Howdy,

Please, come see if this new site might be of interest to you.

If you want in on the ground floor of one of many new efforts to wake the 
sleeping citizens, take a look.

Be there from the beginning. Bring your friends and send your "prospects" to 
uspatriotsinc.com.

http://www.uspatriotsinc.com/portal/index.php

Patriotism is in and tyranny is on the run.

Also, if ONE picture will educate you about illegal immigration, this is it.

http://michellemalkin.com/archives/004869.htm

Ron Neil

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



    The Tripwire
    by D. van Oort & J.F.A. Davidson
    From The Resister

    "How we burned in the prison camps later thinking: What would things have 
been like if every security operative, when he went out at night to make an 
arrest, had been uncertain whether he would return alive?"
    -- Alexander Solzhenitzyn, Gulag Archipelago

What would be the tripwire resulting in open rebellion? Examining the Bill of 
Rights, and considering EXISTING laws only, and not failed attempts, you will 
find that every clause has been violated to one degree or another.

Documenting those violations would fill volumes, and it is important to 
remember that only government can violate the exercise of unalienable 
individual rights and claim immunity from retribution. We omit martial law or 
public suspension of the Constitution as a tripwire. The overnight installation 
of dictatorship obviously would qualify as "the tripwire," but is not likely to 
occur. What has occurred, what is occurring, is the implementation of every 
aspect of such dictatorship without an overt declaration. The Constitution is 
being killed by attrition. The Communist Manifesto is being installed by 
accretion. Any suggestion that martial law is the tripwire leads us to the 
question: what aspect of martial law justifies the first shot?

For much the same reason, we will leave out mass executions of the Waco 
variety. For one thing, they are composite abuses of numerous individual 
rights. Yet, among those abuses, the real tripwire may exist. For another, 
those events are shrouded in a fog of obfuscation and outright lies. Any 
rebellion must be based on extremely hard and known facts. Similarly, no 
rebellion will succeed if its fundamental reasons for occurring are not 
explicitly identified. Those reasons cannot be explicitly identified if, in 
place of their identification, we simply point to a composite such as Waco and 
say, "See, that's why; figure it out." Any suggestion that more Wacos, in and 
of themselves, would be the tripwire, simply leads us back again to the 
question: what aspect of them justifies rebellion?

For the same reasons, we leave out a detailed account of Ayn Rand's 
identification of the four essential characteristics of tyranny. She identified 
them quite correctly, but together they are just another composite from which 
we must choose precipitating causes. These characteristics are: one-party rule, 
executions without trial for political offenses, expropriation or 
nationalization of private property, and "above all," censorship.

With regard to the first characteristic of tyranny, what is the real difference 
between the Fabian socialist Republican Party and the overtly [Bolshevik] 
socialist Democratic Party? Nothing but time. Regarding the second we have the 
FBI's Hostage Rescue Team and the ATF's enforcement branch. In action they 
simply avoid the embarrassment of a trial. Regarding the third, we have asset 
forfeiture "laws," the IRS, the EPA, the FCC, the FDA, the Federal Reserve, the 
Justice Department's Antitrust Division, and a myriad of other executive branch 
agencies, departments, and commissions whose sole function is to regulate 
business and the economy. Regulating business for the common good (fascism) is 
no different in principle than outright nationalization (communism).

However, the fourth characteristic of tyranny, censorship, is the obvious 
primary tripwire. When ideology and the reporting of facts and how-to 
instructions are forbidden, there is nothing remaining but to fight. Freedom of 
speech and persuasion -- the freedom to attempt to rationally convince willing 
listeners -- is so fundamental an individual right that without it no other 
rights, not even the existence of rights, can be enforced, claimed, debated, or 
even queried.

Does this censorship include the regulation of the "public" airwaves by the 
FCC, as in the censorship which prohibits tobacco companies from advertising -- 
in their own defense -- on the same medium which is commanded by government 
decree to carry "public service" propaganda against them? Does it include 
federal compulsion of broadcasters to air politically-correct twaddle for "The 
Children"? Does it include the Orwellian "Communications Decency Act"? Does it 
include any irrationalism "sexual harassment" or tribalist "hate speech" laws 
which prohibit certain spoken words among co-workers? The answer: unequivocally 
yes.

Although the above do not pertain to ideological or political speech, yet they 
are censorship and are designed to intimidate people into the acceptance of de 
facto censorship. We say that any abrogation of free speech, and any form of 
censorship, which cannot be rectified by the soap box, the ballot box, or the 
jury box, must be rectified by the cartridge box -- or lost forever.

Americans have been stumbling over tripwires justifying overt resistance for 
well over 130 years. On one hand, we submit that gun confiscation is a 
secondary tripwire only. It is second to censorship because if speech is 
illegal we cannot even discuss the repeal of gun control, or any other 
population controls. If only guns are illegal, we may still convince people to 
repeal those laws. On the other hand, gun confiscation may be a sufficient 
tripwire because the primary one, censorship, can be fully implemented only 
after the citizenry has been disarmed.

Resistance, in the context of this article, means those legitimate acts by 
individuals which compel government to restrict its activities and authority to 
those powers delegated to the Congress by the people in the Constitution.

The distinction to be drawn here is that the objective of patriotic resistance 
is to restore original Constitutional government, not change the form of 
government. To this end we believe:

The enforcement of any laws -- local, state, or federal -- that through the 
action or inaction of the courts makes nugatory the individual means of 
resisting tyranny, justifies resistance.

The operative terms of the above statement are the parameters that must be 
defined and understood if resistance to tyranny and despotism is to be 
honorable, and for the cause of individual liberty, rather than anarchy 
resulting from a new gang of tyrants. Rebellion can never be justified so long 
as objective means of redress are available, which are themselves not subverted 
or rendered impotent by further or parallel subjective legislation.

The goal of patriots throughout the country must be the restoration of 
objective constitutional law and order. The failure to enforce a subjective law 
(i.e. the Communications Decency Act) does not justify that law existing, but 
it also does not justify resistance. This is because non-enforcement leaves 
avenues of redress, including the forbidden activity itself, still available. 
Should a lower court uphold or ignore a case that challenges subjective law, 
peaceable means of redress are still open by higher or lateral courts in 
another jurisdiction.

However, should the U.S. Supreme Court uphold subjective laws, or refuse to 
hear the cases challenging them, then the legislative, executive, and judicial 
branches have all failed to guarantee individual liberty, from the widest 
principles to the smallest details. A single refusal by the highest court in 
the land to overturn a whim-based subjective law, or to refuse to hear the 
case, is sufficient to justify resistance to that law because there is simply 
nowhere left to turn for further attempts at redress. At such time nobody is 
morally bound by that law. Tyranny gets one chance per branch.

America is either a constitutional republic or it is not. If we can restore our 
republic it will ultimately occur through reason, and reason will then lead our 
representatives to make unconstitutional those laws which, by any objective 
standard of justice, should have never been considered in the first place. 
However, we cannot assert our claim to restore our liberty if we but accede to 
a single socialist construct. Freedom and serfdom cannot coexist. We cannot 
have it both ways.

Life, and the means to preserve it, cannot coexist with disarmament. Liberty, 
and its rational exercise, cannot coexist with subjective constraints. 
Property, and its acquisition, use, and disposal cannot coexist with 
expropriation. The federal government's first task is to obey the Constitution. 
It has refused. Our first task as free men is to force the government to obey 
it again. The Constitution of the United States of America is a constraint on 
the federal government, not on the individual.

Likewise, the constitutions of the various states are constraints on the state 
governments, not on the individual. The Constitution contains many provisions 
allowing the violation of our natural rights as free men by immoral and 
unethical men in government. The true heroes of the ratification debates were 
the Antifederalists, who secured Federalist guarantees that the Bill of Rights 
would amend the Constitution.

To their undying credit, the Federalists lived up to their promise. 
Nevertheless, only after constitutional limitations on government have been 
restored in their original form can we consider amending the Constitution to 
redress its very few remaining defects (for example, the absence of a 
separation of state and the economy clause).

Laws that make nugatory the means of resisting tyranny and despotism determine 
the tripwire. The creeping legislative erosion of the 2nd Amendment is not the 
only tripwire that justifies resistance. We submit that any gun control is a 
secondary tripwire. Not only because it can be effortlessly evaded, but also 
because it strengthens our cause. It is second only to censorship. If speech is 
illegal we can discuss neither repeal of gun control, or the repeal of any 
other unconstitutional "law." Censorship is not a tripwire, it is THE tripwire. 
Thus, by default, censorship morally justifies rebellion.

Under censorship, no other rights, including the right to be free from 
censorship, can be advocated, discussed, or queried. It is incorrect to say 
that after censorship comes utter subjugation. Censorship is utter subjugation. 
There is no greater usurpation of liberty while remaining alive. After 
censorship come the death camps, and they are not a prerequisite of censorship, 
they are merely a symptom of it. Censorship qua censorship is sufficient in 
itself to justify open rebellion against any government that legislates, 
enforces, or upholds it.

However, that is not the half of it. Censorship is alone in being the only 
violation of individual rights that does not require actual enforcement or 
challenges in court, before rebellion is justified. When the government forbids 
you to speak or write, or use your own or a supporter's property to address 
willing listeners or readers, that government has openly and forcibly declared 
that the art of peaceful persuasion is dead and will not be tolerated. Upon 
that very instant, all peaceful avenues of redress have been closed and the 
only possible method of regaining that liberty is force. Whenever we give up 
that force, we are not only ruined, we deserve to be ruined.

Censorship is already being "legally" imposed through accretion by 
compromisers, appeasers, and pragmatists within government at all levels. Note 
the demands by "progressive" organizations and self-appointed "civil rights" 
groups to ban so-called "hate" speech (they mean thought and debate), or 
"extreme" language (they mean principled dissent), or "paramilitary" books 
(they mean the knowledge of how to resist). When our government imposes 
censorship, it will be because our ability to use force to resist censorship no 
longer exists. Buying copies of The Resister is not yet prohibited; buying 
machine guns already is. Unwarranted search for unlicensed books has not yet 
occurred; unwarranted search for unlicensed weapons has already begun. As your 
unalienable right of peaceable discussion and dissent is being daily abridged, 
your right to peaceably assemble and associate in advocacy of your own 
self-defense, according to your own free will, has already been outlawed 
(courtesy of ADL's "model" anti-militia legislation).

Unconstitutional federal agencies now arm themselves with weapons that you may 
not own, and train in tactics that you are prohibited from mastering. Before a 
government is sure you won't resist, it will make sure you can't resist.

The most irrational, contradictory, short-range, whimsical notion possible to 
men who claim the unalienable right to resist tyrannical government is the 
notion that they must first let their ability to resist be stripped from them 
before they have the right to use it. This is the argument of so-called 
conservatives who pish-tosh the notion of legislative "slippery-slopes," and 
sycophantic adherents of a supreme Court that has no constitutionally delegated 
authority to interpret the Constitution in the first place. We reject the 
notion of mindless compliance with subjective "laws." Subjective laws must be 
resisted on metaphysical and epistemological principles, moral and ethical 
grounds, and on constitutional and historical precedence.

No rational man desires ends without means. No rational man can be faced with 
his own imminent subjugation and truly believe that, once things are as bad as 
they can get, "sometime" "someone" will do "something" "somehow" to counteract 
that trend. Any man who counsels another to appeal to those mystical 
equivalents of "divine intervention" for "deliverance" from tyranny is our 
enemy by all principles conceivable within the scope of rational human 
intelligence.

The time to organize resistance is not after censorship, but before it. The 
time to prepare resistance is when our ability to resist is being threatened. 
The time to begin resistance is when that threat has been upheld or ignored by 
the courts. The unalienable rights that safeguard our ability to resist are 
limited to those which, if not violated, allow us to plan and use all materials 
necessary for resistance. We submit that only the following meet that criteria:

* freedom of speech and of the press, and the right to peaceably assemble--so 
that we may advocate ideas, report and discuss news, and instruct others how to 
carry out resistance activities (1st Amendment);

* the right to keep and bear arms -- so that we may have appropriate force in 
our hands should we need it, and be trained to use such force as necessary (2nd 
Amendment);

* the right to be let alone -- so that we may be free of government intrusion 
in our lives, liberty, and property (3rd Amendment);

* the right to be secure in our persons, dwellings, papers, and property from 
unwarranted, unaffirmed searches and seizures -- so that our records, 
ideological materials, and weapons will remain in our hands (4th Amendment).

For the purpose of this discussion, we believe that no other rights are 
relevant because if every individual right other than those four were violated 
-- although it would be an unspeakably evil act on the part of the government, 
justifying immediate and unforgiving resistance -- their abridgement would not 
effect our ability to resist. If any of the first four amendments are infringed 
by legislation, enforced by executive power, and their abrogation is upheld or 
ignored by the courts, unremitting, forcible resistance, and aid and comfort to 
its citizen-soldiers, is a moral imperative for every single person who 
believes that life, liberty, and property are unalienable and self-existing, 
and not grants of government privilege.





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