FW: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-15 Thread Paul Diamond
Eugene,

 

My email keeps bouncing;

 

 

 

From: Paul Diamond [mailto:pauldiam...@btconnect.com] 
Sent: 09 March 2012 15:08
To: 'Law  Religion issues for Law Academics'
Subject: RE: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for
their actions

 

With great hesitation, I enter this debate as a practitioner from the UK.

 

1.Whilst Eugene is correct that a religious adherent cannot have
less protection that a person motivated by secular values, I would have
thought that 'motive' should be relevant.  Why shouldn't the religiously
motivated restaurant owner have greater protection under the First
Amendment.  

 

2.   Under discrimination laws, 'motive' appears irrelevant (as the
focus is on the effect), but I think this is wrong.  To describe a Muslim
taxi driver as committing the 'sin' of discrimination appears dis-respectful
to religious as protected by the First Amendment.  A court finding of
discrimination based on religious belief is very damaging.

 

3.   I would also have thought that the Muslim cabbies would have
received First Amendment/ State law protection for 'reasonable
accommodation' for their refusal to transport alcohol carriers, because if
i) ' motive' is irrelevant, ii) unless the public accommodation law protect
those who are discriminated on grounds of 'carrying open alcohol' (like a
category such as sexual orientation)- why can't the cabbies lawfully
discriminate?

 

 

Paul

 

 

Paul Diamond, barrister

PO Box 1041 Barton

Cambridge CB23 7WY

United Kingdom

+44 (0) 7979 837714

www.pauldiamond.com

 

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RE: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-12 Thread Volokh, Eugene
Steve writes that religious motivation matters, for purposes 
of making an action taken with religious motivation illegal when the same 
action taken with secular motivation is legal.  I see no basis for that in 
antidiscrimination law, which generally bans discrimination against an 
individual because of such individual's ... religion, not because of the 
defendant's religion (and discrimination based on a person's transporting 
alcohol is not based on that person's consistency).  And I see a basis in 
forbidding any such statutory discrimination against the religiously motivated, 
in Smith and LukumiI.  [T]he 'exercise of religion' often involves not only 
belief and profession but the performance of (or abstention from) physical 
acts: assembling with others for a worship service, participating in 
sacramental use of bread and wine, proselytizing, abstaining from certain foods 
or certain modes of transportation. It would be true, we think ..., that a 
State would be 'prohibiting the free exercise [of religion]' if it sought to 
ban such acts or abstentions only when they are engaged in for religious 
reasons, or only because of the religious belief that they display.  At a 
minimum, the protections of the Free Exercise Clause pertain if the law at 
issue discriminates against some or all religious beliefs or regulates or 
prohibits conduct because it is undertaken for religious reasons.

But Steve and I have gone over this territory before, so I'm 
not sure it's productive for us just to speak to each other.  I'm curious, 
though:  Do others share Steve's view on this?  (It sounded like Marci might, 
but then it sounded like she didn't, so I'm not sure.)  What am I missing?  Is 
there really a basis for allowing this sort of discrimination against religious 
believers?

Eugene

Steve Jamar writes:

I hope it comes as no surprise to anyone on this list that there are 
irreconcilable doctrinal problems with religious liberty no matter how one 
looks at it.  Religious motivation matters.  Particular facts matter.  Details 
matter.  Eugene's hypothetical restaurant is not analogous to the cabbies in 
Minneapolis or in general.

I am not at all sure that Lukumi extends to private conduct and general 
anti-discrimination laws.  In that case the state singled out a particular 
religion by ordinance -- not the application of an anti-discrimination law.  
There is also a world of difference between actions by private parties that 
discriminate on the basis of religion and ordinances by states (or cities) that 
ban particular religious practices.

If the past decades of religious jurisprudence have taught us anything it 
should be to by chary of expanding any decision by the court much beyond its 
peculiar facts.  Witness the recent distinguishing of Smith.  Who knew?

I do not contend that these cases are easy or that they are or can be decided 
with great consistency -- indeed, I contend exactly the opposite.  Motivation 
matters and I cannot transmute a religious motivated action against someone 
into a neutral action without any religious motivation.

The response to the accommodation in Minneapolis shows a societal anti-Islam 
animus.  Who is surprised?

But the claim of a person who has been denied a ride on a common carrier for no 
reason other than doing something he has an absolutely legal right to do and is 
denied the ride because of a religious belief by the driver is sure going to 
feel like religious discrimination whatever niceties one might want to draw.  
And in fact IS religiously-motivated action excluding someone.  It is.  Should 
it be permitted?  Should it be accommodated?  Probably, in the absence of 
showing hardship to riders.  But if it s the last cab of the night?  No way.

I generally think we should accommodate religious exercise rights of employers 
and service providers and everyone to the extent practicable.  But that is a 
long way from finding a constitutional or statutory right to engage in such 
conduct when engaged in the provision of such public services.

There is no constitutional principle or statutory provision that would or 
should require that.  The situations are too nuanced for hard-edged application 
of generally applicable rules in this area.  Minneapolis Airport Authority 
approached it sensibly and if the solution had been implemented and if it had 
worked as planned (I have doubts, but maybe it would have), then that is what 
should be done.  We are not a secular universalist society -- not by a long 
shot.  Nor should we be -- it is not within our traditions and experience and 
our polyglot amalgam of people -- but nor should it be heavy-handed 
rights-based regime with what becomes a unit veto.

Steve






--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox:  202-806-8017
Associate Director, Institute for Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
http://iipsj.org
Howard University School of Law   fax:  

RE: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-11 Thread Volokh, Eugene
I would think that narrow tailoring requires a good deal more 
justification than that.  Can it really be that a ban on discrimination against 
passengers who carry alcohol – discrimination that, outside the context of 
taxicabs and a few similar common carriers, would be legal in nearly all 
contexts (employment, public accommodation, contracting, etc.) in nearly all 
jurisdictions – passes strict scrutiny simply because carving out an exemption 
might lead to some hypothetical slippery slope to allowing race discrimination? 
 If the interest in banning race discrimination is so compelling in various 
contexts, then that should justify applying race discrimination law uniformly 
in those contexts.  But I don’t see how that interest would justify applying 
laws banning other forms of discrimination, such as discrimination based on 
carrying alcohol.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marc Stern
Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 7:01 PM
To: 'religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu'
Subject: Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their 
actions

Might I suggest another way of looking at this debate: race. Not the race of 
the drivers and that of their passengers. instead i take it as common ground 
that no one would tolerate taxi drivers turning down passengers on the basis of 
race. Does it follow that we should treat all prohibited grounds of 
discrimination with the same rigor, both as a matter of primary law-all 
forbidden categories are treated equal-or because once the prohibition on 
discrimination is weakened, even in good cause, the pressure for other 
exemptions will grow and will weaken the non discrimination norm in regard to 
race. The latter argument was raised after Boerne when the question was whether 
to include civil rights claims in a statute protecting religious liberty..
Marc


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Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-08 Thread Marc Stern
Might I suggest another way of looking at this debate: race. Not the race of 
the drivers and that of their passengers. instead i take it as common ground 
that no one would tolerate taxi drivers turning down passengers on the basis of 
race. Does it follow that we should treat all prohibited grounds of 
discrimination with the same rigor, both as a matter of primary law-all 
forbidden categories are treated equal-or because once the prohibition on 
discrimination is weakened, even in good cause, the pressure for other 
exemptions will grow and will weaken the non discrimination norm in regard to 
race. The latter argument was raised after Boerne when the question was whether 
to include civil rights claims in a statute protecting religious liberty..
Marc

From: Steven Jamar [mailto:stevenja...@gmail.com]
Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 09:45 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu
Subject: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their 
actions



I hope it comes as no surprise to anyone on this list that there are 
irreconcilable doctrinal problems with religious liberty no matter how one 
looks at it.  Religious motivation matters.  Particular facts matter.  Details 
matter.  Eugene's hypothetical restaurant is not analogous to the cabbies in 
Minneapolis or in general.

I am not at all sure that Lukumi extends to private conduct and general 
anti-discrimination laws.  In that case the state singled out a particular 
religion by ordinance -- not the application of an anti-discrimination law.  
There is also a world of difference between actions by private parties that 
discriminate on the basis of religion and ordinances by states (or cities) that 
ban particular religious practices.

If the past decades of religious jurisprudence have taught us anything it 
should be to by chary of expanding any decision by the court much beyond its 
peculiar facts.  Witness the recent distinguishing of Smith.  Who knew?

I do not contend that these cases are easy or that they are or can be decided 
with great consistency -- indeed, I contend exactly the opposite.  Motivation 
matters and I cannot transmute a religious motivated action against someone 
into a neutral action without any religious motivation.

The response to the accommodation in Minneapolis shows a societal anti-Islam 
animus.  Who is surprised?

But the claim of a person who has been denied a ride on a common carrier for no 
reason other than doing something he has an absolutely legal right to do and is 
denied the ride because of a religious belief by the driver is sure going to 
feel like religious discrimination whatever niceties one might want to draw.  
And in fact IS religiously-motivated action excluding someone.  It is.  Should 
it be permitted?  Should it be accommodated?  Probably, in the absence of 
showing hardship to riders.  But if it s the last cab of the night?  No way.

I generally think we should accommodate religious exercise rights of employers 
and service providers and everyone to the extent practicable.  But that is a 
long way from finding a constitutional or statutory right to engage in such 
conduct when engaged in the provision of such public services.

There is no constitutional principle or statutory provision that would or 
should require that.  The situations are too nuanced for hard-edged application 
of generally applicable rules in this area.  Minneapolis Airport Authority 
approached it sensibly and if the solution had been implemented and if it had 
worked as planned (I have doubts, but maybe it would have), then that is what 
should be done.  We are not a secular universalist society -- not by a long 
shot.  Nor should we be -- it is not within our traditions and experience and 
our polyglot amalgam of people -- but nor should it be heavy-handed 
rights-based regime with what becomes a unit veto.

Steve






--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox:  202-806-8017
Associate Director, Institute for Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
http://iipsj.org
Howard University School of Law   fax:  202-806-8567
http://iipsj.com/SDJ/


Never doubt that the work of a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens 
can change the world. Indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.


Margaret Meade




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Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-08 Thread Marci Hamilton
I have to say that I find Steve's analysis more sound and based on common 
sense.   


Marci

On Mar 7, 2012, at 3:07 PM, Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:

 I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies’ refusal to 
 carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, 
 it shouldn’t be treated as religious discrimination.  What’s more, I think 
 the argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
 discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.
  
 1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies’ actions affected 
 Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
 alcohol.  Moreover, they didn’t affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
 irreligious, and anyone else who didn’t carry alcohol.
  
 2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
 same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn’t be affected (just as, 
 I suppose, Mormons or Methodists wouldn’t be affected), because they 
 generally wouldn’t carry alcohol.  But that analysis strikes me as unsound, 
 and here’s why.
  
 Imagine a case closely modeled on Rasmussen v. Glass (Minn. Ct. App. 1993) 
 (review granted but appeal later dismissed), 
 http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=648897692635049631.  A restaurant 
 owner refuses to deliver food to a doctor who performs abortions, because the 
 owner believes abortions are evil, and doesn’t want to provide any help, even 
 indirect, to such evil.  And say the restaurant owner’s is irreligious, and 
 his opposition to abortion is based on his own personal moral views (e.g., he 
 follows Nat Hentoff, 
 http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/users/rauch/nvp/consistent/indivisible.html). 
  I take it that we would all agree that the restaurant owner is not 
 discriminating based on religion.  To be sure, devout Catholics, and devout 
 members of other anti-abortion religious groups, wouldn’t perform abortions.  
 But that doesn’t mean the restaurant owner is discriminating based on the 
 would-be customers’ religions – he’s discriminating based on their secular 
 actions.
  
 Now say that another restaurant owner acts precisely the same way, but his 
 opposition to abortion is based on his religious views.  As I understand the 
 argument below, he would be seen as discriminating based on religion, because 
 the performing of abortion is “a badge of a religion different from yours.”  
 And thus he would be presumptively required to deliver to the doctor’s 
 office, if state public accommodations law covers discrimination based on 
 religion in restaurant delivery.  But this would mean that the law itself has 
 become religiously discriminatory:  The secular anti-abortion restaurant 
 owner is free to do something (here, refusing to deliver to an abortion 
 provider), but the religious anti-abortion restaurant owner is barred from 
 doing precisely the same thing.
  
 3.  I think the same applies to the alcohol example.  A secular cab driver 
 who opposes alcohol on secular grounds would presumably not be treated as 
 discriminating based on religion.  But to treat the religious cab driver who 
 opposes alcohol on religious grounds would be treated as discriminating based 
 on religion, and would thus be potentially violating relevant public 
 accommodations bans.  Yet such an approach would itself impermissibly 
 discriminate (in violation of Lukumi Babalu) against the religious cab driver 
 based on the religiosity of his motivation for his conduct.  Or am I missing 
 something here?
  
 Eugene
  
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Steven Jamar
 Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 7:10 AM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: Re: Cabbies vs. lawyers
  
 Of course it is a proxy -- just like a collar or burka or yarmulke -- a badge 
 of a religion different from yours -- only in this case it is alcohol 
 possession -- a badge of a religion different from yours.  The dodge of oh, 
 I'm not against their religion, just against their conduct can't be allowed 
 can it?  The person transporting the alcohol is the passenger, not the cab 
 driver.  The fact of hidden vs. open possession of the bottle of wine gives 
 it away, doesn't it -- it is not about the action, it is about the religious 
 nature of the action -- the violation of the religious beliefs of the driver 
 by the religious beliefs (ok to have and transport alcohol) by the passenger.
  
 It is action based on a difference of religious belief.  That is 
 discrimination no matter how one twists it.
  
 Maybe we should allow this discrimination, just like maybe we should allow 
 discrimination in allowing landlords to discriminate against gays based on 
 the landlord's religious beliefs, but that is still religious-based 
 discrimination.  
  
 You can't suddenly say that motivation doesn't matter just 

Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-08 Thread Steven Jamar
Yes, Eugene, I think you are missing the essential point that common carriers 
are not the same as other employers and when it comes to choice as to serve or 
not serve, they are more limited in what they can and cannot do.  They are 
bound by more than non-discrimination laws.  Or that is how I always understood 
the law in this field, but I could be mistaken - I've not worked in it for over 
2 decades now.  So the baseline is different.  It is not the same as for 
ordinary businesses.

I get the distinction you are trying so to make. And I agree that it is not the 
same as excluding someone because of a particular affiliation with a sect.  But 
it still is discrimination based on religion whether it is based on the 
customer not conforming to the religious expectations and demands of the 
business or the business excluding because of a status of the customer -- in 
both instances it is because of the religious beliefs and conduct of the 
business, not the customer.

I am troubled by the blame-the-customer attitude evinced in the solicitude for 
the  person engaged in provision of a public service such as common carriers 
and public transportation.

As I have written some time ago now, I think we should indeed recognize the 
religious needs or constraints or beliefs of the employer -- but one should 
also recognize and support the interests of the others.

If a system can be worked out with minimal harm to all involved, that is best.  
But I would favor the weaker party to the stronger -- in this situation the one 
needing the cab is decidedly in the weaker position.

Steve



On Mar 7, 2012, at 3:07 PM, Volokh, Eugene wrote:

 I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies’ refusal to 
 carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, 
 it shouldn’t be treated as religious discrimination.  What’s more, I think 
 the argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
 discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.
  
 1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies’ actions affected 
 Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
 alcohol.  Moreover, they didn’t affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
 irreligious, and anyone else who didn’t carry alcohol.
  
 2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
 same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn’t be affected (just as, 
 I suppose, Mormons or Methodists wouldn’t be affected), because they 
 generally wouldn’t carry alcohol.  But that analysis strikes me as unsound, 
 and here’s why.
  
 Imagine a case closely modeled on Rasmussen v. Glass (Minn. Ct. App. 1993) 
 (review granted but appeal later dismissed), 
 http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=648897692635049631.  A restaurant 
 owner refuses to deliver food to a doctor who performs abortions, because the 
 owner believes abortions are evil, and doesn’t want to provide any help, even 
 indirect, to such evil.  And say the restaurant owner’s is irreligious, and 
 his opposition to abortion is based on his own personal moral views (e.g., he 
 follows Nat 
 Hentoff,http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/users/rauch/nvp/consistent/indivisible.html).
   I take it that we would all agree that the restaurant owner is not 
 discriminating based on religion.  To be sure, devout Catholics, and devout 
 members of other anti-abortion religious groups, wouldn’t perform abortions.  
 But that doesn’t mean the restaurant owner is discriminating based on the 
 would-be customers’ religions – he’s discriminating based on their secular 
 actions.
  
 Now say that another restaurant owner acts precisely the same way, but his 
 opposition to abortion is based on his religious views.  As I understand the 
 argument below, he would be seen as discriminating based on religion, because 
 the performing of abortion is “a badge of a religion different from yours.”  
 And thus he would be presumptively required to deliver to the doctor’s 
 office, if state public accommodations law covers discrimination based on 
 religion in restaurant delivery.  But this would mean that the law itself has 
 become religiously discriminatory:  The secular anti-abortion restaurant 
 owner is free to do something (here, refusing to deliver to an abortion 
 provider), but the religious anti-abortion restaurant owner is barred from 
 doing precisely the same thing.
  
 3.  I think the same applies to the alcohol example.  A secular cab driver 
 who opposes alcohol on secular grounds would presumably not be treated as 
 discriminating based on religion.  But to treat the religious cab driver who 
 opposes alcohol on religious grounds would be treated as discriminating based 
 on religion, and would thus be potentially violating relevant public 
 accommodations bans.  Yet such an approach would itself impermissibly 
 discriminate (in violation of Lukumi Babalu) against the 

RE: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-08 Thread Volokh, Eugene
I agree with the statement in the first paragraph that, if a 
cab driver is treated as a common carrier, then he might have to transport 
people who are carrying alcohol (unless he is entitled to a religious exemption 
under a Sherbert/Yoder-model state constitutional regime, or a state RFRA 
regime).  And this is so regardless of whether he's discriminating based on a 
characteristic such as religion.

But the second paragraph goes on and says that a business owner 
who discriminates against a customer who is doing something that the owner 
thinks is religiously improper is engaging in discrimination based on 
religion.  The logic of that paragraph goes far beyond the common carrier 
situation (and indeed in the common carrier situation is irrelevant whether the 
common carrier is discriminating based on religion).

If the claim is that this discrimination based on the actor's 
religious beliefs is the sort of religious discrimination prohibited by public 
accommodation discrimination laws, that strikes me as mistaken.  As I mentioned 
in my earlier post, a secular restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
abortion provider because of the owner's secular opposition to abortion should 
be precisely on the same footing as a religious restaurant owner who refuses to 
deliver to an abortion provider because of the owner's religious opposition to 
abortion - neither is guilty of actionable religious discrimination.  Likewise, 
a secular cab driver who refuses to transport people carrying alcohol because 
of the driver's secular opposition to alcohol should be precisely on the same 
footing as a religious cab driver who refuses to transport people carrying 
alcohol because of the driver's religious opposition to alcohol.  Again, 
neither is guilty of actionable religious discrimination.  Perhaps both are 
guilty of violating some common carrier obligation; but that's another story.

In either case, the suggestion that there's something illegally 
religiously discriminatory about a business owner's acting based on his own 
religious beliefs and conduct strikes me as mistaken - indeed, unconstitutional 
given Lukumi Babalu.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Steven Jamar
Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 3:40 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their 
actions

Yes, Eugene, I think you are missing the essential point that common carriers 
are not the same as other employers and when it comes to choice as to serve or 
not serve, they are more limited in what they can and cannot do.  They are 
bound by more than non-discrimination laws.  Or that is how I always understood 
the law in this field, but I could be mistaken - I've not worked in it for over 
2 decades now.  So the baseline is different.  It is not the same as for 
ordinary businesses.

I get the distinction you are trying so to make. And I agree that it is not the 
same as excluding someone because of a particular affiliation with a sect.  But 
it still is discrimination based on religion whether it is based on the 
customer not conforming to the religious expectations and demands of the 
business or the business excluding because of a status of the customer -- in 
both instances it is because of the religious beliefs and conduct of the 
business, not the customer.

I am troubled by the blame-the-customer attitude evinced in the solicitude for 
the  person engaged in provision of a public service such as common carriers 
and public transportation.

As I have written some time ago now, I think we should indeed recognize the 
religious needs or constraints or beliefs of the employer -- but one should 
also recognize and support the interests of the others.

If a system can be worked out with minimal harm to all involved, that is best.  
But I would favor the weaker party to the stronger -- in this situation the one 
needing the cab is decidedly in the weaker position.

Steve



On Mar 7, 2012, at 3:07 PM, Volokh, Eugene wrote:


I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies' refusal to 
carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, it 
shouldn't be treated as religious discrimination.  What's more, I think the 
argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.

1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies' actions affected 
Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
alcohol.  Moreover, they didn't affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
irreligious, and anyone else who didn't carry alcohol.

2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn't be affected

Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-07 Thread Volokh, Eugene
I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies' refusal to 
carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, it 
shouldn't be treated as religious discrimination.  What's more, I think the 
argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.

1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies' actions affected 
Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
alcohol.  Moreover, they didn't affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
irreligious, and anyone else who didn't carry alcohol.

2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn't be affected (just as, I 
suppose, Mormons or Methodists wouldn't be affected), because they generally 
wouldn't carry alcohol.  But that analysis strikes me as unsound, and here's 
why.

Imagine a case closely modeled on Rasmussen v. Glass (Minn. Ct. App. 1993) 
(review granted but appeal later dismissed), 
http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=648897692635049631.  A restaurant 
owner refuses to deliver food to a doctor who performs abortions, because the 
owner believes abortions are evil, and doesn't want to provide any help, even 
indirect, to such evil.  And say the restaurant owner's is irreligious, and his 
opposition to abortion is based on his own personal moral views (e.g., he 
follows Nat Hentoff, 
http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/users/rauch/nvp/consistent/indivisible.html).  
I take it that we would all agree that the restaurant owner is not 
discriminating based on religion.  To be sure, devout Catholics, and devout 
members of other anti-abortion religious groups, wouldn't perform abortions.  
But that doesn't mean the restaurant owner is discriminating based on the 
would-be customers' religions - he's discriminating based on their secular 
actions.

Now say that another restaurant owner acts precisely the same way, but his 
opposition to abortion is based on his religious views.  As I understand the 
argument below, he would be seen as discriminating based on religion, because 
the performing of abortion is a badge of a religion different from yours.  
And thus he would be presumptively required to deliver to the doctor's office, 
if state public accommodations law covers discrimination based on religion in 
restaurant delivery.  But this would mean that the law itself has become 
religiously discriminatory:  The secular anti-abortion restaurant owner is free 
to do something (here, refusing to deliver to an abortion provider), but the 
religious anti-abortion restaurant owner is barred from doing precisely the 
same thing.

3.  I think the same applies to the alcohol example.  A secular cab driver who 
opposes alcohol on secular grounds would presumably not be treated as 
discriminating based on religion.  But to treat the religious cab driver who 
opposes alcohol on religious grounds would be treated as discriminating based 
on religion, and would thus be potentially violating relevant public 
accommodations bans.  Yet such an approach would itself impermissibly 
discriminate (in violation of Lukumi Babalu) against the religious cab driver 
based on the religiosity of his motivation for his conduct.  Or am I missing 
something here?

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Steven Jamar
Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 7:10 AM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Cabbies vs. lawyers

Of course it is a proxy -- just like a collar or burka or yarmulke -- a badge 
of a religion different from yours -- only in this case it is alcohol 
possession -- a badge of a religion different from yours.  The dodge of oh, 
I'm not against their religion, just against their conduct can't be allowed 
can it?  The person transporting the alcohol is the passenger, not the cab 
driver.  The fact of hidden vs. open possession of the bottle of wine gives it 
away, doesn't it -- it is not about the action, it is about the religious 
nature of the action -- the violation of the religious beliefs of the driver by 
the religious beliefs (ok to have and transport alcohol) by the passenger.

It is action based on a difference of religious belief.  That is discrimination 
no matter how one twists it.

Maybe we should allow this discrimination, just like maybe we should allow 
discrimination in allowing landlords to discriminate against gays based on the 
landlord's religious beliefs, but that is still religious-based discrimination.

You can't suddenly say that motivation doesn't matter just because the 
motivation is their own religious beliefs.

Steve
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Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-07 Thread Marci Hamilton
Eugene--I'm going to focus on the third, relevant issue.   The restaurant 
examples are not analogous because one can do the act and the other cannot do 
it.   In the cabbie situation neither can

 The cabbie who refuses to carry alcohol for secular reasons loses his job 
because he is refusing to do his job.  The cabbie who refuses for religious 
reasons is subject to the same rule.   The only question is whether there 
should be an exemption.   Under Smith and Hershberger even, I think the 
religious cabbie loses.  So then it is just a matter of public policy.I 
will leave that to the lawmakers

I would add that Hershberger was decided at the height of the misleading 
doctrinal hysteria over Smith.  It is unfortunate that the state Courts were 
persuaded to make either/or decisions about free exercise in that context   
They like Congress were given a false choice

You have to give her credit--  Justice OConnor conceded that there were 
definite arenas where SS had not applied  

Since then, there has been a lot more public education about the actual impact 
of SS on the vulnerable and affected.   That is why the state rfras slowed down 
considerably and the W Va version is going nowhere.   

I apologize for going so far off topic


Marci





On Mar 7, 2012, at 6:55 PM, Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:

 So let me make sure I understand your view correctly:
  
 1.  A secular restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
 abortion provider for secular reasons is not guilty of religious 
 discrimination in violation of public accommodations laws.  (Assume such laws 
 generally apply to discrimination based on religion in restaurant deliveries.)
  
 2.  A religious restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
 abortion provider for religious reasons is indeed guilty of religious 
 discrimination in violation of public accommodations laws.  (Assume such laws 
 generally apply to discrimination based on religion in restaurant deliveries.)
  
 Is that so?  And, if so, doesn’t that make the law itself 
 into an unconstitutional religious discrimination, given that it treats 
 precisely the same conduct differently based on the religious motivation of 
 the actor, in violation of the Lukumi Babalu principle?
  
 Eugene
  
 From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
 [mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
 Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 3:39 PM
 To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
 Subject: Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for 
 their actions
  
 I have to say that I find Steve's analysis more sound and based on common 
 sense.   
  
  
 Marci
 
 On Mar 7, 2012, at 3:07 PM, Volokh, Eugene vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:
 
 I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies’ refusal to 
 carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, 
 it shouldn’t be treated as religious discrimination.  What’s more, I think 
 the argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
 discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.
  
 1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies’ actions affected 
 Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
 alcohol.  Moreover, they didn’t affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
 irreligious, and anyone else who didn’t carry alcohol.
  
 2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
 same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn’t be affected (just as, 
 I suppose, Mormons or Methodists wouldn’t be affected), because they 
 generally wouldn’t carry alcohol.  But that analysis strikes me as unsound, 
 and here’s why.
  
 Imagine a case closely modeled on Rasmussen v. Glass (Minn. Ct. App. 1993) 
 (review granted but appeal later dismissed), 
 http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=648897692635049631.  A restaurant 
 owner refuses to deliver food to a doctor who performs abortions, because the 
 owner believes abortions are evil, and doesn’t want to provide any help, even 
 indirect, to such evil.  And say the restaurant owner’s is irreligious, and 
 his opposition to abortion is based on his own personal moral views (e.g., he 
 follows Nat Hentoff, 
 http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/users/rauch/nvp/consistent/indivisible.html). 
  I take it that we would all agree that the restaurant owner is not 
 discriminating based on religion.  To be sure, devout Catholics, and devout 
 members of other anti-abortion religious groups, wouldn’t perform abortions.  
 But that doesn’t mean the restaurant owner is discriminating based on the 
 would-be customers’ religions – he’s discriminating based on their secular 
 actions.
  
 Now say that another restaurant owner acts precisely the same way, but his 
 opposition to abortion

RE: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-07 Thread Volokh, Eugene
So let me make sure I understand your view correctly:

1.  A secular restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
abortion provider for secular reasons is not guilty of religious discrimination 
in violation of public accommodations laws.  (Assume such laws generally apply 
to discrimination based on religion in restaurant deliveries.)

2.  A religious restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
abortion provider for religious reasons is indeed guilty of religious 
discrimination in violation of public accommodations laws.  (Assume such laws 
generally apply to discrimination based on religion in restaurant deliveries.)

Is that so?  And, if so, doesn’t that make the law itself into 
an unconstitutional religious discrimination, given that it treats precisely 
the same conduct differently based on the religious motivation of the actor, in 
violation of the Lukumi Babalu principle?

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 3:39 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their 
actions

I have to say that I find Steve's analysis more sound and based on common sense.


Marci

On Mar 7, 2012, at 3:07 PM, Volokh, Eugene 
vol...@law.ucla.edumailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:
I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies’ refusal to 
carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, it 
shouldn’t be treated as religious discrimination.  What’s more, I think the 
argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.

1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies’ actions affected 
Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
alcohol.  Moreover, they didn’t affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
irreligious, and anyone else who didn’t carry alcohol.

2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn’t be affected (just as, I 
suppose, Mormons or Methodists wouldn’t be affected), because they generally 
wouldn’t carry alcohol.  But that analysis strikes me as unsound, and here’s 
why.

Imagine a case closely modeled on Rasmussen v. Glass (Minn. Ct. App. 1993) 
(review granted but appeal later dismissed), 
http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=648897692635049631.  A restaurant 
owner refuses to deliver food to a doctor who performs abortions, because the 
owner believes abortions are evil, and doesn’t want to provide any help, even 
indirect, to such evil.  And say the restaurant owner’s is irreligious, and his 
opposition to abortion is based on his own personal moral views (e.g., he 
follows Nat Hentoff, 
http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/users/rauch/nvp/consistent/indivisible.html).  
I take it that we would all agree that the restaurant owner is not 
discriminating based on religion.  To be sure, devout Catholics, and devout 
members of other anti-abortion religious groups, wouldn’t perform abortions.  
But that doesn’t mean the restaurant owner is discriminating based on the 
would-be customers’ religions – he’s discriminating based on their secular 
actions.

Now say that another restaurant owner acts precisely the same way, but his 
opposition to abortion is based on his religious views.  As I understand the 
argument below, he would be seen as discriminating based on religion, because 
the performing of abortion is “a badge of a religion different from yours.”  
And thus he would be presumptively required to deliver to the doctor’s office, 
if state public accommodations law covers discrimination based on religion in 
restaurant delivery.  But this would mean that the law itself has become 
religiously discriminatory:  The secular anti-abortion restaurant owner is free 
to do something (here, refusing to deliver to an abortion provider), but the 
religious anti-abortion restaurant owner is barred from doing precisely the 
same thing.

3.  I think the same applies to the alcohol example.  A secular cab driver who 
opposes alcohol on secular grounds would presumably not be treated as 
discriminating based on religion.  But to treat the religious cab driver who 
opposes alcohol on religious grounds would be treated as discriminating based 
on religion, and would thus be potentially violating relevant public 
accommodations bans.  Yet such an approach would itself impermissibly 
discriminate (in violation of Lukumi Babalu) against the religious cab driver 
based on the religiosity of his motivation for his conduct.  Or am I missing 
something here?

Eugene

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu

RE: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-07 Thread Volokh, Eugene
So I’m not sure that I understand.  As I understand Steve’s 
post, his claim is that when X discriminates against Y based on X’s religious 
opposition to Y’s actions, even when they are secular actions such as 
transporting alcohol, that is religious discrimination and potentially 
actionable as such.  Marci, is that the analysis that you endorse as sound?

Whether the cabbies should get a religious exemption, under 
Hershberger,  not from a religious discrimination ban but from a common-carrier 
must-serve requirement strikes me as an entirely different question from the 
one I was debating with Steve.

Eugene

Marci Hamilton writes:

Eugene--I'm going to focus on the third, relevant issue.   The restaurant 
examples are not analogous because one can do the act and the other cannot do 
it.   In the cabbie situation neither can

 The cabbie who refuses to carry alcohol for secular reasons loses his job 
because he is refusing to do his job.  The cabbie who refuses for religious 
reasons is subject to the same rule.   The only question is whether there 
should be an exemption.   Under Smith and Hershberger even, I think the 
religious cabbie loses.  So then it is just a matter of public policy.I 
will leave that to the lawmakers 





On Mar 7, 2012, at 6:55 PM, Volokh, Eugene 
vol...@law.ucla.edumailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:
So let me make sure I understand your view correctly:

1.  A secular restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
abortion provider for secular reasons is not guilty of religious discrimination 
in violation of public accommodations laws.  (Assume such laws generally apply 
to discrimination based on religion in restaurant deliveries.)

2.  A religious restaurant owner who refuses to deliver to an 
abortion provider for religious reasons is indeed guilty of religious 
discrimination in violation of public accommodations laws.  (Assume such laws 
generally apply to discrimination based on religion in restaurant deliveries.)

Is that so?  And, if so, doesn’t that make the law itself into 
an unconstitutional religious discrimination, given that it treats precisely 
the same conduct differently based on the religious motivation of the actor, in 
violation of the Lukumi Babalu principle?

Eugene

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edumailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Marci Hamilton
Sent: Wednesday, March 07, 2012 3:39 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Cc: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their 
actions

I have to say that I find Steve's analysis more sound and based on common sense.


Marci

On Mar 7, 2012, at 3:07 PM, Volokh, Eugene 
vol...@law.ucla.edumailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu wrote:
I think the analysis below is mistaken:  Whether or not cabbies’ refusal to 
carry alcohol should be barred by some general common-carriage requirement, it 
shouldn’t be treated as religious discrimination.  What’s more, I think the 
argument that such a refusal is religious discrimination itself calls for 
discrimination against those with religious motivations for their actions.

1.  To begin with, as others have pointed out, the cabbies’ actions affected 
Christians, Jews, Muslims, the irreligious, and anyone else who carried 
alcohol.  Moreover, they didn’t affect Christian, Jews, Muslims, the 
irreligious, and anyone else who didn’t carry alcohol.

2.  Now I take it that the response is that the really devout Muslims of the 
same religious views as the cabbies generally wouldn’t be affected (just as, I 
suppose, Mormons or Methodists wouldn’t be affected), because they generally 
wouldn’t carry alcohol.  But that analysis strikes me as unsound, and here’s 
why.

Imagine a case closely modeled on Rasmussen v. Glass (Minn. Ct. App. 1993) 
(review granted but appeal later dismissed), 
http://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=648897692635049631.  A restaurant 
owner refuses to deliver food to a doctor who performs abortions, because the 
owner believes abortions are evil, and doesn’t want to provide any help, even 
indirect, to such evil.  And say the restaurant owner’s is irreligious, and his 
opposition to abortion is based on his own personal moral views (e.g., he 
follows Nat Hentoff, 
http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/users/rauch/nvp/consistent/indivisible.html).  
I take it that we would all agree that the restaurant owner is not 
discriminating based on religion.  To be sure, devout Catholics, and devout 
members of other anti-abortion religious groups, wouldn’t perform abortions.  
But that doesn’t mean the restaurant owner is discriminating based on the 
would-be customers’ religions – he’s discriminating based on their secular 
actions.

Now say that another restaurant owner acts precisely

Discrimination against people with religious motivations for their actions

2012-03-07 Thread Steven Jamar


I hope it comes as no surprise to anyone on this list that there are 
irreconcilable doctrinal problems with religious liberty no matter how one 
looks at it.  Religious motivation matters.  Particular facts matter.  Details 
matter.  Eugene's hypothetical restaurant is not analogous to the cabbies in 
Minneapolis or in general.

I am not at all sure that Lukumi extends to private conduct and general 
anti-discrimination laws.  In that case the state singled out a particular 
religion by ordinance -- not the application of an anti-discrimination law.  
There is also a world of difference between actions by private parties that 
discriminate on the basis of religion and ordinances by states (or cities) that 
ban particular religious practices.

If the past decades of religious jurisprudence have taught us anything it 
should be to by chary of expanding any decision by the court much beyond its 
peculiar facts.  Witness the recent distinguishing of Smith.  Who knew?

I do not contend that these cases are easy or that they are or can be decided 
with great consistency -- indeed, I contend exactly the opposite.  Motivation 
matters and I cannot transmute a religious motivated action against someone 
into a neutral action without any religious motivation.

The response to the accommodation in Minneapolis shows a societal anti-Islam 
animus.  Who is surprised?  

But the claim of a person who has been denied a ride on a common carrier for no 
reason other than doing something he has an absolutely legal right to do and is 
denied the ride because of a religious belief by the driver is sure going to 
feel like religious discrimination whatever niceties one might want to draw.  
And in fact IS religiously-motivated action excluding someone.  It is.  Should 
it be permitted?  Should it be accommodated?  Probably, in the absence of 
showing hardship to riders.  But if it s the last cab of the night?  No way.  

I generally think we should accommodate religious exercise rights of employers 
and service providers and everyone to the extent practicable.  But that is a 
long way from finding a constitutional or statutory right to engage in such 
conduct when engaged in the provision of such public services.

There is no constitutional principle or statutory provision that would or 
should require that.  The situations are too nuanced for hard-edged application 
of generally applicable rules in this area.  Minneapolis Airport Authority 
approached it sensibly and if the solution had been implemented and if it had 
worked as planned (I have doubts, but maybe it would have), then that is what 
should be done.  We are not a secular universalist society -- not by a long 
shot.  Nor should we be -- it is not within our traditions and experience and 
our polyglot amalgam of people -- but nor should it be heavy-handed 
rights-based regime with what becomes a unit veto.

Steve






-- 
Prof. Steven D. Jamar vox:  202-806-8017
Associate Director, Institute for Intellectual Property and Social Justice 
http://iipsj.org
Howard University School of Law   fax:  202-806-8567
http://iipsj.com/SDJ/

Never doubt that the work of a small group of thoughtful, committed citizens 
can change the world. Indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.

Margaret Meade




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