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The Inquisition in Alabama 
By Susan Dunn 


(2003-08-27) WILLIAMSTOWN, MASS. - In 1784, Patrick Henry, then a
Virginia legislator, proposed a bill that imposed a moderate annual tax
on all citizens of Virginia for the support of the Christian religion.
When he read the bill, James Madison saw red. For Madison, Henry's bill
spelled the beginning of a new Inquisition.
"Distant as [the bill] may be, in its present form, from the
Inquisition," he wrote, "it differs from it only in degree. The one is
the first step, the other the last in the career of intolerance."

Unlike some Americans today who applaud monuments of the Ten Commandments
on state property that sanctify the Judeo-Christian tradition, Madison
was adamant that Christian religion deserved no privileged status
whatsoever; to single out one religion, he wrote, "degrades from the
equal rank of Citizens" all those who have a different sense of the
divine. "Who does not see," he asked in 1785, "that the same authority
which can establish Christianity, in exclusion of all other Religions,
may establish with the same ease any particular sect of Christianity, in
exclusion of all other Sects?"

Indeed, for Madison, freedom of religion was the foundation of all other
rights. When he first proposed a bill of rights to Congress in June 1789,
he underscored freedom of conscience: "The civil rights of none shall be
abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any
national religion be established, nor shall the full and equal rights of
conscience be in any manner, or on any pretext, abridged."

There was no murky area concerning the separation of church and state for
Madison: he saw only black and white. When he was president in 1811, as
his biographer Irving Brant reminds us, a bill came up to grant a certain
piece of land to a Baptist church in Mississippi; because of a surveying
error, the church had been built on federal land. Wasn't it fair to
rectify the error and give the church the land? Madison said no and
vetoed the bill. He saw a slippery slope and a dangerous precedent.

Madison even objected to chaplains in Congress who were paid out of the
federal taxes. The appointment of congressional chaplains, he wrote, was
"a palpable violation of equal rights" because it "shut the door of
worship against the members whose creeds and consciences forbid a
participation in that of the majority." Chaplains for the Army and Navy
fared no better in his mind. And yet, because chaplains in the Army and
Navy already existed, he thought the more prudent course was to leave
certain small matters alone. Nor did proclamations of thanksgiving meet
his test of separation of church and state for, he wrote, "they seem to
imply and certainly nourish the erroneous idea of a national religion."

Not all politicians or even presidents have understood Madison's intent -
not even his contemporary John Adams. In his inaugural speech in 1797,
President Adams addressed his words to all who "call themselves
Christians," and, at the close of his speech, declared that it was his
"duty" to end by reminding Americans that a "decent respect for
Christianity" was the best recommendation for public service.

But, he would later write - perhaps as apologetically: "Nothing is more
dreaded than the national government meddling with religion."

Eighteenth-century rationality is a hard act to follow. But Alabamians -
who have wrangled over a Ten Commandments monument in the state judicial
building - as well as the rest of Americans would do well to return to
the words of the founders for a cool lesson in the meaning of freedom of
conscience and tolerance.

------
"Religious bondage shackles and debilitates the
mind and unfits it for every noble enterprise, every
expanded project." - James Madison

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