More Mexican election info. Please forward widely.
Many more details of corruption, fraud, theft, irregularities, etc. .
Many Spanish-language sources listed at the end.
It is important to know the pure evil ingenuity of the
international Axis of Evil. Consisting of cross-border multi-national corporatists,
international Axis of Evil. Consisting of cross-border multi-national corporatists,
their hired government suits, Big Media, and the prison industrial police state.
NarcoNews.com has been documenting the incredible police brutality in the
last few months in Mexico.
http://www.narconews.com
http://www.narconews.com
From the article below:
"Takahasi's findings coincide with an initial analysis by the Mexican election watchdog group Civic Alliance that revealed a pattern of more votes for senators than for president in states where Lopez Obrador had
strength, and more votes for president than for senator in states where Calderon enjoyed popular support. In the Lopez Obrador strongholds, 312,450 more votes for senators than president were tallied, while in the pro-Calderon zones, 403,740 more votes for president than senators were tabulated."
-------------article begins---------------
Mexicos Election Results Challenged by AMLO
Frontera NorteSur [ http://frontera.nmsu.edu ]
Registering second place in Mexicos official vote count, presidential candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) of the center-left For the Good of All Coalition, led by the Democratic Revolution Party, intends to challenge the election results. Lopez Obrador announced on July 6 that he will
ask Mexico's Federal Electoral Tribunal (TEPJF, aka TRIFE) to review the election results that gave rival candidate Felipe Calderon of President Fox's National Action Party (PAN) a majority of slightly more than one quarter-million votes.
"We can't accept these results. There are many irregularities," Lopez Obrador declared. "I don't know of any place in the world with such a competitive election where the count is done in 24 hours and than sent to the tribunals." According to Lopez Obrador campaign coordinator Ricardo Monreal, the presidential hopeful seeks a "vote-by-vote, precinct-by-precinct" recount.
The Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), Mexico's government agency that organized and oversaw the elections, reports that Calderon chalked up 15,284,000 votes to obtain 35.88 percent of the total ballots cast, while Lopez Obrador got 14,756,350 votes, or 35.31 percent of the total. The two candidates were trailed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (PRI) Roberto Madrazo, Patricia Mercado and Roberto Campa, in that order. Lopez Obrador backers are openly charging the election was a fraud.
Elements of Lopez Obrador's pending legal challenge were laid out at a July 5 press conference in Mexico City attended by leaders of the former Mexico City mayor's electoral coalition. In a strong statement, Leonel Cota, national president of Lopez Obrador's PRD, alleged "a state election" was manipulated by "the group in power that seeks to hold power at all costs because their interests are at risk."
Building their case, Cota, other leaders of the PRD ,and the allied Labor party contended that more votes than voters were registered at 781 precincts. Also more votes than ballots were counted in 52,000 electoral tallies and, strangely, voter turnout in some places exceeded 100 percent. Lopez Obrador supporter Gerardo Fernandez said impossible turnouts occurred in the states of Tamaulipas, Sinaloa, Jalisco, and Guanajuato, among others all Calderon strongholds.
Adding that the Lopez Obrador campaign had contacted the European Union with its concerns, Cota said his campaign was soliciting international organisms to request that Mexico's Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) "clean-up the election" so that the next Mexican president is "not illegitimate like Carlos Salinas de Gortari was after 1988."
Under fire for his agency's handling of the preliminary vote results, and then speeding along the official results, IFE President Luis Carlos Ugalde defended the July 2 voting as "a clean and transparent election." Ugalde said, "The citizens have manifested their will by a very narrow margin never before seen in Mexico. It's the most competitive presidential election in the history of Mexico." In a public statement just prior to the vote count, the IFE assured it would scrupulously follow all the legal conditions laid out for vote counting.
In one victory speech, Felipe Calderon sounded conciliatory but his supporters booed when the virtual president-elect mentioned Andres Manuel Lopez Obradors name. Repeating a mantra from the campaign, and one that is fast reemerging in the press as protests against the election mount, Calderon made a curious reference to a supposedly violent opposition that virtually any journalist would have been hard-pressed to find during the long election race.
"The peaceful force expressed at the polls won over the violent option of the opposition," Calderon said. He then urged all the political parties and their leaders to explore "the road of understanding."
Despite the pending legal challenge to his victory, coupled with the fact that Calderon's victory has even yet to be initially recognized by the TEPFJ, Calderon received congratulatory calls on July 7 from US President George W. Bush, and the heads-of-state of Canada and Spain. Mexican dailies like Reforma headlined the phone calls in their subsequent editions.
Irregularities, Aggressions Charged
A growing number of press accounts from some international observers report election irregularities in many different regions of Mexico. In some cases, registered voters were denied the right to vote after being told their names did not appear on polling station lists. Frequently, large numbers of people were turned away from special precincts because of ballot limitations, and completed ballots were found thrown in the garbage outside Mexico City.
In the midst of reporting on alleged cases of vote-buying, armed intimidation and the mass transport of voters to the polls in Tamaulipas state, Arturo Solis, the editor of the Reynosa-based Internet portal enlineadirecta.info, denounced that his website was hacked and the information contained in it destroyed on Election Day. On Friday, July 7, Lopez Obrador's official web site also was reported hacked in the early morning hours.
According to Cuauhtemoc Sandoval Ramirez, a former senator and PRD deputy-elect from Guerrero, two PRD election officials were murdered in a still unclear attack that occurred in a narco-infested region of his state. Sandoval told Frontera NorteSur that at least 250 PRD members have been murdered in Guerrero since the party was founded in 1989. The murders remain unpunished, he added.
The non-profit, California-based Global Exchange sponsored a delegation of 25 international observers that observed the election in Mexico, Oaxaca and San Luis Potosi states. Global Exchange observers documented possible cases of vote-buying by the PRI and PAN political parties, illegal confiscations of voter identification cards, ballot shortages at special precincts and, in Chimihulalcan, Mexico state, a town that has suffered a recent wave of femicide, heated conflict between an IFE official and PRI members.
While stating that delegation members were impressed with "the hard work, good humor, patriotism and commitment to democracy" of Mexicans from many walks of life who were involved in the election process, a draft Global Exchange report contended that "electoral fraud in the form of (coercion) and vote-buying continues to a problem in many areas of Mexico. "Structural problems in conducting elections, stated the report, "continue to impede the full transparency and accountability necessary for functional democracy."
In Mexico City, Global Exchange delegation member Yuriko Takahasi, a professor of political science at the University of Kobe in Japan, randomly examined the preliminary results of the IFE's District One for senatorial and presidential candidates. Out of 400 precincts in the district, Takahasi found that results for the presidential election were missing from 9 precincts, and the results for senators missing from 5 precincts.
Takahasi's findings coincide with an initial analysis by the Mexican election watchdog group Civic Alliance that revealed a pattern of more votes for senators than for president in states where Lopez Obrador had strength, and more votes for president than for senator in states where Calderon enjoyed popular support. In the Lopez Obrador strongholds, 312,450 more votes for senators than president were tallied, while in the pro-Calderon zones, 403,740 more votes for president than senators were tabulated.
In an interview with Frontera NorteSur, Takahasi cautioned against making a rush to judgment. "I don't think that we can simply conclude from these findings that these are the consequences of an intentional manipulation," she said. "This might be just a miscalculation or something wrong with the counting process this kind of problem could be found across the country, right? That's why I think that recounting at the precinct level would be important."
The discrepancy discovered by Takahasi was a very curious one, since Mexican voters in federal elections are given three separate paper ballots to cross out: one for senators, one for federal deputies, and one for president. If a voter does not cast one of the ballots, it means that the paper ballot was either thrown away, tucked away somewhere by precinct or district officials, or perhaps blown away in the wind all difficult propositions given the careful vigilance election authorities and political parties now claim exists.
Speaking to reporters in Mexico City, Ted Lewis, the coordinator of the Global Exchange delegation, urged that all the election packets be opened and the votes counted individually. Comparing the situation facing Mexico to the 2000 Florida presidential election between George W. Bush and Al Gore, Lewis said, "The experience we had in the United States with the 2000 election makes it necessary to take time in this process."
The North is Painted Blue
If the TEPJF turns down Lopez Obrador's challenge and approves Calderon's victory, the northern border states will have played key roles in the 43-year-old candidate's triumph. Official results show the PAN's blue color splashing Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas, as well as the PAN-dominated Bajio region of central Mexico that includes the country's second largest city, Guadalajara. A bastion of conservatism and ultra-right movements, the Bajio was the center of the Catholic Cristero revolt of the 1920s.
Not only did the PAN take Sonora and Nuevo Leon in the federal elections for president and congressional representatives, but the center-right party dominated state elections in the two border states as well. PAN candidates won the mayoral races for the Sonoran border cities of San Luis Rio Colorado and Nogales, while the PRI recovered the state capital of Hermosillo and came out on top in the border town of Agua Prieta. In Nuevo Leon, home of the important industrial city of Monterrey, the PAN won 16 of the 26 state legislative districts, and 16 municipal governments.
In a not so surprising development, the PAN scored victories in cosmopolitan Monterrey and surrounding areas, while the PRI's triumphs were concentrated in mostly rural, traditional strongholds. Remaining a marginal force in Nuevo Leon politics, the PRD nevertheless quintupled its vote percentage from a previous 2 percent share to 10 percent, thus netting a small regional gain that reflected the party's surge nationally.
"We can't accept these results. There are many irregularities," Lopez Obrador declared. "I don't know of any place in the world with such a competitive election where the count is done in 24 hours and than sent to the tribunals." According to Lopez Obrador campaign coordinator Ricardo Monreal, the presidential hopeful seeks a "vote-by-vote, precinct-by-precinct" recount.
The Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), Mexico's government agency that organized and oversaw the elections, reports that Calderon chalked up 15,284,000 votes to obtain 35.88 percent of the total ballots cast, while Lopez Obrador got 14,756,350 votes, or 35.31 percent of the total. The two candidates were trailed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (PRI) Roberto Madrazo, Patricia Mercado and Roberto Campa, in that order. Lopez Obrador backers are openly charging the election was a fraud.
Elements of Lopez Obrador's pending legal challenge were laid out at a July 5 press conference in Mexico City attended by leaders of the former Mexico City mayor's electoral coalition. In a strong statement, Leonel Cota, national president of Lopez Obrador's PRD, alleged "a state election" was manipulated by "the group in power that seeks to hold power at all costs because their interests are at risk."
Building their case, Cota, other leaders of the PRD ,and the allied Labor party contended that more votes than voters were registered at 781 precincts. Also more votes than ballots were counted in 52,000 electoral tallies and, strangely, voter turnout in some places exceeded 100 percent. Lopez Obrador supporter Gerardo Fernandez said impossible turnouts occurred in the states of Tamaulipas, Sinaloa, Jalisco, and Guanajuato, among others all Calderon strongholds.
Adding that the Lopez Obrador campaign had contacted the European Union with its concerns, Cota said his campaign was soliciting international organisms to request that Mexico's Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) "clean-up the election" so that the next Mexican president is "not illegitimate like Carlos Salinas de Gortari was after 1988."
Under fire for his agency's handling of the preliminary vote results, and then speeding along the official results, IFE President Luis Carlos Ugalde defended the July 2 voting as "a clean and transparent election." Ugalde said, "The citizens have manifested their will by a very narrow margin never before seen in Mexico. It's the most competitive presidential election in the history of Mexico." In a public statement just prior to the vote count, the IFE assured it would scrupulously follow all the legal conditions laid out for vote counting.
In one victory speech, Felipe Calderon sounded conciliatory but his supporters booed when the virtual president-elect mentioned Andres Manuel Lopez Obradors name. Repeating a mantra from the campaign, and one that is fast reemerging in the press as protests against the election mount, Calderon made a curious reference to a supposedly violent opposition that virtually any journalist would have been hard-pressed to find during the long election race.
"The peaceful force expressed at the polls won over the violent option of the opposition," Calderon said. He then urged all the political parties and their leaders to explore "the road of understanding."
Despite the pending legal challenge to his victory, coupled with the fact that Calderon's victory has even yet to be initially recognized by the TEPFJ, Calderon received congratulatory calls on July 7 from US President George W. Bush, and the heads-of-state of Canada and Spain. Mexican dailies like Reforma headlined the phone calls in their subsequent editions.
Irregularities, Aggressions Charged
A growing number of press accounts from some international observers report election irregularities in many different regions of Mexico. In some cases, registered voters were denied the right to vote after being told their names did not appear on polling station lists. Frequently, large numbers of people were turned away from special precincts because of ballot limitations, and completed ballots were found thrown in the garbage outside Mexico City.
In the midst of reporting on alleged cases of vote-buying, armed intimidation and the mass transport of voters to the polls in Tamaulipas state, Arturo Solis, the editor of the Reynosa-based Internet portal enlineadirecta.info, denounced that his website was hacked and the information contained in it destroyed on Election Day. On Friday, July 7, Lopez Obrador's official web site also was reported hacked in the early morning hours.
According to Cuauhtemoc Sandoval Ramirez, a former senator and PRD deputy-elect from Guerrero, two PRD election officials were murdered in a still unclear attack that occurred in a narco-infested region of his state. Sandoval told Frontera NorteSur that at least 250 PRD members have been murdered in Guerrero since the party was founded in 1989. The murders remain unpunished, he added.
The non-profit, California-based Global Exchange sponsored a delegation of 25 international observers that observed the election in Mexico, Oaxaca and San Luis Potosi states. Global Exchange observers documented possible cases of vote-buying by the PRI and PAN political parties, illegal confiscations of voter identification cards, ballot shortages at special precincts and, in Chimihulalcan, Mexico state, a town that has suffered a recent wave of femicide, heated conflict between an IFE official and PRI members.
While stating that delegation members were impressed with "the hard work, good humor, patriotism and commitment to democracy" of Mexicans from many walks of life who were involved in the election process, a draft Global Exchange report contended that "electoral fraud in the form of (coercion) and vote-buying continues to a problem in many areas of Mexico. "Structural problems in conducting elections, stated the report, "continue to impede the full transparency and accountability necessary for functional democracy."
In Mexico City, Global Exchange delegation member Yuriko Takahasi, a professor of political science at the University of Kobe in Japan, randomly examined the preliminary results of the IFE's District One for senatorial and presidential candidates. Out of 400 precincts in the district, Takahasi found that results for the presidential election were missing from 9 precincts, and the results for senators missing from 5 precincts.
Takahasi's findings coincide with an initial analysis by the Mexican election watchdog group Civic Alliance that revealed a pattern of more votes for senators than for president in states where Lopez Obrador had strength, and more votes for president than for senator in states where Calderon enjoyed popular support. In the Lopez Obrador strongholds, 312,450 more votes for senators than president were tallied, while in the pro-Calderon zones, 403,740 more votes for president than senators were tabulated.
In an interview with Frontera NorteSur, Takahasi cautioned against making a rush to judgment. "I don't think that we can simply conclude from these findings that these are the consequences of an intentional manipulation," she said. "This might be just a miscalculation or something wrong with the counting process this kind of problem could be found across the country, right? That's why I think that recounting at the precinct level would be important."
The discrepancy discovered by Takahasi was a very curious one, since Mexican voters in federal elections are given three separate paper ballots to cross out: one for senators, one for federal deputies, and one for president. If a voter does not cast one of the ballots, it means that the paper ballot was either thrown away, tucked away somewhere by precinct or district officials, or perhaps blown away in the wind all difficult propositions given the careful vigilance election authorities and political parties now claim exists.
Speaking to reporters in Mexico City, Ted Lewis, the coordinator of the Global Exchange delegation, urged that all the election packets be opened and the votes counted individually. Comparing the situation facing Mexico to the 2000 Florida presidential election between George W. Bush and Al Gore, Lewis said, "The experience we had in the United States with the 2000 election makes it necessary to take time in this process."
The North is Painted Blue
If the TEPJF turns down Lopez Obrador's challenge and approves Calderon's victory, the northern border states will have played key roles in the 43-year-old candidate's triumph. Official results show the PAN's blue color splashing Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas, as well as the PAN-dominated Bajio region of central Mexico that includes the country's second largest city, Guadalajara. A bastion of conservatism and ultra-right movements, the Bajio was the center of the Catholic Cristero revolt of the 1920s.
Not only did the PAN take Sonora and Nuevo Leon in the federal elections for president and congressional representatives, but the center-right party dominated state elections in the two border states as well. PAN candidates won the mayoral races for the Sonoran border cities of San Luis Rio Colorado and Nogales, while the PRI recovered the state capital of Hermosillo and came out on top in the border town of Agua Prieta. In Nuevo Leon, home of the important industrial city of Monterrey, the PAN won 16 of the 26 state legislative districts, and 16 municipal governments.
In a not so surprising development, the PAN scored victories in cosmopolitan Monterrey and surrounding areas, while the PRI's triumphs were concentrated in mostly rural, traditional strongholds. Remaining a marginal force in Nuevo Leon politics, the PRD nevertheless quintupled its vote percentage from a previous 2 percent share to 10 percent, thus netting a small regional gain that reflected the party's surge nationally.
While many US media outlets are praising Calderon's declared victory, and assessing his election as an endorsement of the status quo, it should be noted that even the official vote figures show Calderon receiving about 700,000 less votes than fellow PAN member Vicente Fox did in 2000. On the other hand, the PRD's Lopez Obrador received more than twice the number of votes than the PRD's 2000 candidate, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas.
Dramatically, the July 2 election revealed a Mexican version of the so-called blue-red state split in the United States, with Calderon's strength generally concentrated in the northern border zone and in the Bajio, while Lopez Obrador dominated the south, Mexico City, Michoacan and Zacatecas. In one sense, the election results could be viewed as reflecting regional, ideological, class, ethnic, cultural, demographic, and economic polarizations persisting and evolving in Mexico. The big loser in this scenario is the centrist PRI, which suffered what virtually all analysts are calling a debacle.
What Next?
Lopez Obrador's campaign is expected to file its official challenge with the TEPJF very soon. Mexico's highest electoral authority will then have until early September to decide whether to validate the election or throw it out, an unprecedented decision that would mark a major constitutional test for Mexican democracy. Vowing to not give up the fight, Lopez Obrador and his supporters plan a major rally for Mexico City on July 8 to inform their base about alleged electoral irregularities and subsequent courses of action.
Meanwhile, a nervous calm has descended over the country as people wait to see what happens next. In recent days, the Mexican stock and peso markets, reacting in part to the election, have gone up and down with the latest twists in the news. Political pressures against an election challenge are growing, and some voices are warning of economic instability if a post-electoral conflict is allowed to ensue. At the end of the day, the TEPJF will have the choice of making an independent decision based on legal premises or conceding to other interests and considerations.
Additional sources: Reforma, July 8, 2006. Proceso/Apro, July 3 and 7, 2006. Articles by Jenaro Villamil, Jesusa Cervantes, and the editorial staff. La Jornada, July 3, 4 and 7, 2006. Articles by Jesus Aranda, Alonso Urrutia, Fabiola Martinez, and Enrique Galvan Ochoa. CNN en Español, July 7, 2006. Televisa, July 6, 2006. Oncenoticias, July 6, 2006. El Heraldo (Aguascalientes)/Agencia Reforma, July 3, 2006. La Cronica (San Luis Rio Colorado), July 3, 2006. Article by Santiago Barroso Alfaro and Juan Jose Razzo. Nuevo Dia (Nogales), July 3 and 4, 2006. enlineadirecta.info, July 3, 2004.
Frontera NorteSur (FNS)
Center for Latin American and Border Studies
New Mexico State University
Las Cruces, New Mexico
(Reprinted with authorization from Frontera NorteSur, a free, on-line, U.S.-Mexico border news source. FNS can be found at http://frontera.nmsu.edu/)
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Newsweek, Nov. 14, 2005, page 36:
"The most recent evidence comes from autopsies of 44 prisoners who have died in Iraq and Afghanistan in U.S. custody. Most died under circumstances that suggest torture. The reports use words like 'strangulation,' 'asphyxiation' and 'blunt force injuries.' ... A few months before the [Abu Ghraib] scandal broke [spring 2004], Coalition Provisional Authority polls showed Iraqi support at 63 percent. A month after Abu Ghraib, the number was 9 percent. Polls showed that 71 percent of Iraqis were surprised by the revelations."
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