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Menem invites US to "dollarize" Argentina

By Bill Vann
10 February 1999

The proposal by the government of Prime Minister Carlos Menem for the
dollarization of the Argentine economy is an indication of the profound
crisis gripping not only Latin America, but world economic relations as a
whole. It is also a telling demonstration of the terminal crisis of
bourgeois nationalism.

Menem expressed his unreserved enthusiasm for the plan on January 26,
barely one week after the idea was first publicly floated by Pedro Pau, the
president of the Argentine Central Bank, to adopt the dollar as the sole
legal currency for Argentina through a "bilateral monetary association
treaty."

Pau said that conversion to the dollar and the phasing out of the peso
would "eliminate any risk of devaluation in Argentina and decrease interest
rates" on the country's debts. This proposal would in reality turn
Argentina into an economic semi-colony of the US. Monetary policy would be
determined not in Buenos Aires, but by the Federal Reserve Board in
Washington.

In the interest of guaranteeing stable conditions to foreign capitalist
investors, the Argentine government is proposing to cede its ability to
offer any protection to national industry. If Washington set interest rates
too high for Argentine steelmakers or other industries to borrow money,
they would simply be forced to the wall.

The proposal comes nearly eight years after Argentina pegged the peso to
the dollar under the Convertibility Law of 1991. Then-Finance Minister
Domingo Cavallo crafted the plan which established a fixed parity between
the peso and the dollar. Under the so-called currency board, the dollar
became legal tender in Argentina, while the government agreed to issue no
new pesos unless the money was backed 100 percent by dollar reserves in the
central bank.

This tight money policy in turn became the spur for the free market
liberalization program introduced by Menem that has seen the privatization
of the railroads, telecommunications and other key sectors of the economy,
together with the scrapping of subsidies and social services.

That Menem, the head of the Justicialista Party founded by Juan Peron,
should now embrace a proposal to do away with the national currency
altogether is a development of no small historical significance, or irony.
In the 1940s, Peron emerged as the foremost exponent of Latin American
nationalism, challenging Argentines to choose between him and the "Yankee"
ambassador Braden and promising a program of economic independence,
political sovereignty and social justice.

A half a century later, his political heir advocates placing the Argentine
economy under the tutelage of US Federal Reserve Board Chairman Alan
Greenspan.

In a press conference held at the governor's palace in the province of
Rioja, Menem claimed that the plan would have no adverse effect on
Argentine sovereignty and would be part of a regionwide monetary union. He
compared the proposal to the recent introduction of the euro by the member
states of the European Union.

The proposal got a response last week from Nicolás Eyzaguirre, the
executive director of the International Monetary Fund, who declared, "In
Argentina, dollarization is feasible; and I would even say appropriate."
Menem responded to the IMF's encouragement by reiterating that
dollarization constitutes a "strategic priority" for his government, which
is drawing up a formal proposal to present to Washington.

While some regional officials indicated support for the idea and business
groups as far away as Mexico expressed interest, the plan has by no means
met with universal approval. Political opponents of Menem in Argentina
charged that the proposal would turn the country into another Puerto Rico.
Many pointed out that there is a fundamental difference between the dollar
and the euro. While the latter is a mutually agreed upon creation of a
group of countries, the dollar is the existing currency of the United
State, which has historically exploited the nations of Latin America as an
imperialist power.

Given the vast economic and social disparities between North America and
Latin America, no one is under any illusion that Washington would be
willing to cede control of its monetary policy to some supranational body
run jointly with the governments of Latin America. Nor is it conceivable
that the US government would allow the kind of semi-open borders that are
being established between the countries of the European Union.

Meeting with Argentine officials in Brasilia, Brazil's Minister of
Development Industry and Trade Celso Lafer made it clear that his
government does not believe the plan will further capitalist interests in
that country and that Brazil does not want to be irrevocably tied to an
American economic sphere of influence.

"Our first evaluation is that dollarization would not contribute to a
constructive way forward over the long term for the Mercosur [the free
trade agreement between Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay]." He continued by
explaining that "Brazil and the Mercosur have trade flows that are directed
not solely to America, but also to Asia and Europe and therefore the
dollarization theme worries us from the point of view of the diversity of
our markets."

Francisco Chico Lopes, the president of Brazil's central bank, was even
more categorical, describing the dollarization proposal as "a disastrous
option" that would turn Argentina into "some sort of Panama." Lopes's
comments provoked a sharp retort from Menem, who declared, "I would like to
see the Brazilians solve their own internal problems, which are very grave,
before launching a criticism of a project of this government that is aimed
at giving us protection from the crisis."

The immediate context of the proposal is the dramatic crisis in Brazil and
the threat that the plunge in the value of the Brazilian real will have a
devastating impact on Argentine industry and trade. Argentine business
interests fear an avalanche of cheap imports from their giant neighbor to
the north, together with the drying up with their own exports to Brazil,
their principal market. Economists are already predicting a wave of
layoffs. Siderca, one of the country's major steelmakers, has already
announced plans to lay off nearly half of its work force.

The dollarization of just the Argentine economy would offer no protection
from the impact of a Brazilian devaluation. The devalued real would have
the same relation to an Argentine-based dollar as it does to the peso,
which is already pegged to dollar convertibility. Thus, the plan would make
sense only to the extent that the dollar was made the coin of the realm in
every major Latin American economy, creating a unified monetary and trade
block.

Lawrence Summers, US Undersecretary of the Treasury, made this same point
in a none too diplomatic rebuff to Menem's proposal. "Anyone who thinks of
this as a quick solution [to the Brazilian crisis] is not reasoning
correctly," he said, after testifying before a Senate committee. He added
that Argentina's adopting the dollar as its currency would mean having to
"accept that its economic policy would be governed by the monetary policy
of the United States." Nonetheless, he said, the US government is prepared
to offer its advice if the Argentines wish to study the idea of scrapping
the peso in favor of the dollar.

Jochen Metzger, a representative of the German Bundesbank visiting Buenos
Aires, made similar points. Menem's proposal, he said, could only be viewed
as a long-term option and "it could not be a solution for the current
crisis of Brazil." He also reminded his Argentine hosts that Europe went
through seven years of negotiation before reaching agreement on a common
currency.

While Menem's dollarization plan faces stiff opposition both internally and
regionally, it is nonetheless driven by profound economic forces and has
far-reaching implications. In the immediate situation, the crisis in Brazil
threatens to break up the limited structures created for the economic
integration of South America's southern cone under Mercosur. Few economists
believe that any meaningful free trade agreement can thrive so long as
Argentina's currency remains in fixed convertibility to the dollar, while
the Brazilian real floats freely.

Despite the lack of public enthusiasm for the Argentine proposal on the
part of the US Treasury official, the Financial Times of London reported in
its January 22 issue that an even "more radical alternative" is currently
under discussion by Washington: "to do away with many currencies
altogether, thereby removing the targets for speculative attack."

The objective motivation for such a proposal is clear. As the ongoing
crisis in Brazil--preceded by similar crises in East Asia, Russia, Mexico
and elsewhere--is demonstrating, no government in the world is capable of
defending its currency against the massive flows of speculative capital
that scour the globe for profit. As the Financial Times goes on to make
clear, however, the US proposal carries with it a grave danger: the
ever-sharper polarization of the world economy.

"This suggests a world in which two or perhaps three currency zones begin
to appear. In Latin America, the obvious candidate as a currency would be
the dollar. Perhaps in Europe, the euro could be extended to its eastern
flank. And as Japanese officials have suggested, the yen could dominate
Asia."

Such a redivision of the world into hostile monetary/trading blocks would
set the stage for a new period of imperialist wars and revolutionary
upheavals.

The Menem dollarization plan is the clearest proof of the complete
subordination of the national bourgeoisie of Latin America to US
imperialism. Not only does the abandonment of a national currency--as the
statement of Summers makes clear--mean an effective loss of control over
economic policy. It would also pave the way for a more direct involvement
of the United States in policing Latin America and suppressing struggles of
the working masses of the continent, in the interest of maintaining a
strong dollar.

See Also:
Chain reaction crisis feared in Latin America
Financial markets plunge as Brazil devalues currency
[14 January 1999]



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