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Analysis
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Evidence of Israeli contempt for Geneva convention
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Suzanne Goldenberg in Jerusalem
Wednesday April 17, 2002
The Guardian

The accusation from British and Palestinian politicians that Israel has been
involved in war crimes raises questions about the extent to which its
military incursion into the occupied territories may have broken the terms
of the Geneva convention.

Human rights workers say the definition of a war crime hinges on a cardinal
principle of a body of international humanitarian law, including the Geneva
convention. "The spirit and soul is to limit the effect of armed violence on
those not taking part in the fighting," said Antonella Notari, a spokeswoman
for the International Committee of the Red Cross in Geneva. "It is primarily
the responsibility of those fighting the war to look after the wellbeing of
civilians."

On that count, Israel has failed on a massive scale - and not just in Jenin.
Nineteen days of curfew and siege on West Bank towns have deprived one
million Palestinians of access to medical care, food and drinking water.
Israeli tanks trundled over water mains, and ploughed through electricity
and phone wires, depriving most neighbourhoods of basic services.

In Ramallah, Bethlehem, and Nablus, as well as Jenin, there is indisputable
proof that the Israeli army denied Palestinian civilians the basic
protection of medical care. Bodies rotted in homes and streets for days; the
wounded bled to death because the Israeli army banned ambulances from
entering the battle zones.

In Jenin, junior surgeons performed brain surgery from phone instructions
given by leading practitioners in Jordan. Likewise in Ramallah several
mothers were talked through the delivery of their children over mobile
phones.

There are also widespread accounts from Palestinians in Ramallah, Nablus and
Jenin that the Israeli army regularly seized male civilians from their homes
and used them as human shields. They forced the men to walk ahead of
soldiers as they searched homes in camps and towns, putting them first in
the line of fire from Palestinian fighters.

As well, there are scattered accounts of Palestinian civilians killed inside
their homes by machine-gun fire from Israeli helicopter gunships and from
tank shells in Jenin, Ramallah, Nablus and Bethlehem, generally at the start
of each invasion.

Although the laws that govern war focus on the protection of civilians, they
also require armies to afford some protection to combatants. "Combatants
must be treated humanely and must be given a fair trial," Ms Notari said.

In Ramallah, however, captured Palestinian policemen were forced to strip to
their underwear and were held in appalling conditions at a nearby Israeli
army base, denied food, water and shelter for hours. A few were also shot as
they were on the verge of surrender.

The Israeli roundups also made no distinction between fighter and ordinary
Palestinians. In Nablus, Jenin, Ramallah and other cities, 5,000 males from
their teens to their 40s were detained.

But the destruction visited on the Jenin refugee camp - and in the old city,
or casbah, of Nablus where dozens of stone houses were demolished - is a far
murkier affair. Although much of the devastation in Jenin and Nablus appears
wanton, international law remains unclear on destruction of homes in combat
zones.

The nature of the fighting in Jenin and other cities further complicates the
matter. The Israeli army says it was forced to demolish civilian homes
because they were occupied by Palestinian gunmen. That argument may become
much hardier to sustain, though, when the full scale of the damage inflicted
on Palestinian towns becomes clearer in the coming days.

However, yesterday's calls for Israel's military campaign to be classed a
war crime are unlikely to be translated into any legal action.

The international war crimes tribunals now in existence were established
specifically to investigate atrocities that occurred in the Balkans and in
Rwanda. The UN international criminal court, which has just been ratified,
does not come into force until July 1 and cannot act retrospectively.

The most likely legal avenue at the moment to investigate Israel's offensive
remains the Israeli supreme court - which is not politically practical.


Guardian Unlimited © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002

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