-Caveat Lector-

-------- Original Message --------
Subject: Genuflecting at the altar of the free market
Date: Wed, 31 Jan 2001 21:52:11 -0600 (CST)
From: Michael Eisenscher <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
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To: undisclosed-recipients:;

Genuflecting at the altar of the free market

by Molly Ivins

AUSTIN -- Haven't had so much fun reading a book since I
was 12 and found `The Three Musketeers.'

Thomas Frank's `One Market, Under God' is a populist
romp over the most delicious idiocies of the past
decade.  The obligatory subtitle is `Extreme Capitalism,
Market Populism and the End of Economic Democracy,'
which doesn't sound promising, but this is a ring-tailed
tooter.

The book is a delicious chronicle of the hubris of
capitalism in our time, and it contains some of the most
savagely funny cultural criticism I have ever come
across.

Of course, it's really not fair -- all Frank has to do
is quote them: business as God, technology as divinity,
the New Economy as the end of history. We live in a
culture that produces books like `God Wants You to Be
Rich' and `Jesus, CEO.'

What's startling about this book is the extent to which
we're so surrounded by this nincompoopery but don't even
notice it.  How many TV ads for stock brokerages do you
suppose you've seen in the past 10 years?  Anything
about them strike you as funny?

It should have.  The specific subtext of the IBM-is-God
ad is so outrageous that it could gag a maggot.  But I,
for one, never even thought about it until I read
Frank's dissection of it.

Much of this book has the charm of the child who pointed
out that the emperor was wearing no clothes. It's been a
long time since anyone commented on the obvious with
such gleeful disrespect:

"Very little of the `New Economy' is new. What the term
describes is not some novel state of human affairs but
the final accomplishment of the long-standing agenda of
the nation's richest class. . . . Once Americans
imagined that economic democracy meant a reasonable
standard of living for all -- that freedom was only
meaningful once poverty and powerlessness had been
overcome. "Today, American opinion leaders seem
generally convinced that democracy and the free market
are simply identical. . . . What's `new' is this idea's
triumph over all its rivals: the determination of
American leaders to extend it to all the world; the
general belief among opinion-makers that there is
something natural, something divine, something
inherently democratic about markets."

One of his most useful observations concerns why
politics in the '90s was so often surreal -- populism
got stood on its head.  Anyone who questioned the Great
God Market was held to be an "elitist."  Pointing out
that the majority of American workers either lost ground
or barely kept up with inflation during the '90s was
considered bad form, like belching in church.

While the likes of Rush Limbaugh and George Gilder raged
against "elitists," CEO compensation during the decade
went from 85 times more than what average blue-collar
employees received in 1990 to 475 times what blue-collar
workers received in 1999.

Any old populist can rage against the gross
maldistribution of wealth; Frank's special contribution
is his mordant examination of the cultural snow job that
accompanied the redistribution of wealth to the rich.

Just one symptom of how deeply this nonstop propaganda
has affected us lies in the fact that the new president
and Congress are on the verge of repealing the estate
tax. Gee, taxing estates -- what an un-'90s notion. The
tax affects the 1.5 percent of Americans with estates of
more than $2 million; they can pass along the first $2
million tax-free but have to pay now-lowered taxes on
the rest. The people who brought us welfare reform on
the grounds that getting $8,000 a year to raise three
kids is very bad for a mother's moral fiber now tell us
that Junior, who never worked a day in his life, needs
to inherit $200 million tax-free. And anyone who thinks
otherwise is an elitist.

The redistribution of wealth upward keeps getting worse.
Under President Bush's tax proposal, the richest 10
percent of Americans will get 60 percent of the benefits
of the tax cut. And this is at the end of a decade in
which the rich have made out like bandits while everyone
else stalled.

We all know why such decisions are made: The political
process no longer represents the people -- it represents
money. It's been bought. While we were being sold a bill
of goods about how the market "empowers" us because we
get to choose between the mint-flavored and the
cinnamon-flavored toothpaste, thus expressing our
individuality, we lost something important in our vision
of a just society.

Frank, being a good populist, is also an optimist. He
doesn't think we've really lost the vision of economic
democracy -- it just sort of got buried beneath the
bull.

Molly Ivins is a columnist for the `Star-Telegram.' You
can reach her at 1005 Congress Ave., Suite 920, Austin,
TX 78701; (512) 476-8908; or [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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