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PRESS CONFERENCE WITH STATE DUMA COMMITTEE FOR DEFENSE VICE
CHAIR ALEXEI ARBATOV ON US-RF RELATIONS

[RIA NOVOSTI NEWS AGENCY, 11:05, SEPTEMBER 18, 2001]

SOURCE: FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE (http://www.fednews.ru/)

Moderator: Good morning. Alexei Georgiyevich Arbatov needs no
introductions. He is a leading specialist on Russian-American relations.
And because of the good turnout we foresee a lot of questions Alexei
Georgiyevich will make a brief introduction before we go into questions
and answers. The topic is the prospects of Russian-American relations in
the light of the recent tragic events. 
Arbatov: Thank you for coming. I understand that in the light of what
has happened it is a hectic time for all the journalists. A lot of
interviews are being given. So, it is very flattering that you have
found time to come here this morning.
In the sea of words, forecasts and assessments in Russia and abroad I
would like to draw your attention to one area that has not received its
due share of attention. It seems to me that the plans of the United
States regarding what to do are more or less predictable. The strategy
is clear. Of course, the technical details and the tactical details are
still unclear. These are secret decisions that are being made at the
Pentagon and the National Security Council. But the overall strategy is
more or less clear.
Likewise, there is more clarity in the Russian position. There is a
consensus among the Russian political classes as to what Russia's
attitude should be. At least the government rhetoric leaves little room
for doubt. 
But there is one other thing that is getting very little attention.
There is no doubt that the barbaric operation in New York and Washington
was carefully planned and took a long time to prepare. Naturally, those
who prepared it knew that the United States would respond in a robust
way, using the most modern weapons excluding perhaps, mass destruction
weapons. 
It stands to reason that these people have given careful thought to the
next phase of the operation. They could not have confined themselves to
planning just the first series of terrorist acts. Most definitely they
have prepared another series of acts. And they have stand-by plans for a
series of actions in response to the American strikes. And in line with
the logic of escalation these actions should be even more horrible than
those carried out at the first phase as an unprecedented provocation
with regard to the United States aimed at provoking the United States to
some tough actions.
I am not sure whether Washington and Moscow are giving enough thought to
this. Is the United States prepared well enough, not for air-lifting
troops to Southern Asia, but to ensuring its own security and that of
its allies at least against the next stage of the escalation which, I
suspect, has been prepared by those who have conceived of this
diabolical operation which reveals the highest degree of such diabolical
skills. Because it is only now that all the aspects of this horrible
tragedy are being revealed to us, the aspects that were planned well in
advance. 
And the response of the terrorists to the strike of the United States is
what worries me much more than the immediate actions that the US may
launch in the region and the immediate position of the Russian
leadership. I would like to end my introductory remarks there and I am
ready to discuss with you the questions that you care to raise.
Q: El Pais. What are the most probable Russian actions in this context?
At least elements of these actions. And what are the possible targets of
terrorists in Russia?
Arbatov: The consensus in Russia, as I see it, is as follows. Total
moral support of the United States. That's the first point. Political
support of American determination to make the struggle against
international terrorism the top priority of American national security
policy. That's the second element. And the third element is an appeal to
the United States not to resort to massive strikes, to non-selective
actions which are unjustified from the moral point of view -- to avenge
the death of thousands of innocent people with the death of tens of
thousands of other innocent people is wrong, it is immoral. This is what
we said when NATO was bombing Yugoslavia. We said that to take revenge
for the death of innocent people in Kosovo by killing innocent people in
Belgrade and other places was immoral. It's the same here -- the actions
should be selective and precisely targeted, they should target the
people immediately involved in the preparation and execution of this
horrible plan. 
It should also be targeted at those who may not have been involved
directly, but are obviously linked to the network of international
terrorism. As for Russian participation in this, there is some lack of
unity in the top echelons. It shows that the lack of coordination that
had reached a high degree under Yeltsin has not been overcome, but
nevertheless the consensus is that Russia will not take part in American
military actions at least not until the United States officially asks
Russia to contribute and promises Russia that in this case the United
States will not take unilateral actions, that is, the actions of the
United States will be agreed with Russia. Since Russia makes available
its bases and air fields and perhaps even some technical means the
United States will in turn have to agree its actions with Russia. And
Russia will insist that these actions should be effective and selective
and not just symbolic and token.
I would also add one other thing which I do not see in the official
Russian position. Namely, if Russia becomes directly involved in these
operations, Russia should get guarantees of its own security from the
United States because Russia is far more vulnerable to terrorist strikes
than the United States because of geographic, political, economic and
other reasons. If Russia joins the US and becomes a target for
terrorists, no matter what forms their activities take, then Russia will
have every right to seek US obligation to ensure its security. Otherwise
these relations will not work.
If for example, in reply for Russia's agreement to participate in US
operations, a massive attack is launched against our 201st Division in
Tajikistan or our border troops, we will demand that the US give us
direct military support.
Q: Article 5. 
Arbatov: Basically, we will have to develop allied relations in one form
or another, at least for the duration of the separation, that will
require both countries to assume reciprocal obligations to ensure each
other's security. Nothing like this has so far been offered to Russia by
the United States. The US expects support from Russia but thinks that
this support should have the form of carte blanche. In other words, the
US will decide what it should do, and Russia will have to automatically
give it every support. 
I am afraid that such relations will not develop between our countries.
If the US sticks to this position, Russia will provide moral support and
big political support, but nothing else that goes beyond this framework.
Q: CNN. Last year Russia threatened to take its own military action
against the Taliban. However, it decided against it. But if Russia has
once threatened to do this, why can't it participate now, since they
have done it and are threatening now?
Arbatov: Gil, there is strong logic in your question. The difference is
that back then Russia threatened to take this action in response to very
close ties between the Taliban and the armed opposition in Chechnya and
the North Caucasus in general. So, Russia, seeking to reduce this
support, directed its threats against the Taliban. The Taliban responded
to these threats the same way it is responding now to the US threats,
that if something happens, they will take such action against Russia
that will cause it a lot of damage.
I understand that Russia has drifted away from this position very
quickly. You may remember that in the West, including the US, the
reaction to these statements was quite negative. At that time the US and
the West did not support Russia's threats, although Russia did not
demand any help from the West. But the West gave Russia neither moral
nor political support. 
If we call things by their proper names, I assume that Russia simply
fears, or to use professional language, worries about a response from
the Taliban that may cause a lot of trouble and damage to Russian
citizens, facilities and enterprises in Central Asia and in the
Caucasus, as well as in Russia itself. We are simply not ready to open
the second front. We are quite busy with Chechnya and everything related
to it. You have seen the latest events. 
According to our leadership, the war is over but fighting is going on
there. Russia was not prepared to open the second front against the
Taliban at that time, and it fears to do it now. This explains the big
conditions I have mentioned above, on which Russia could join the US in
practical measures against terrorists.
We have to understand that anti-terrorist actions, if we leave out law
enforcement agencies and special services, mean actions against a
certain country because the armed forces cannot act against some
abstract organizations or safe houses. Armed forces always act against a
certain country on the territory of which there are certain targets that
may be hit. 
In this connection, it is not incidental that the US position changed at
lightning speed in a matter of days from threats to international
terrorism and bin Laden to threats to the Taliban, because the Taliban,
no matter what you think about them, and I personally think very badly
of them, irrespective of these assessments, the Taliban is something at
which military strikes may be directed. But terrorists, that's where
arrests may be made, but not strikes delivered.
So, Russia finds itself in a very difficult situation because
Afghanistan is a very unstable neighbor. Its instability spills into
Central Asia and the Caucasus. Of course, it's not an agreement that has
been reached but may be some sort of unofficial modus vivendi with the
Taliban: as long as the Taliban do not act directly against Russia in
Central Asia, do not cross into Tajikistan, do not attack our border
guards and the 201st Division, do not carry out terrorist acts in Russia
itself and limit themselves only to cooperation with Maskhadov's armed
rebels, Russia will not deliver strikes on the Taliban.
What happened in the past week, puts everything upside down and makes
Russia face a very difficult choice. This explains why Russia does not
rule out its practical participation in the US operation at the military
level -- unlike some of our high-ranking officials in the Defense
Ministry, I cannot rule out Russia's participation in these operations
and the provision by Russia of not only information but some of its
material resources as well. However, if this happened, this would be
conditioned on very serious terms. 
Q: Are these terms being negotiated now? Do you know if there is any
discussion of the terms on which Russia could participate in some
military action against Afghanistan? And my second question. Much can be
gained and much can be lost in the situation. The scenario you have
described leads to Russia's admission to NATO.Is this possible?
Arbatov: As for negotiations on terms, I hope yes. The visit by Under
Secretary of State Bolton will apparently be devoted to a preliminary
discussion of these possible terms. It would be strange if this was not
discussed.
To ensure the success of the US operation against the Taliban
-- let's put it this way - in Afghanistan, its effectiveness will
largely depend on the position of Russia, both directly through its
participation and indirectly through Russia's influence on such
neighboring countries as Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Iran. In
this sense, it would be strange if no such negotiations were conducted.
As for NATO, it's a much broader and long-term question. If the US
reaches an agreement with its allies or decides to transform NATO into
an international organization to fight international terrorism -- NATO
has been looking for a new purpose all these years and could not find
it. So, if it finds this purpose finally, which will presuppose a
radical transformation of NATO in all respects, then Russia's direct
membership in such organization could be considered. Actually, it will
be even strange if Russia, which is most vulnerable of all major
countries to international terrorism, stayed away from such an
organization.
Q: So, you think that the US will strike back anyway, be it a massive or
pinpoint strike, even if bin Laden were extradited to the US by the
Taliban, which I think is quite unlikely.
Arbatov: Some inconclusive reports were heard to the effect that there
may be handover, that something along these lines may happen. But I
don't think that the issue can be closed, in substance or from the
political point of view, by the handover of bin Laden. The handover of
one person and the start of investigation into the case of bin Laden is
disproportionate to the events that changed the entire international
situation, namely, the enormous tragedies. 
I think strikes will be delivered in any case if only because the
extradition of bin Laden does not solve the issue. In place of one bin
Laden there will come ten bin Ladens. And without liquidating the
infrastructure of international terrorism, at least starting from the
territory of Afghanistan, this issue cannot be solved. Imagine that bin
Laden is extradited. They will then start hijacking planes, killing
people, taking hostages demanding that bin Laden be released. It will
mark a new phase of this terrible saga.
So, strikes will be delivered in any case. How do I see the strategy of
the United States? It will not be a one-off action as in the case of
Afghanistan and Sudan in response to the explosions of American
embassies. Most probably it will be a prolonged campaign of strikes not
only on terrorist targets in Afghanistan, but also on the Taliban forces
and targets. Such a campaign can be fairly effective because the terrain
favors air raids on ammunition dumps and bases and after several months
of such a campaign the Taliban may emerge greatly weakened and may
switch to guerrilla warfare. Then the Northern Alliance will gain a huge
advantage over them. If they manage to find a replacement for Ahmad Shah
Massood, the Northern Alliance may regain all or the largest part of the
territory of Afghanistan and take it under control.
Simultaneously, pressure in Pakistan cuts the Taliban off from supplies
across the Pakistani border and from weapons and from the training camps
where Pakistani and other instructors were training the Taliban and
deprives the Taliban of air support. It is no secret that the Taliban
fought the Northern Alliance enjoying air support of the Pakistani air
force. This is one reason why such actions were by and large so
successful. The Taliban will be deprived of much of what they had before
and will most probably suffer a defeat. But of course it is a very risky
thing to make forecasts for that part of the world. But given a
favorable attitude on the part of Iran and stepped-up actions of the
Northern Alliance the Taliban can be defeated.
Moderator: According to our chiefs of security services, they have
repeatedly warned the Americans and their Western allies about the
terrorist acts that were being planned. But they said that the Americans
took these warnings lightly. You know the Americans well. How do you
account for such reaction? Is it due to the American character or
mistrust of the information coming from our special services?
Arbatov: It's both. It's partly due to arrogance and confidence of its
superior force and invulnerability. But it is on the other hand common
practice because a lot of diverse information keeps flowing in,
including warnings about actions being prepared. And, like in the fable
about crying wolf, people gradually get used to such false alarms and
when it happens in reality people turn out to be unprepared. Think about
history when for decades there were numerous warnings about an imminent
attack and eventually when the attack came it caught even large states
by surprise. 
Q: Regarding ABM and all this debate, Russia says that the developments
will take the edge off this discussion. And there is some talk of this
in the United States already. And the people I have talked to say that
on the contrary, that desire of the United States will be strengthened
because the Americans are thinking about any ways of defending their
country. What do you think about this argument?
Arbatov: Well, attention is now focused on other things. But very soon
the question will back on the agenda and I think support for NMD will
grow in the United States, although it has been broad enough anyway.
Why? First, one cannot be sure that terrorists will not acquire some
missiles which can inflict terrible damage even without the use of mass
destruction weapons as the use of hijacked planes has demonstrated. But
this is not the most important factory. More important is the fact that
the strikes on terrorists if they persist in their actions will be aimed
at certain countries which harbor terrorists and give them support. And
there is more probability that these countries have ballistic missiles,
including missiles carrying mass destruction weapons.
In that case these countries which possess such weapons will have
acquired a deterrent potential in relations with the United States. In
order to reserve the right to deliver retaliation strikes the United
States will need an anti-missile defense system that could neutralize
the threat from a small quantity of ballistic missiles that may fall
into the hands of countries which offer their territories for the
actions of terrorists.
Previously this was not an obvious scenario. The options discussed spoke
about a direct clash. For example, Iraq once again attacks Kuwait or
Saudi Arabia and the United States steps in and it needs it anti-missile
defense to counter the missiles that Iraq may have. Now the link is a
little more complicated. It is now focussed on the struggle against
international terrorism. Nevertheless, ballistic missiles are part of
the equation and accordingly, anti-missile defense. The only difference
is as follows. 
Up until now everyone assumed that citing rogue states as a
justification for anti-missile defense was a pretext and not the real
goal of the NMD program. In the foreseeable future the real target of
the NMD program is China and the Chinese strategic forces and it is
against them that the United States is trying to protect itself. And
subsequently it may also be against Russia if the program acquires a
great scale and proves to be technically effective and Russia continues
unilateral reductions of its strategic forces.
Now it seems to me that this program will be targeted mainly not against
China or Russia, but against rogue states or any countries that may give
support to international terrorism and simultaneously have its missile
programs and mass destruction weapons programs.
Q: Can Russia help by sharing its experience of the war in Afghanistan,
its knowledge in the terrain?
Arbatov: Definitely so. In such cases I should say that negative
experience may be more useful than positive experience. And the
experience of Russian failures and setbacks in Afghanistan could be
invaluable to the US in planning its operation, maybe even more so than
the experience of success, the knowledge of terrain, connections with
various groups in Afghanistan, or intelligence. As a minimum, Russia's
experience in Afghanistan already has big influence on the US because
the US is not planning, and I am convinced that it will never plan, a
deployment of a large contingent of ground forces there in order to
occupy and hold the territory of Afghanistan. So, the experience of the
Soviet Union is already playing a big role for the US.
If it is planning to use some other armed forces and fighting services
besides aircraft and missiles, it will most likely be one-time special
operations, perhaps, involving paratroopers or crack units, but anyway,
these operations will pursue very specific goals and evacuation rather
than to seize and hold certain facilities.
Q: Some Russian politicians have put Georgia on the list of pariah
states that harbor terrorists. Not so long ago Nemtsov and Shuster said
that Georgia harbors terrorists and does not extradite them, and if it
does not extradite them, Russia can act on this territory as it sees
fit, cross the border and destroy them or something like that.
The Taliban has been asked to extradite bin Laden or somebody else,
Georgia has been asked to extradite Gelayev or I don't know who else
they mean. If the Taliban does not extradite bin Laden, America will
bomb Afghanistan, and if Georgia does not extradite Gelayev, so Russia
will bomb Georgia, or how should we understand this, in your view?
Arbatov: We made and make complaints about the Georgian leadership
regarding what is happening in Georgia, particularly in the Pankisi
Gorge. I have recently visited these places myself, actually last May,
and there are camps and bases there where militants who are fighting in
Chechnya can rest. But I think that such statements --
First of all, it's formal logic that can never be used in international
relations. There are no such rules. Second, these are musings, but not
an official position of Russia. I do not even allow a thought that
Russia can deliver strikes on Georgia just because the US will be
distracted by its operations in Afghanistan.
As for the pressure on Georgia, yes, it may increase. But we should
understand that Georgia's position regarding what is happening in the
region is underlain by two things. First, Georgia can't do anything
about this because it has no sufficient resources. And this is quite
explainable. If the Russian army has so far been unable to stabilize
Chechnya, what can we expect from the Georgian army, which is much
weaker, in these hard-to-access mountainous areas? Second, Georgia is
not eager to open another front in the North as it already has Abkhazia
and South Ossetia. 
By the way, we know that Georgia is very displeased with Russia's
position with regard to these unresolved conflicts, especially in
Abkhazia. So, Georgia has its own reasons for being dissatisfied. So, it
would be wrong to draw such an analogy. Secondly, it's very unlikely. 
Moderator: Any more questions? If there are no more questions, let's ...
Arbatov: Many people but few questions.
Moderator: Apparently, you have explained everything very clearly. Thank
you very much.

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