I've sometimes heard that surely the Establishment Clause wouldn't allow the government just to pay the salary of ministers, and that therefore other kinds of benefits - even ones available to a substantial range of people or institutions, without regard to religiosity - are unconstitutional, too.
Now I agree that the government can't pay the salary of ministers just because they are ministers. But the government actually does offer salary supplements for ministers, alongside other employees who earn under the threshold amount, and that's the Earned Income Tax Credit. For instance, if a minister is a head of household, has two children, and earns $20,000 (think some assistant pastor, perhaps part-time, at some poor church), he will get a substantial net payment from the government. That's taxpayer money going to subsidize ministers (again, alongside the other earners in the same boat). Would those who take a hard separationist position call this an Establishment Clause violation? Say the government decided to continue to offer this benefit to all poor earners, but exclude those who chose to earn their living by the ministry; would that be consistent with the Free Exercise Clause? Locke v. Davey suggests it would be, but that doesn't seem right to me. Note that this isn't a program that's available to everyone, the way police or fire protection is: it's only available to a minority of taxpayers. To be sure, the objective criteria - income level, investment income level, number of children, filing status - are yes-or-no, while in Trinity Lutheran it's points for each criterion, and benefits to those in the top X of applicants. But I don't see what constitutional significance that difference should have. Eugene
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