Remember Israel bombing Syria? An official says, 
"[I]f people had known how close we came to world war three that day there'd 
have been mass panic."http://tinyurl.com/yq79mk
http://mparent7777-2.blogspot.com/2007/12/remember-israel-bombing-syria-official.html

                        The Israelis truly are out of control maniacs. Are you 
going to let them kill us all?
---

the spectator
Talkin' World War IIIThe return of the repressed.By Ron Rosenbaum

Updated  Thursday, Nov. 29, 2007, at 6:07 PM ET 
---------------------------------
Could we have a little talk about World War III? It's back again, that phrase, 
and it doesn't look like it's going to go away soon.
This past month may be remembered as the one when World War III broke out. Not 
the thing itself, obviously, but the concept, the memory, the nightmare, which 
had been buried in the basement of our cultural consciousness since the end of 
the Cold War. The beast suddenly broke out of the basement and it's in our face 
again. The return of the repressed. 
There was George Bush's Oct. 17 warning that "if you're interested in avoiding 
World War III," you ought to worry about the prospect of Iranian nukes. Many 
found the phrase jolting, coming out of the blue. First, because it had not 
been in widespread use, certainly not from a White House podium, and second 
because "World War III" generally connotes a global nuclear war, while Bush was 
speaking about regional scenarios involving Iran and Israel. Why the sudden 
rhetorical escalation?
Especially coming from the man who has the "nuclear football," the black 
briefcase with the Emergency War Orders, always by his side, and enough 
megatonnage at his disposal to threaten the existence of the entire human race. 
Then, a few days after Bush's Oct. 17 shocker, I came upon a less widely 
noticed, perhaps even more ominous quote, originally published two weeks 
earlier in London's usually reliable Spectator, in a story about the Sept. 6 
Israeli raid on that alleged Syrian nuclear facility. A quote from a "very 
senior British ministerial source" contending, "[I]f people had known how close 
we came to world war three that day there'd have been mass panic." Here, it 
wasn't Bush theorizing about the future; it was a responsible official saying 
we'd already come close to Armageddon.
And then there was the "mistake" that came to light about the same time as the 
Israeli raid, the mistake in nuclear weapons handling, which allowed—for the 
first time in 40 years—six nuclear warheads to be flown over U.S. airspace, 
suspended from the wing of a long-range B-52 bomber en route from Minot, N.D., 
to Barksdale, La., a staging point for Mideast missions. And though the 
incident appears to have been an accident, it set off seething blogospheric 
speculation about its connection to the Israeli raid, and a prospective U.S. 
raid on Iran. Could it have been a signal of sorts? Even if it was a simple 
error, the unauthorized flight of the exposed nukes betrayed profound flaws in 
our control of our nuclear arsenal. Suddenly, the bombs that we knew, on some 
level, were there somewhere, were out in the open, waving: Hey, we're still 
here! 
And now we have the crisis in Pakistan, one that portends a nightmare scenario 
in which Pakistan's so-called "Islamic bomb" falls into the hands of al-Qaida 
sympathizers. Such an outcome would put us on a fast-track route to World War 
III, because logic would dictate an immediate attack on those Pakistani nukes 
before they could be dispersed or launched, and logic on the other side would 
dictate that their new possessors launch or disperse them as soon as possible 
under a "use it or lose it" threat. 
Finally, there was the almost unprecedented declassification of an element of 
the U.S. nuclear war plan formerly known as the Strategic Integrated Operating 
Plan, now called OPLAN 8044. The heavily redacted document, obtained under the 
Freedom of Information Act by Hans M. Kristensen, a nuke specialist at the 
Federation of American Scientists, is almost completely blanked out, save for a 
few headings suggesting that we have off-the-shelf plans for nuking "regional" 
states, a phrase Kristensen believes applies to states that have weapons of 
mass destruction programs, such as North Korea and Iran. Soon, if not already, 
one can be sure, there will be "robust contingency plans" for Pakistan, as 
Martin Walker put it recently in the New York Times. 
And—as if demonstrating a kind of synchronicity in the collective 
unconscious—the cultural realm has begun to break out with World War III talk. 
We've had publication of two new books, Richard Rhodes' history of the Cold War 
nuclear arms race, Arsenals of Folly, which takes us up to 1986 and the failure 
of the superpowers to ban the bomb, and Jonathan Schell's utopian revival of 
the cause of nuclear abolitionism in The Seventh Decade. 
In somewhat less serious but no less noteworthy instances, this month has also 
seen the release of a deranged but somehow appealing film, Southland Tales, 
which envisions World War III beginning with a nuclear attack on Abilene, 
Texas. Add to that the prerelease announcement of Tom Clancy's EndWar, a World 
War III video game ("for advanced systems only"). And, oh, yes, the folk singer 
at the Atlantic magazine's anniversary party and his World War III ballad. 
(I'll get to that.) 
World War III hasn't broken out, but an apprehensive foreboding about it 
certainly has. Of course, World War III has never gone away, in the sense that 
there are some 500 Minuteman missiles alone, lurking out there in underground 
silos below the northern great plains; all of them, according to Kristensen, 
"on high alert"—meaning ready to fire on command in 15 minutes or less—and many 
more on submarines and ready to load on bombers. They're no longer targeted on 
the former Soviet Union but are easily re-targetable. 
As the saying goes, nuclear war has until recently been "forgotten but not 
gone," the ghost at the feast. First, there was the decade-long "holiday from 
history," from the fall of the Wall to the fall of the Twin Towers. And then a 
different kind of nightmare supplanted nuclear war, the one that went by the 
name "the next 9/11." 
Let's pause here for a bit of comparative nightmare-ology. Not to diminish the 
horror of a "next 9/11," but 3,000 died that day. At the height of the Cold 
War, the estimate for the number of killed in a U.S.-USSR nuclear war ranged 
from a low of 200 million to a high of everyone, the death of the human species 
from an Earth made uninhabitable by nuclear winter. Or, as one nuclear 
strategist once memorably put it, "the death of consciousness." 
It didn't happen back then, in part, we now know, because of blind luck 
(misleading radar warnings on both sides that could have been, but weren't, 
taken as signals for launch). And because back then, despite the madness of 
Mutually Assured Destruction deterrence doctrine, there were only two main 
players, both semirational monoliths with an interest in their own survival. 
Now, there are at least eight nuclear nations and who knows how many "nonstate 
actors," as the euphemism for terrorist groups goes. And some of these nonstate 
actors have adopted an ideology of suicidal martyrdom, even when it comes to 
nukes, and thus can't be deterred by the reciprocal threat of death. 
That's what's so sad about Jonathan Schell's admirable, idealistic book. He 
wants to believe that the genie can be put back in the bottle, that we can 
unring the bell, and, if not "disinvent" nuclear weapons, then make them 
disappear with well-meaning treaties. And yet, in the beginning of his book, he 
makes what seems like an irrefutable case that the end of his book—a plea for 
total abolition of nuclear weapons—seems to ignore. 
At the beginning of the book he notes that, yes, nuclear weapons can be 
destroyed, disabled, and decommissioned, but never disinvented. 
Ballistic-missile disarmament is relatively easy to monitor because missiles 
are so large. But bombs are different. Once information on how to make them 
gets out there, no matter what efforts good people employ to make them go away, 
bad people will keep building them. There is no foolproof inspection regime 
that wouldn't involve panopticonlike total surveillance of every human being on 
the planet to prevent what's known in the arms control trade as the "break-out" 
scenario, in which a group or nation takes advantage of a nuclear-disarmed 
world by assembling bombs clandestinely, and then putting their nuclear 
superiority to use.
In other words, I hate to say it this way, but if nuclear arms are outlawed, 
only outlaws will have nuclear arms. Even gun-control advocates, and I am one, 
don't believe that the abolition of all guns is possible or necessarily 
desirable. An outlaw with a gun can rob a gas station. If nukes are outlawed, 
an outlaw with nukes can rule or destroy the world, or blackmail it at the very 
least. Do we want a world where the only nondisarmed nuclear power is al-Qaida? 
What's to prevent such an outcome in the abolitionist scheme? 
I don't want to be alarmist (actually I do, or rather I'd like you to share my 
sense of alarm), but I'm surprised there isn't a greater sense of concern about 
those Pakistani nukes. Forget Iran and Israel (Bush's hypothetical route to 
World War III). Pakistani nukes now represent the quickest shortcut to a 
regional nuclear war that could escalate to a global nuclear war. 
The instability of the Musharraf regime and uncertainty about its control of 
its "Islamic bomb"—actually an arsenal of nukes, including, reportedly, the 
long-range missiles they can be mounted on—has been a particular concern since 
9/11. The key "unknown unknown" in the decision to invade Afghanistan was 
whether the considerable bloc of radical Islamist Taliban (if not al-Qaida) 
sympathizers within the Pakistani military and its notorious intelligence 
service, the ISI (which in fact helped create al-Qaida), would destabilize the 
Musharraf government. 
We dodged a bullet then. But now the once-shaky Musharraf regime is on the 
brink of collapse. Musharraf has survived assassination attempts before, and 
there is little likelihood that the forces behind those attempts have a 
diminished appetite for his demise, literal or political.
And consider this: In recent years entire regions of Pakistan have become safe 
havens for al-Qaida and (quite likely) Osama. Is it not possible that instead 
of pursuing elaborate schemes to buy nukes on the black market or smuggle an 
improvised radioactive "dirty bomb" into the United States, al-Qaida has been 
biding its time, burrowing its way into Pakistan, waiting for the Islamic bomb 
to drop into Bin Laden's lap? (I know: not a great choice of metaphor.) Because 
he thinks long term, he doesn't have to try to scrounge up some "loose nuke" 
from the former Soviet "stans"; he can just wait. He's one coup—or one 
bullet—away from being handed the keys to an entire arsenal of nuclear weapons. 
Those keys: Throughout the years since 9/11, when Pakistan was supposedly our 
valiant ally against terrorism, various leaks and hints have offered false 
reassurances that the United States had in some way "secured" the Pakistani 
nuclear arsenal. That we were virtually in the control rooms with a hand on the 
switch. 
But then, in the wake of the new threats to Musharraf's precarious regime, came 
the New York Times front-pager on Nov. 18 (one month after Bush's "World War 
III" pronouncement in the White House) on the nature of U.S. "control" over 
Pakistani nukes. The Times had held this story for more than three years at the 
behest of the Bush administration. This time, when discussion of the issue in 
Pakistan became more public in the midst of the crisis and the Times told the 
administration it wanted to publish, the White House withdrew its request for a 
hold. If people in the administration withdrew their request because they 
thought the story would be in any way reassuring, they are, to put it mildly, 
out of their minds.
The rumors circulating that the United States was somehow in Pakistani launch 
control rooms, presumably exercising some control, turn out to be—the Times 
story revealed—wishful thinking. In fact, the American efforts appear to have 
been aimed at preventing an "unauthorized" launch, a scenario in which al-Qaida 
or some terrorist group steals a weapon and tries to use it.
But the real danger is not "unauthorized" launches but unwelcome "authorized" 
ones. The real worry is what happens when Musharraf falls, which seems at least 
a good possibility. What happens if the authority to authorize a launch falls 
into the hands of either al-Qaida-sympathizer elements in the military and 
intelligence service or, worst case, al-Qaida itself? After all, polls in 
Pakistan have consistently shown Bin Laden to be more popular than Musharraf. 
From a cave to a nuclear control room is not an utterly unforeseeable 
nightmare. 
I think this is the urgent debate question that should be posed to both 
parties' candidates. What happens if Pakistan falls into the hands of 
al-Qaida-inclined elements? What happens if Musharraf hands over the launch 
authorization codes before he's beheaded? 
Don't kid yourself: At this very moment, there's a high probability that this 
scenario is being wargamed incessantly in the defense and intelligence 
ministries of every nuclear nation, most particularly the United States, 
Russia, and Israel.
War is just a shot away, a well-aimed shot at Musharraf. But World War III? Not 
inevitably. Still, in any conflict involving nukes, the steps from regional to 
global can take place in a flash. The new "authorized" users of the Islamic 
bomb fire one or more at Israel, which could very well retaliate against 
Islamic capitals and perhaps bring retaliation upon itself from Russia, which 
may have undeclared agreements with Iran, for instance, that calls for such 
action if the Iranians are attacked. 
If Pakistan is the most immediate threat, U.S., Israeli, and Iranian 
hostilities over Iranian bomb-making may be the most likely to go global. That 
may have been what the "very senior" British official was talking about when he 
said the Israeli raid on Syria brought us "close ... to a third world war." 
Iranian radar could easily have interpreted the Israeli planes as having its 
nuclear facilities as their target. On Nov. 21, Aviation Week reported online 
that the United States participated in some way in the Israeli raid by 
providing Israel information about Syrian air defenses. And Yossi Melman, the 
intelligence correspondent with Haaretz, reported a few days later 
that—according to an Israeli defense specialist—the raid wasn't about a nuclear 
reactor but something more "nasty and vicious," a plutonium assembly plant 
where plutonium, presumably from North Korea, was being processed into Syrian 
bombs. 
Hans Kristensen, a highly knowledgeable and low-key observer of these matters, 
told me the whole thing still seems "murky" to him, which is not a good sign. 
I don't want to spoil your day, but all of this has spoiled mine, so I want to 
share, if you know what I mean. Since the "holiday from history," we have never 
been in greater danger of a nuclear breakout. 
Which brings me to the folk singer at the Atlantic's anniversary party. The 
party has become somewhat famous or infamous, but the high point for me was not 
the attractive contortionist writhing around at the lip of the stage; for me, 
it was hearing—in the midst of all my World War III maunderings—the folk singer 
they hired bust out with a World War III ballad. 
Only, he didn't call it "World War III." He called it "World War Ay Ay Ay" (as 
in I I I, get it?). It lacked the black humor of Dylan's Cuban Missile 
Crisis-era ode, "Talkin' World War III Blues," but it was pretty dead-on: 
perhaps a bit maudlin, but sadly all too appropriate.
Ay, ay, ay, indeed.
Ron Rosenbaum is the author of The Shakespeare Wars and Explaining Hitler.
             
                                     Posted by           CRIMES AND CORRUPTION 
OF THE NEW WORLD ORDER NEWS mparent7777 Marc Parent CCNWON                      
              at                    11:45 AM 0 comments                         
                                      Links to this post                        
                                                                                
                                                                                
                                              
                                   Labels:                        Israel,       
                 Nuclear Weapons,                        Syria


CRIMES AND CORRUPTIONS OF THE NEW WORLD ORDER NEWSWIRE - DECEMBER 1, 2007
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