In a message dated 00-07-04 00:17:09 EDT, you write:

<<
 TITLE:

 What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?

 AUTHOR:

 Frederick Douglass

 DATE:

 July 5th, 1852

 WHERE:

 Meeting sponsored by the Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery
 Society, Rochester Hall, Rochester, N.Y.

 SUMMARY:

 To illustrate the full shame of slavery, Douglass delivered
 a speech that took aim at the pieties of the nation -- the
 cherished memories of its revolution, its principles of
 liberty, and its moral and religious foundation. The Fourth
 of July, a day celebrating freedom, was used by Douglass to
 remind his audience of liberty's unfinished business.

 LOCATION:

 Web: http://douglass.speech.nwu.edu/doug_a10.htm

 Print: The speech was originally published as a pamphlet. It
 can be located in James M. Gregory's, "Frederick Douglass,
 the Orator" (New York, 1893), 103-06.

 EXCERPT:

 Fellow-citizens; above your national, tumultous joy, I
 hear the mournful wail of millions! whose chains, heavy and
 grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable
 by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I
 do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow
 this day, "may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my
 tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!" To forget them, to
 pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the
 popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and
 shocking, and would make me a reproach before God
 and the world. My subject, then fellow-citizens, is
 AMERICAN SLAVERY. I shall see, this day, and its popular
 characteristics, from the slave's point of view. Standing,
 there, identified with the American bondman, making his
 wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul,
 that the character and conduct of this nation never looked
 blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to
 the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the
 present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous
 and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the
 present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the
 future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave
 on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which
 is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered,
 in the name of the constitution and the Bible, which are
 disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and
 to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything
 that serves to perpetuate slavery-the great sin and shame of
 America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;" I will
 use the severest language I can command; and yet not one
 word shall escape me that any man, whose judgement is not
 blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder,
 shall not confess to be fight and just.

 But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, it is just
 in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists
 fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind.
 Would you argue more, and denounce less, would you persuade
 more, and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely
 to succeed. But, I submit, where all is plain there is
 nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed
 would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do
 the people of this country need light? Must I undertake
 to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded
 already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves
 acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their
 government. They acknowledge it when they punish
 disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two
 crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a
 black man, (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to
 the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes
 will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is
 this but the acknowledgement that the slave is a moral,
 intellectual and responsible being? The manhood of the
 slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern
 statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under
 severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to
 read or to write. When you can point to any such laws, in
 reference to the beasts of the field, then I may consent
 to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your
 streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your
 hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that
 crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a
 brute, their will I argue with you that the slave is a man!

 For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood
 of the negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we
 are ploughing, planting and reaping, using all kinds of
 mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges,
 building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper,
 silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and
 cyphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries,
 having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors,
 editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in
 all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold
 in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding
 sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting,
 thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives
 and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping
 the Christian's God, and looking hopefully for life and
 immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove
 that we are men!

 Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty?
 that he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have
 already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of
 slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to
 be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a
 matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful
 application of the principle of justice, hard to be
 understood? How should I look to-day, in the presence of
 Americans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show
 that men have a natural right to freedom? speaking of it
 relatively, and positively, negatively, and affirmatively.
 To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and lo offer
 an insult to your understanding. There is not a man beneath
 the canopy of heaven, that does not know that slavery is
 wrong for him.

 What, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to
 rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to
 keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men,
 to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash,
 to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to
 sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock
 out their teeth, to bum their flesh, to starve them into
 obedience and submission to their masters? Must I argue that
 a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution,
 is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employments for my
 time and strength, than such arguments would imply.

 What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not
 divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of
 divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought.
 That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who can reason on
 such a proposition? They that can, may; I cannot. The time
 for such argument is past.

 At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing
 argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could I reach
 the nation's ear, I would, to-day, pour out a fiery stream
 of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm,
 and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but
 fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the
 storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the
 nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must
 be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the
 hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes
 against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

 What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer:
 a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the
 year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the
 constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your
 boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness,
 swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and
 heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted
 impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow
 mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and
 thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and
 solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception,
 impiety, and hypocrisy - a thin veil to cover up crimes
 which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a
 nation on the earth guilty of practices, more shocking and
 bloody, than are the people of these United States, at this
 very hour.

 Go where you may, search where you will, roam through
 all the monarchies and despotisms of the old world, travel
 through South America, search out every abuse, and when
 you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the
 everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with
 me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy,
 America reigns without a rival.

 Copyright (c) 1997-2000 Douglass Project.


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