hard work; it's the exercise of
raw political power. Over 30 states capitulated. When children's
groups finally figured out what was going on, they were able to start fighting
such exemptions, but with so many states, it was extremely difficult and
children remain at risk in numerous states. This is one of those
exemptions where the denial makes perfect policy sense to me, though it is not
constitutionally required.

The Native American Church was hardly pushed around when drug counselors who
agreed not to use illegal drugs as part of their job were denied unemployment
compensation. The NAC had already obtained exemptions in certain states,
as the Court pointed out in Smith, and continued to the point where states
where they are present have such exemptions. Where is the injustice here?

Please provide examples of small (all religions are minorities) religions with
claims for exemptions that were denied and that denial was inconsistent
with the public good.

Marci




I really didnt want to get into this, but, Marci, you are
wrong with respect to some critical facts. I am not going to address the
first paragraph (or the third and the fourth, for that matter,) even though I
entirely disagree with your position. I am more concerned, however, with
some of your claims in the second paragraph. There are small groups with cohesive
messages, like the Pagans, that have not obtained exemptions or
accommodations. Quite the contrary, they routinely get stomped on.
See Barner-Barrys book on the subject. Second, I have an article coming
out in a few weeks that, by looking closely at the legal and other materials
available to me covering the years leading up to National Prohibition,
establishes that Catholics did not get the exemption for the use of sacramental
wine during National Prohibition  the motive force for the exemption was the
appeasement of Episcopalians. (And I would hope that one day Catholics
and Episcopalians would bring themselves to sit down and have an honest and
frank discussion about the exemption and how it came to be. For it is
true that Catholics have routinely taken the credit for the exemption, and the
facts dont bear Catholics out.) And there is no credible argument that
anti-Catholicism did not high in the land in the period, say, 1910-1930.
Early twentieth-century anti-Catholicism is a fact. On the child abuse
matter, I find your reference to Baptists and Presbyterians providing backup
support interesting. But why isnt the reverse the truth, that the
Protestants were deeply involved in the subject and that there was a resulting
interest convergence, just as was the case with National Prohibition?

 

Your use of the term faith healing groups masks the
important fact that the real group in interest was the Christian
Scientists. A student in my church-state seminar last year, wrote a paper
on how Christian Scientists were able to obtain these exemptions. The
answer is hard work, lots of money, and an ethnic identity with the law
makers. The native American Church finally got justice in Oregon, no
thanks to the Courts, however. I dont know what to make of a claim that
even though a group got pushed around  unnecessarily so  that because the
finally got what they should have gotten earlier that things are 

Re: Protestants and non-Protestants

2005-03-08 Thread Steven Jamar

On Tuesday, March 8, 2005, at 08:01  AM, Brad Pardee wrote:

In the end, if the government prohibits what my faith commands or commands what my faith prohibits, does it really make a difference whether the government was openly hostile or simply didn't care?

To you?  Apparently not.
To the law and the broader community -- absolutely.

-- 
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox:  202-806-8017
Howard University School of Law   fax:  202-806-8428
2900 Van Ness Street NW	mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Washington, DC  20008   http://www.law.howard.edu/faculty/pages/jamar

I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills. 

Gandhi


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RE: Protestants and non-Protestants

2005-03-08 Thread Douglas Laycock
Of course I think prohibiting free exercise out of indifference is as harmful 
as prohibiting free exercise out of hostility.  But that is not the point of 
this post.  Whatever the merits of the distinction between hostility and 
indifference, the distinction is fuzzy in the real world.  There are many cases 
of hostile indifference -- I didn't know I was interfering with your religious 
when I wrote this regulation, but now that I know, I don't care and I refuse to 
think about the problem.  These religious people should modernize instead of 
living in the past and always whining for an exception.
 
 
 
Douglas Laycock
University of Texas Law School
727 E. Dean Keeton St.
Austin, TX  78705
512-232-1341
512-471-6988 (fax)



From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] on behalf of Steven Jamar
Sent: Tue 3/8/2005 4:00 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Protestants and non-Protestants




On Tuesday, March 8, 2005, at 08:01 AM, Brad Pardee wrote: 


In the end, if the government prohibits what my faith commands or 
commands what my faith prohibits, does it really make a difference whether the 
government was openly hostile or simply didn't care? 


To you? Apparently not. 
To the law and the broader community -- absolutely. 

-- 
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox: 202-806-8017 
Howard University School of Law fax: 202-806-8428 
2900 Van Ness Street NW mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Washington, DC 20008 http://www.law.howard.edu/faculty/pages/jamar 

I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the 
hills. 

Gandhi 

winmail.dat___
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Lawgivers

2005-03-08 Thread Will Linden

Perhaps the opinion writer went ape. (Popular culture
reference).
At 01:17 PM 3/7/05 -0800, you wrote:
Is
anyone else slightly amused by the Justices' references, with regard to
the Supreme Court frieze, to Chief Justice Marshall as a law
giver? Cf. U.S. Const. Art. I, sec. 1.



Mark S. Scarberry

Pepperdine University
School of Law



-Original Message-
From: Marty Lederman
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]

Sent: Friday, March 04, 2005 2:24 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Van Orden Transcript


And here's the McCreary County
transcript:


http://wid.ap.org/documents/scotus/050302mccrearycounty.pdf

- Original Message -

From: Marty
Lederman 
To: Law 
Religion issues for Law Academics

Sent: Friday, March 04, 2005 4:55
PM
Subject: Van Orden Transcript


http://www.scotusblog.com/movabletype/archives/2005/03/transcripts_in_1.html


Transcript(s) in Ten Commandments Cases

03:45 PM | Marty Lederman | Comments (1) | TrackBack (0) 

The Associated Press has posted an earlier-than usual transcript of Wednesday's oral argument in the Texas Ten Commandments case. We're still checking to see whether the transcript in the Kentucky case, McCreary County, is also available.


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