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Headline:  US spends millions to bolster Belarus opposition
Byline:  Scott Peterson Staff Writer of The Christian Science Monitor
Date: 09/10/2001
(MINSK, BELARUS)While voters in Belarus were expected yesterday to reelect their 
authoritarian president, Alexander Lukashenko, questions swirled about 
both the fairness of the election and the nature of Western assistance 
to pro-democracy forces.

On the eve of the vote, the Belarussian government banned 2,000 of 
7,000 local election observers. Analysts say a controversial 
early-balloting system - some polling stations in yesterday's election 
actually opened on Tuesday - was designed to seal a first-round victory 
for the Belarus leader.

Whatever the outcome, the election is revealing a remarkably high level 
of US and Western involvement on the side of pro-democracy activists, 
which has embroiled the American ambassador and senior Western 
officials in a political firestorm.

Although regime opponents say they are pleased to have help in building 
civil society in the former Soviet republic - and, by extension, in 
their attempt to oust the man often called the "last dictator in 
Europe" - the lifeline of cash and moral support has bolstered 
Lukashenko's claim that he is a target of Cold War-style meddling.

While it is against US law to fund foreign political parties, American 
and European grant money is flowing to an array of pro-democracy and 
civil society groups, newspapers, and political awareness campaigns.

"It would be dark, scary and awful without that [US] money," says 
Anatoly Gulayev, deputy editor of the independent newspaper "Den," and 
vice president of the Belarussian journalists' union. "Very few 
[opposition] newspapers live without that help. We should admit it and 
be grateful for it."

"What we want to see is a change in the system," US Ambassador Michael 
Kozak said in an interview. "If Lukashenko opened the system so there 
is a free press and a free and fair election, we would accept his 
government as legitimate."

Lukashenko says he is under personal attack, and that the US has 
crossed a fine line of intervention - a view shared even by some 
opponents and Western analysts.

"We will not have Americans telling us what to do... We cannot be 
brought to our knees," Lukashenko told supporters last week. He accused 
the US and the West of "sleazy election techniques," and read a list of 
opposition leaders he claimed had been paid by the US Embassy in Minsk 
to "remove" him.

Lukashenko has also accused the chief of the Organization for Security 
and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Hans-Georg Wieck - a former West 
German intelligence chief, who by all accounts played a critical role 
uniting opposition parties behind one candidate - of being the 
opposition's "chief of staff."

The president has said he will expel both men from Belarus after the 
election.

Washington spent $24 million in Belarus last year, and US officials say 
the figure is slightly higher this year. That amounts to a small 
fortune in this impoverished nation wedged between NATO's eastern flank 
and Russia.

"To me, [the aid] is nothing to be embarrassed about if you say you 
want to develop an open, civil society," Ambassador Kozak says. "We 
made no secret about it."

But critics say that, even if the opposition were to win Sunday's vote, 
they could have a hard time shaking a "Made in the USA" label. Others 
argue that the US has overplayed its hand, and that the opposition may 
see more profit in staying out of power.

"[The US] really helped the opposition financially so much, that the 
opposition has gone crazy," says Alexander Feduta, an independent 
journalist and former Lukashenko insider who is a fierce critic of the 
regime. "Name me any other country where you get paid for being in the 
opposition."

Portions of grant money have been stolen and are often misused, he 
says, and have had little real impact: "Revolution is not done that 
way."

While political parties may not officially receive Western cash, the 
line often blurs in Belarus, a country of just 10 million with a 
nascent pro-democracy movement.

"Lukashenko is right that [outside money] flows into politics," says 
Paulyuk Bykowski, a political writer for the weekly Belarussian Market 
newspaper. Of the 19 or so registered opposition parties, "almost every 
one has 10 to 20 non-governmental organizations [eligible for outside 
cash]."

Using American money to help put down democratic roots here should not 
be tainted by Cold War memories of superpower meddling, says Thomas 
Carothers, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 
in Washington. "The US is helping facilitate [opponents] who are 
already there," Mr. Carothers says. "If you have an election and there 
are some gray areas where you can help out, this is a different 
ballgame from the cold war."

Some comparisons are being made between Belarus and Serbia - where 
indicted war criminal Slobodan Milosevic was ousted from power last 
year, in part because of intense US support for pro-democracy 
activists. A meeting at the State Department in February brought 
together officials responsible for Serbia and Belarus, to see what 
lessons from Belgrade might apply in Minsk.

Mr. Kozak's work on tough political nuts began in Nicaragua - preparing 
for the April 1990 elections that booted the Sandinistas from power, he 
is careful to say, and not with the CIA-backed Contra guerrillas. As an 
assistant secretary of State and later presidential envoy, he offered 
an exit deal to Panamanian strongman Manuel Noriega in 1988, and most 
recently was US envoy to Cuba.

A recent letter to The Guardian newspaper in London, from an Oxford 
University lecturer, complained about the "current role of so many 
veterans of the dirty wars of Latin America." Kozak was singled out as 
"an expert in ensuring Washington's favored candidate wins elections."

In a rare move for any US envoy, Kozak wrote a response, saying, "Our 
objective and to some degree methodology are the same."

Kozak's letter focused on his work on the Nicaragua elections. But a 
follow-up story in The Times of London last week about Kozak's "unusual 
admission" focused on the illegal support for the Contras, and was 
headlined: "US adopts 'Contras policy' in communist Belarus." Referring 
to that article, the Belarus foreign minister accused Kozak of giving 
"covert support" to the opposition.

Consequently, beneficiaries of US help here are closemouthed about the 
extent of that aid. Newspapers, for example, receive money for items 
from new computers and telephones, to paying for rent and bigger print 
runs.

Some raise questions about why it appears that marginally influential 
groups receive cash, while opposition parties themselves seem to go 
wanting. "Obviously, we are thankful to the Americans... But I know for 
sure that the budget for [opposition leader Vladimir] Goncharik is 
meager," says Den deputy editor Gulayev, whose paper was raided twice 
in July.

The focus, he says, should be on major newspapers and concrete help 
instead of seminars on "how we should live " and "small-time 
newsletters that remain piled in closets."

(c) Copyright 2001 The Christian Science Monitor.  All rights reserved. 

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