RE: Questions about the stagflation episode... Advice to journalists

2003-02-03 Thread Grey Thomas
First off, if macro is at all close to a science,
there should be near unanimity, among macro experts, 
on exactly: why did the dot.com bubble keep growing, even 
after Greenspan's 1997 (?) irrational exuberance comments?
Why did Argentina turn into such a mess?

I don't think there is agreement.  Until macro-economics 
can reliably provide policy prescriptions to avoid turning 
any given country into such mess, or to avoid such bubbles, 
it is ridiculous to call it a science. 
Please, please inform me if I'm wrong.  (Alex?)
(Those who claim macro is pre-science can say 
these are cases of are what is too complex.) 


It's very interesting to me to see how:
somebody does decide on the national interest rate, 
but, nobody decides on the unemployment rate, 
nor does anybody decide on the trade deficit.  
The Pres.  Congress do decide on the
Federal budget deficit and tax rates, but 
nobody decides on the number of bankruptcies, 
loan defaults,  business starts; not even housing starts.
Economics is a mix of decisions taken at different levels.

This is why the rational actor is so important, as
well as why micro is more important, 
it's where the real decisions are being made.

My point is that macro, as a descriptive exercise, useful
for understanding what has happened, may be a science like
(very recent) archaeology.  (Of course, I never liked, nor
believed, the Samuelson Keynesianism I was taught, so I
might well be missing current macro thought)


But what politicians want, which Keynesianism promised much 
More than Mises-Hayek Austrians, is policies for control.
Thus, even more than stories, journalists are interested in
how to use (very simplified) economics to explain 
(support/ criticize) specific political policies.

Krugman, for instance, feeds this desire for using econ 
to criticize policies, or advocate others.  
As do the Freidmans and other quoted economists.
They also, occasionally, make predictions.

I think the simple concepts most important are:
1)  trade is not a zero sum game - trade increases wealth.
2)  All markets depend on the definition of property rights,
and the enforcement of contracts.
3)  The correct (min) gov't role is to define property rights 
well, to enforce contracts, and to punish theft and fraud.
4)  The vast majority of world poverty is 
caused by government failure to do its job.
5)  Policies have unintended consequences, which can be 
predicted based on analyzing incentives.  eg. policies
to reduce corporate raiders from taking over underperforming
companies meant that top management insiders were able to
get all the available money instead of the investors.


Tom Grey

 -Original Message-
 From: Alex Tabarrok [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]
 Subject: Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...
 
 
 I think that today there is a unified macro (Bill recognized 
 that saying 
 there wasn't was going out on a limb).  Macro is now in a period of 
 normal science.  The profession has decided that the corect 
 way to do 
 macro is using a stochastic dynamic general equilibrium model.  Some 
 people include sticky prices in such models and others do not 
 but either 
 approach is well within the mainstream.  Also, almost all the 
 profession 
 will now also agree that sticky prices or not a large 
 fraction of what 
 we call business cycles are the natural responses of an 
 economy to real 
 shocks.  
 
  Although stagflation opened the door to new ideas what 
 has driven 
 the process more than anything is the internal dynamic to make macro 
 models more micro-based.
 
 Alex
 
 -- 
 Alexander Tabarrok 




Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-03 Thread William Dickens
I'm actually not a Kuhnian on these issues, but I am trying to see how far
Kuhn's theory goes in accurately describing economic research. Is it
really true that there aren't reigning paradigms in meteorology?

That is not what I meant. Of course there is. Its thermodynamics. However, to an 
outsider it looks to impose about as much structure on weather modeling as the notion 
of general equilibrium imposes on macro-modeling - - that is that the devil is in the 
details, big models can be less informative than the careful eye of a specialist in 
local phenomena, and simple models which are consistent with, but not based explicitly 
on physical theory, do almost as well as very big very complex models with a very 
tight relation to the theory. Also, I doubt there has been anything that looks like a 
paradigm shift in meteorology though I suspect there have been changes in fashion 
with respect to how weather is predicted.

 I should
note that experimental econ seems to be developing in a very Kuhnian
fashion.

In what sense. I would say its inverted. In Kuhn new ideas come into a profession 
because young people feel free to work with them while the dinosaurs continue doing 
what they do. With behavioral economics young people are only now starting to do it 
after a bunch of people with tenure fought like heck for 20 years to get the ideas 
accepted. 

 the hallmark of modern physics. Sure there are physical problems where
 chaos and complexity cause the same sorts of problems that economists
 have dealing with the economy, but they aren't at the core of the
 discipline the way they are in economics. Thus I think that a lot of

Some core parts of physics deal with complexity -  how about statistical
mechanics? Is there a macro counterpart to statistical mechanics?

Not sure what you mean by this, but I suspect that is exactly what the stochastic 
mechanics of the typical general equilibrium model is about. But you miss my point. 
I'm arguing that the phenomena physicists study at the core of the discipline are 
amenable to sufficiently exact theory and exact measurement that you can have decisive 
paradigm shifts driven by anomalous research results. Economic theory is not as 
precise so measurement can't provide the sort of strong evidence that one sees in core 
physics. Of course Kuhn's point is that research results aren't decisive in physics 
either. That anomalous results can always be reinterpreted to fit with the old 
paradigm and that therefore paradigm shift is a social phenomena rather than a purely 
logical phenomena. However, what I'm suggesting is that sharp divisions between 
paradigms, and paradigm shifts aren't a good way of thinking about how we progress 
in economics. One could say that economics has never had a paradigm shift. !
We went from pre-science to science with the marginalist revolution and have been 
doing normal science ever since. I would argue that pre-1970s macro was fully within 
this tradition within economics though the connections to price theory were verbal 
rather than rigorously theoretical and allowed verbal theorizing about behavior that 
was less than perfectly rational. The changes that took place with respect to 
micro-foundations in the 70s and 80s may look like a paradigm shift but I would argue 
that they are not. The changes preserved the fundamental notion that the economy 
should be thought of as a general equilibrium system with markets moving between 
equilibriums as shocks impact the system. What changed was the specifics of how the 
equations of the general equilibrium model were derived, estimated and rationalized. 
While this didn't represent a sea change in the scientific view of the economy, it did 
represent a sea change in methodology and a sea change in the relative pow!
er of the two main ideological camps in economics. For a while the
models where tight ties to basic price theory ensured welfare results that were 
anathema to interventionist liberals. Since about 1985-1990 things have been swinging 
back the other way with more and more accommodation of rigidities into mainstream 
(academic) models (largely driven by the inability of models without such rigidities 
to fit the data). However, it is my distinct impression that there is still a large 
gulf between practitioners of the different schools. In this sense I think that macro 
is still quite fragmented. Talking about paradigms and paradigm shifts obscures what I 
think is the real dynamic. In the 70s and early 80s a confluence of forces including 
the difficulty Keynesians had with stagflation, but more importantly the internal 
drive of the profession to insist on tight connections between rational actor models 
and empirical research, led academic economists to abandon the old tradition of 
approximating the macro economy with linear equations meant to captur!
e the behavior of different markets without explicit micro foundations. Starting in 
some sense with the failure of rational 

RE: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-03 Thread Fred Foldvary
--- Grey Thomas [EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:
 First off, if macro is at all close to a science,
 there should be near unanimity, among macro experts, 

Is there unanimity among anthropologists and biologists and physicists and
medical researchers?

Fred Foldvary

=
[EMAIL PROTECTED]




Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-03 Thread Fred Foldvary
   Also, almost all the profession 
 will now also agree that ... a large fraction of what 
 we call business cycles are the natural responses of an economy to real 
 shocks.  
 Alex

Would that fraction include the downturn that followed the 1990s
techno-boom, the recession having begun before the Sept. 11 shock?

Fred Foldvary

=
[EMAIL PROTECTED]




Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-03 Thread fabio guillermo rojas

On Mon, 3 Feb 2003, William Dickens wrote:
 That is not what I meant. Of course there is. Its thermodynamics.
 However, to an outsider it looks to impose about as much structure on
 weather modeling as the notion of general equilibrium imposes on
 macro-modeling - - that is that the devil is in the details, big
 models can be less informative than the careful eye of a specialist in

Thermo, by itself, is not an example of a paradigm for meteorology. A
paradigm, in Kuhn's sense, is (a) a theory, (b) empirical observations
that are predicted by the theory, (c) the acceptance of the theory by most
practitioners in the field, who use the theory to resolve new cases. The
empirical results are the blueprint for future research. It seems that
thermo is simply a rule for constructing paradigms within meteorology -
i.e., any paradigm must not contradict thermo. Kind of like any macro
theory must have correct microfoundations. 

Of course, I can't say if your depiction of meteorology is accurate, but
we can ask if macro satisfies (a)-(c). 

Is there currently a widely accpeted theory whose legitimacy rests on the
successful prediction of a specific business cycle? 

Is that theory the blueprint for most work in macro?

Alex says yes, there is a widely accepted theory, and Brookings Bill
Dickens says no. But neither person has provided the model achievement -
the business cycle or other economic phenomena whose successful prediction
by the theory legitimizes is position as a dominant macro-economic theory.

Is there any such empirical example? The stagflation episode overturned
the old theory, but is there a new theory that uses stagflation as its
main example?

 Some core parts of physics deal with complexity -  how about statistical
 mechanics? Is there a macro counterpart to statistical mechanics?
 
 Not sure what you mean by this, but I suspect that is exactly what the
 stochastic mechanics of the typical general equilibrium model is
 about.

Adressing the idea that complexity undermines attempts at econ's Kuhnian
development as a science, I was simply pointing out that some parts of
physics deal with complex systems but still have Kuhn style
paradigms. Statistical mechanics is one such example: theory behavior
gases - a complex system - has dominant theories. The theory of phase
transitions might be another example.

 But you miss my point. I'm arguing that the phenomena
 physicists study at the core of the discipline are amenable to
 sufficiently exact theory and exact measurement that you can have
 decisive paradigm shifts driven by anomalous research results.
 Economic theory is not as precise so measurement can't provide the
 sort of strong evidence that one sees in core physics.

Fair enough. Measurement definitely would preclude anamoly driven change
because adherent of a theory could always claim that measurements do not
capture the real story.

[clipped a long discussion on recent history of macro]

 economics. If you mean neo or new-Keynesians then the differences
 between them and new-classicals (the heirs to 60s monetarism) is minor
 compared to their differences with Austrians or post-Keynesians. But
 so what? Post Keynesians and modern Austrians play absolutely no roll
 William T. Dickens

The point of the thread - at least my goal - was to assess Kuhn's
model. If it is indeed the case that general equilibria theory is the
paradigm for macro,  then schools of economics that reject gen equi. would
small time players in the field. So  gen eq succeeds as a paradigm because
Austrians and post-Keynesians are marginal. 

However, to satisfy Kuhn's definition of paradigm, there has to also be a
classic example and future research has to be derived from the example.
I don't know macro well enough to judge, but so far no one has given me an
example such an empirical prediction. Altough we know stagflation led to
the revision of a given research tradition.

Fabio





Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-02 Thread fabio guillermo rojas

IIUC, macro was characterized by multiple schools but there was an
outstanding critique that the micro picture was flawed or asbent, which
served to undermine one popular school. The anomaly didn't serve to usher
in a new macro, but unravel some old science, which still has adherents in
a modified version. The new macro is still fragmented and there is no
consensus yet. Sounds like an example of science as muddling through. Or
in Kuhn's terminology, macro is pre-science - a stage where there is no
central idea providing coherence for macro. Fabio 

On Sat, 1 Feb 2003, William Dickens wrote:

 None of the above. Macro was already fragmented and remained fragmented after the 
70s. Hard core monetarism probably did pick-up some adherents due to the events of 
the 70s, but the internal dynamic of the profession - - the relentless march of the 
rational actor model into all aspects of the work of economists - - was probably only 
speeded by these events. What stagflation did was convince people of the correctness 
of the Friedman/Lucas critique. This set nearly everyone off on a much more 
determined search for micro foundations for macro theory. I'll go out on a limb and 
say we still haven't gotten there. Thus Keynesian theory is still taught to 
undergraduates and it is what is behind most commercial forecasting models (though 
they may have some new-classical tweaks here and there). This is why I don't think 
this was a paradigm shift in the sense of Kuhn because there was no alternative 
paradigm to take the place of the Keynesian model. — Bill Dickens
 
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] 02/01/03 02:06PM 
 
 What would be the most accurare description of the economic profession's
 response to stagflation:
 
 1) Everybody dropped Keynesianism and adopted a new model (monetarism?).
 
 2) Macroeconomics broke up into competing schools, with different concepts
 and theories.
 
 3) Keynesians kept going, but new economists adopted one or more models.
 
 Fabio 
 
 
 
 





Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-02 Thread William Dickens
For the most part a fair summary of what I wrote, but I'm not sure that macro is in a 
pre-scientific state. That's giving both too much and too little credit to the current 
state of macro. Pre-science implies that eventually there will be a unified 
scientific theory. For all the various reasons identified in past discussions of 
social vs. physical science I doubt that social science will ever look like physics. I 
suspect that we will always be muddling through. When systems reach a certain degree 
of complexity we have to deal with partial abstractions of the system and in the case 
of macro-economics I'm convinced that they are inherently seriously inadequate. They 
will always leave room for judgement and expert knowledge in their interpretation. On 
the other hand, I think there is fairly wide agreement on the framework that one 
should use to think about problems in macro-economics. Everybody in main stream 
economic thinking about macro-problems has a general equilibrium model with capital 
markets, labor markets, and money markets in mind. The specifics of how some of those 
markets should be represented and what the rationale is for the representations used 
is the main items for debate. - - Bill Dickens


 [EMAIL PROTECTED] 02/02/03 01:48AM 

IIUC, macro was characterized by multiple schools but there was an
outstanding critique that the micro picture was flawed or asbent, which
served to undermine one popular school. The anomaly didn't serve to usher
in a new macro, but unravel some old science, which still has adherents in
a modified version. The new macro is still fragmented and there is no
consensus yet. Sounds like an example of science as muddling through. Or
in Kuhn's terminology, macro is pre-science - a stage where there is no
central idea providing coherence for macro. Fabio 

On Sat, 1 Feb 2003, William Dickens wrote:

 None of the above. Macro was already fragmented and remained fragmented after the 
70s. Hard core monetarism probably did pick-up some adherents due to the events of 
the 70s, but the internal dynamic of the profession - - the relentless march of the 
rational actor model into all aspects of the work of economists - - was probably only 
speeded by these events. What stagflation did was convince people of the correctness 
of the Friedman/Lucas critique. This set nearly everyone off on a much more 
determined search for micro foundations for macro theory. I'll go out on a limb and 
say we still haven't gotten there. Thus Keynesian theory is still taught to 
undergraduates and it is what is behind most commercial forecasting models (though 
they may have some new-classical tweaks here and there). This is why I don't think 
this was a paradigm shift in the sense of Kuhn because there was no alternative 
paradigm to take the place of the Keynesian model. ù Bill Dickens
 
  [EMAIL PROTECTED] 02/01/03 02:06PM 
 
 What would be the most accurare description of the economic profession's
 response to stagflation:
 
 1) Everybody dropped Keynesianism and adopted a new model (monetarism?).
 
 2) Macroeconomics broke up into competing schools, with different concepts
 and theories.
 
 3) Keynesians kept going, but new economists adopted one or more models.
 
 Fabio 
 
 
 
 







Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-02 Thread Alex Tabarrok
I think that today there is a unified macro (Bill recognized that saying 
there wasn't was going out on a limb).  Macro is now in a period of 
normal science.  The profession has decided that the corect way to do 
macro is using a stochastic dynamic general equilibrium model.  Some 
people include sticky prices in such models and others do not but either 
approach is well within the mainstream.  Also, almost all the profession 
will now also agree that sticky prices or not a large fraction of what 
we call business cycles are the natural responses of an economy to real 
shocks.  

Although stagflation opened the door to new ideas what has driven 
the process more than anything is the internal dynamic to make macro 
models more micro-based.

Alex

--
Alexander Tabarrok 
Department of Economics, MSN 1D3 
George Mason University 
Fairfax, VA, 22030 
Tel. 703-993-2314

Web Page: http://mason.gmu.edu/~atabarro/ 

and 

Director of Research 
The Independent Institute 
100 Swan Way 
Oakland, CA, 94621 
Tel. 510-632-1366 






Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-02 Thread fabio guillermo rojas

Well maybe macro *is* in a scientific state, from your description.
Sticking to Kuhn's terminology, normal scientific activity occurs when
scientists use existing models to solve outstanding issues. From one
perspective, maco is organized around general equilibria, and the fighting
is over the details of money, capital and labor markets, as you
describe. The situation is similar in many branches of physics - people
often accept very broad ideas (Newton's mechanics) and then squabble over
details, which may seem huge to insiders, but small to outsiders.

Also: I've never bought the whole social science is too complex argument
for why economics and physical science differ. A lot of the life and
physical sciences deal with complex systems - ever study turbulence
theory?  It's prettty friggin' hard and complex. Or ecology - lot's of
interrelated parts. But we still consider them sciences.

Fabio 

 in macro-economics. Everybody in main stream economic thinking about
 macro-problems has a general equilibrium ! model with capital markets,
 labor markets, and money markets in mind. The specifics of how some of
 those markets should be represented and what the rationale is for the
 representations used is the main items for debate. - - Bill Dickens





Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-02 Thread fabio guillermo rojas


On Sun, 2 Feb 2003, William Dickens wrote:

 don't fit easily into Kuhn's categories.  We're in the same situation
 as meteorology (only worse because our subjects have minds of their
 own). We know that weather systems are chaotic and therefore
 unpredictable beyond very limited time frames. Same for economics.

I'm actually not a Kuhnian on these issues, but I am trying to see how far
Kuhn's theory goes in accurately describing economic research. Is it
really true that there aren't reigning paradigms in meteorology? I should
note that experimental econ seems to be developing in a very Kuhnian
fashion.

 the hallmark of modern physics. Sure there are physical problems where
 chaos and complexity cause the same sorts of problems that economists
 have dealing with the economy, but they aren't at the core of the
 discipline the way they are in economics. Thus I think that a lot of

Some core parts of physics deal with complexity -  how about statistical
mechanics? Is there a macro counterpart to statistical mechanics?

 Finally, You and Alex both seem to want to classify the state of
 modern macro as normal science. Personally, I think that the
 differences between the different approaches within macro are much
 more profound than either of you apparently do. Although everybody

Is the difference between monetarists and post-Keynesians smaller than
between post-Keynseians and Austrians? Austrians don't even accept
equilibira theory as a starting point of economic analysis.

Fabio 





Re: Questions about the stagflation episode...

2003-02-01 Thread William Dickens
None of the above. Macro was already fragmented and remained fragmented after the 70s. 
Hard core monetarism probably did pick-up some adherents due to the events of the 70s, 
but the internal dynamic of the profession - - the relentless march of the rational 
actor model into all aspects of the work of economists - - was probably only speeded 
by these events. What stagflation did was convince people of the correctness of the 
Friedman/Lucas critique. This set nearly everyone off on a much more determined search 
for micro foundations for macro theory. I'll go out on a limb and say we still haven't 
gotten there. Thus Keynesian theory is still taught to undergraduates and it is what 
is behind most commercial forecasting models (though they may have some new-classical 
tweaks here and there). This is why I don't think this was a paradigm shift in the 
sense of Kuhn because there was no alternative paradigm to take the place of the 
Keynesian model. — Bill Dickens

 [EMAIL PROTECTED] 02/01/03 02:06PM 

What would be the most accurare description of the economic profession's
response to stagflation:

1) Everybody dropped Keynesianism and adopted a new model (monetarism?).

2) Macroeconomics broke up into competing schools, with different concepts
and theories.

3) Keynesians kept going, but new economists adopted one or more models.

Fabio