RE: Religious exemptions and discrimination

2012-06-25 Thread Rick Garnett
Friends,

This bounced back, as too long, and so I’m trying again.  Sorry if you receive 
it twice!

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN pagehttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235

Blogs:

Prawfsblawghttp://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/
Mirror of Justicehttp://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/

From: Rick Garnett
Sent: Monday, June 25, 2012 1:47 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions and discrimination

Dear colleagues,

I’m coming to this discussion late, and I apologize (and realize that many of 
us are today focused more on immigration and the Eighth Amendment!).  The first 
sentence of Eugene’s response to Bob expresses really well, I think, a key 
point in these debates.  As he says, “discrimination” means many different 
things, and not all of these things are wrong.  Shamelessness alert:  I have a 
chapter in a forthcoming book (which grew out of a really interesting 
conference that Austin Sarat organized at Alabama last year), called “Religious 
Freedom and the Nondiscrimination Norm,” which tries to explore the issue in a 
bit more detail.  Here’s the first paragraph of the abstract:

“Discrimination,” we believe, is wrong. And, because “discrimination” is wrong, 
we believe that governments like ours – secular, liberal, constitutional 
governments – may, and should, take regulatory and other steps to prevent, 
discourage, and denounce it. However, it is not true that “discrimination” is 
always or necessarily wrong. Nor is it the case that governments always or 
necessarily should or may regulate or discourage it even when it is. Some 
wrongs are beyond the authorized reach of government policy; some are too 
difficult or costly to identify, let alone regulate; others are none of the 
government’s business. . . .

The full abstract, and the paper, are available here:  
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2087599

Best,

R

Richard W. Garnett
Professor of Law and Associate Dean
Notre Dame Law School
P.O. Box 780
Notre Dame, Indiana 46556-0780

574-631-6981 (w)
574-276-2252 (cell)

SSRN pagehttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=342235

Blogs:

Prawfsblawghttp://prawfsblawg.blogs.com/
Mirror of Justicehttp://www.mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Volokh, Eugene
Sent: Friday, June 15, 2012 3:50 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Religious exemptions and discrimination

I think this is combining under the rubric of “discrimination” 
many different things.  First, item 2 doesn’t involve discrimination based on 
the passenger’s race, religion, sex, and so on which is why businesses 
generally are free to discriminate against patrons with wine, or employees who 
drink wine.  The relevant law here is a sort of “common carrier” rule that 
imposes on a few businesses (and only a few) the obligation to do business with 
pretty much everyone, an obligation that is much broader than that imposed by 
antidiscrimination law.  Relatedly, item 1 doesn’t involve discrimination in 
the antidiscrimination law sense (except insofar as one can argue that such a 
refusal is sex discrimination because only women take Plan B, which I doubt 
will succeed).  Indeed, I take it that all of us would agree that a supermarket 
could choose to refuse to stock condoms (male or female) or over-the-counter 
contraceptives.  Rather, the relevant law is a professional obligation imposed 
on pharmacies to stock either all in-demand pharmaceuticals, or at least to 
stock this particular pharmaceutical.

Second, even true discrimination rules have historically been 
applied more narrowly in some areas than in others, and this reflects (in 
addition to federalism concerns) real differences in the way discrimination 
affects people.  Title II of the Civil Rights Act, for instance, does not 
constrain pharmacies, cab drivers, or professional photographers; indeed, it 
applies to only a narrow range of places of public accommodation.  It does, 
however, affect all businesses with more than a threshold number of employees.  
And this makes sense, because as to many places of public accommodation, the 
chief harm with discrimination is only dignitary:  If Elaine Huguenin refuses 
to photograph a same-sex commitment ceremony, the couple might be annoyed by 
the refusal, but they can probably find another photographer at little cost, at 
least in most places.  (Indeed, the couple may prefer to hire a photographer 
who they feel will see their ceremony as beautiful, and thus be inspired to 
photograph it that way, rather than a photographer who is being forced by law 
to photograph something she disapproves of.)  On the other hand, employment 
discrimination can dramatically affect people’s

Re: Religious exemptions and discrimination

2012-06-16 Thread Michael Masinter
, constraining a landlord?s choice about who   
lives in the other half of a duplex in which she lives may burden   
her privacy rights, constitutional or otherwise.  Not so for a   
landlord who owns a large apartment building.  This doesn?t directly  
 affect the religious exemption claim, of course, but it does   
highlight why the wedding photographer example may need to be   
treated differently.


Given these differences, it seems to me quite   
unsurprising that the caselaw rejecting religious exemptions to   
employment discrimination claims wouldn?t necessarily fully extend   
to claims of housing  discrimination based on marital status (to   
give an example of a religious exemption claim that some courts have  
 accepted), and wouldn?t be particularly helpful as to claimed   
exemptions from common carrier obligations or professional   
regulations.


Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu   
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of   
b...@jmcenter.org

Sent: Friday, June 15, 2012 12:19 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND


Chris,



While you would be willing to grant a child safety exception to   
appease Marci, I presume that in your view (and correct me if I'm   
wrong) that burden type RFRAs (like the North Dakota proposal)   
would permit the following examples of discrimination?


 1.  A pharmacist refusing to dispense Plan B.
 2.  A Muslim taxi cab driver refusing to transport a person with a   
bottle of wine in a grocery bag.
 3.  A professional photographer refusing to photograph an LGBT   
civil ceremony.

 4.  A landlord refusing to rent to an atheist.

If yes, are these acts of discrimination less a compelling   
governmental interest than anti-discrimination provisions of the   
Civil Rights Act?




Bob Ritter

On June 15, 2012 at 10:31 AM Christopher Lund   
l...@wayne.edumailto:l...@wayne.edu wrote:
Obviously the sexual abuse of children is tragic and criminal.  But   
I still am not getting how state RFRAs have protected it or   
encouraged it.


State RFRA cases are more boring than those opposed to Measure 3   
might think.  Plaintiffs generally lose their claims; they sometimes  
 win, but they have not won anything remotely like what NARAL was   
fearing.  (In that South Dakota piece?which is a bit dated now?I   
slog through the cases and provide citations, to the extent people   
are interested.)


I counted somewhere around 25 Florida state RFRA cases, for example.  
  Of those 25, plaintiffs won 1 on state RFRA grounds.  That case   
involved a church that wanted to feed the homeless in a public park,  
 despite a city rule saying that parks could not be used for   
social-service purposes.  The church didn?t win the right to use the  
 park of its choosing, but the trial judge enjoined the city to let   
them use some park at some time.  The case is Abbott v. City of Fort  
 Lauderdale, 783 So.2d 1213 (Fla. App.?4 Dist. 2001).


Of course, plaintiffs sometimes ask for things they can?t possibly   
get under state RFRAs?the right to use marijuana while driving, for   
example, keeps coming up.  But that?s a frivolous claim by a   
desperate criminal defendant, and it simply loses.  State RFRAs have  
 been asserted as defenses in some of the sex abuse cases.  But   
usually such claims don?t even get separate analysis, and they   
certainly don?t win.


If people like Marci will be more comfortable with a state RFRA with  
 a child safety exception, I?d gladly do it.  Not because I think   
it?s necessary, but because I think it isn?t: A state RFRA with a   
child safety exception will be treated exactly like a state RFRA   
without one.  Children will be protected in any event.


It?s also important to keep in mind that the protection of state   
RFRAs can always be legislatively narrowed?and that has happened.
Concerned with a pending suit by a Muslim to claim a drivers?   
license without having to take off her headscarf, Florida   
statutorily (and retroactively) removed such claims from the   
protection of Florida?s RFRA.  Judging by Florida?s reaction to it,   
that apparently is the most threatening state RFRA claim that has   
ever been brought.  I leave it to the listserv to evaluate how bad   
it really is, but it is certainly less scary than what Measure 3   
opponents feared.


Best, Chris






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Religious exemptions and discrimination

2012-06-15 Thread Volokh, Eugene
I think this is combining under the rubric of “discrimination” 
many different things.  First, item 2 doesn’t involve discrimination based on 
the passenger’s race, religion, sex, and so on which is why businesses 
generally are free to discriminate against patrons with wine, or employees who 
drink wine.  The relevant law here is a sort of “common carrier” rule that 
imposes on a few businesses (and only a few) the obligation to do business with 
pretty much everyone, an obligation that is much broader than that imposed by 
antidiscrimination law.  Relatedly, item 1 doesn’t involve discrimination in 
the antidiscrimination law sense (except insofar as one can argue that such a 
refusal is sex discrimination because only women take Plan B, which I doubt 
will succeed).  Indeed, I take it that all of us would agree that a supermarket 
could choose to refuse to stock condoms (male or female) or over-the-counter 
contraceptives.  Rather, the relevant law is a professional obligation imposed 
on pharmacies to stock either all in-demand pharmaceuticals, or at least to 
stock this particular pharmaceutical.

Second, even true discrimination rules have historically been 
applied more narrowly in some areas than in others, and this reflects (in 
addition to federalism concerns) real differences in the way discrimination 
affects people.  Title II of the Civil Rights Act, for instance, does not 
constrain pharmacies, cab drivers, or professional photographers; indeed, it 
applies to only a narrow range of places of public accommodation.  It does, 
however, affect all businesses with more than a threshold number of employees.  
And this makes sense, because as to many places of public accommodation, the 
chief harm with discrimination is only dignitary:  If Elaine Huguenin refuses 
to photograph a same-sex commitment ceremony, the couple might be annoyed by 
the refusal, but they can probably find another photographer at little cost, at 
least in most places.  (Indeed, the couple may prefer to hire a photographer 
who they feel will see their ceremony as beautiful, and thus be inspired to 
photograph it that way, rather than a photographer who is being forced by law 
to photograph something she disapproves of.)  On the other hand, employment 
discrimination can dramatically affect people’s livelihoods, especially since 
employment is often much less fungible than most commercially available 
services.

Third, different sorts of discrimination rules relate 
differently to other constitutional rights, and liberty rights more generally.  
Requiring a photographer to photograph something she doesn’t want to photograph 
affects her  First Amendment right not to create expressive works that she 
disapproves of.  (Even those who think wedding photography isn’t expressive 
enough to qualify for that purposes might, I think, agree that a commercial 
press release writer should have the right to refuse to write press releases 
for Scientology – though that’s discriminating based on religion – or to write 
a glowing account of a same-sex ceremony.)  Likewise, constraining a landlord’s 
choice about who lives in the other half of a duplex in which she lives may 
burden her privacy rights, constitutional or otherwise.  Not so for a landlord 
who owns a large apartment building.  This doesn’t directly affect the 
religious exemption claim, of course, but it does highlight why the wedding 
photographer example may need to be treated differently.

Given these differences, it seems to me quite unsurprising that 
the caselaw rejecting religious exemptions to employment discrimination claims 
wouldn’t necessarily fully extend to claims of housing  discrimination based on 
marital status (to give an example of a religious exemption claim that some 
courts have accepted), and wouldn’t be particularly helpful as to claimed 
exemptions from common carrier obligations or professional regulations.

Eugene

From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of b...@jmcenter.org
Sent: Friday, June 15, 2012 12:19 PM
To: Law  Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Religious exemptions in ND


Chris,



While you would be willing to grant a child safety exception to appease Marci, 
I presume that in your view (and correct me if I'm wrong) that burden type 
RFRAs (like the North Dakota proposal) would permit the following examples of 
discrimination?

 1.  A pharmacist refusing to dispense Plan B.
 2.  A Muslim taxi cab driver refusing to transport a person with a bottle of 
wine in a grocery bag.
 3.  A professional photographer refusing to photograph an LGBT civil ceremony.
 4.  A landlord refusing to rent to an atheist.

If yes, are these acts of discrimination less a compelling governmental 
interest than anti-discrimination provisions of the Civil Rights Act?



Bob Ritter

On June 15, 2012 at 10:31 AM