I've sometimes heard that surely the Establishment Clause 
wouldn't allow the government just to pay the salary of ministers, and that 
therefore other kinds of benefits - even ones available to a substantial range 
of people or institutions, without regard to religiosity - are 
unconstitutional, too.

               Now I agree that the government can't pay the salary of 
ministers just because they are ministers.  But the government actually does 
offer salary supplements for ministers, alongside other employees who earn 
under the threshold amount, and that's the Earned Income Tax Credit.  For 
instance, if a minister is a head of household, has two children, and earns 
$20,000 (think some assistant pastor, perhaps part-time, at some poor church), 
he will get a substantial net payment from the government.  That's taxpayer 
money going to subsidize ministers (again, alongside the other earners in the 
same boat).  Would those who take a hard separationist position call this an 
Establishment Clause violation?  Say the government decided to continue to 
offer this benefit to all poor earners, but exclude those who chose to earn 
their living by the ministry; would that be consistent with the Free Exercise 
Clause?  Locke v. Davey suggests it would be, but that doesn't seem right to me.

               Note that this isn't a program that's available to everyone, the 
way police or fire protection is: it's only available to a minority of 
taxpayers.  To be sure, the objective criteria - income level, investment 
income level, number of children, filing status - are yes-or-no, while in 
Trinity Lutheran it's points for each criterion, and benefits to those in the 
top X of applicants.  But I don't see what constitutional significance that 
difference should have.

               Eugene










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